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anooveh-hahvard   theolooical   libhaii' 

CAMSniDQE.    MABSACHuaETTS 


ORIGINAL  NARRATIVES 
OF  EARLY  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

REPRODUCED  UNDER  THE  AUSPICES  OF  THE 
AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION 

General  Editor,  J.  FRANKLIN  JAMESON,  Ph.D.,  LL.D.,  Litt.D. 

DIRSCTOK  OP  TMB  DBPARTMBNT  OP  MISTOKICAL  KBSBARCH  IN  THB 
CARNBCIB  INSTITUTION  OP  WASHINGTON 


SPANISH  EXPLORATION  IN  THE  SOUTHWEST 

1542 — 1706 


NEW  SPAI 


ORIGINAL  NARRATIVES 
OF  EARLY  AMERICAN  HISTORY 


SPANISH  EXPLORATION 
IN  THE  SOUTHWEST 

1542—1706 


IDITED  BY 

HERBERT  EUGENE  BOLTON,   Ph.D. 

PROFESSOR  07  AMERICAN  HISTORY,  UNIYERSITT  07  CAUFOKNIA 


fVITIf  THREE  MAPS 


CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS 
NEW    YORK 1916 


•v/ 


ANDOVER-UAByARI)      ' 
I^EUIDGICAL  lifiBAXr 

MAR  1  3  1916 

ANDOVER 
THEOLOGICAL  SEinNARr 


OlV»\o,Ud 


E  S4    C  \-^^\^    i<\ 


\i^\±i:  1 


) 


COPYRIGHT,   1916,  BY 
CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS 


Published  February,  1916 


PREFACE 

This  volume  is  logicaUy  the  successor  in  the  series  of  Original 
Narratives  to  the  one  edited  by  Hodge  and  Lewis  under  the  title 
of  Spanish  Explorers  in  the  Southern  United'  States,  1528-1543.  In 
one  important  respect  the  present  volume  di£Pers  from  the  series  in 
general.  The  other  volumes  consist  mainly  of  reproductions  of 
documents  which  have  hitherto  appeared  in  English;  but  of  this 
volume  approximately  only  one-third  of  the  documents  have  hitherto 
been  published  in  English;  about  one-third  have  been  published  in 
Spanish  only;  while  nearly  one-third  have  never  been  published 
hitherto  in  any  language.  Of  the  five  documents  in  the  collection 
which  formerly  have  been  published  in  English,  three  have  been 
retranslated  for  this  work. 

In  the  selection  of  the  documents  it  was  decided  to  illustrate 
with  some  fullness  the  cardinal  episodes  in  the  history  of  the  region 
and  period  covered,  rather  than  to  treat  more  lightly  a  larger  num- 
ber of  topics.  This  procedure  has  left  the  history  of  seventeenth- 
century  New  Mexico  almost  a  blank  after  its  founding  by  Onate. 
The  brief  historical  introductions  are  designed  to  increase  the  in- 
terest and  intelligibility  of  the  documents  by  giving  a  connected 
view  of  the  development  of  the  whole  northern  frontier  of  New  Spain 
during  the  period  covered,  as  well  as  to  furnish  the  necessary  bio- 
graphical and  bibliographical  data. 

Of  the  translations  here  reprinted,  that  of  Massanet's  Carta  is 
by  Professor  Lilia  M.  Casfs,  of  the  University  of  Texas;  and  that 
of  De  Le6n's  Itinerary  of  1689  is  by  Miss  Elizabeth  Howard  West, 
formerly  state  archivist  of  Texas.  The  remaining  documents  were 
translated  for  this  work  by  the  editor,  assisted  by  Mrs.  Beatrice 
Quijada  Cornish,  Mrs.  Edith  C.  Galbraith,  Mrs.  Anne  Hughes  Kean, 
and  Miss  Elizabeth  Howard  West.  For  the  final  form  of  the  trans- 
lations the  editor  is  in  each  case  responsible.  Thanks  are  due  to 
Reverend  Father  Thomas  Lantry  O'Neill,  C.  S.  P.,  of  Newman  Hall, 
Berkeley,  California,  and  to  Reverend  Father  Zephyrin  Engelhardt, 


vi  PBEFACE 

O.  F.  M.,  of  Santa  Barbara,  Califomia,  for  assistance  in  the  render- 
ing of  expressions  relating  to  matters  of  Catholic  doctrine  and  Church 
practices. 

Of  the  maps,  that  which  serves  as  the  frontispiece  to  the  volume, 
a  map  of  explorations  on  the  northern  frontier  of  New  Spain  during 
the  whole  period  from  1535  to  1706,  has  been  compiled  by  me  for 
the  present  work  largely  from  original  data.  The  second  is  a  repro- 
duction of  the  official  map  of  Qnate's  route  to  New  Mexico  in  1598 
and  of  his  journey  to  the  Arkansas  River  in  1601,  taken  from  the 
original  in  the  Archives  of  the  Indies  (Archivo  General  de  Indias) 
at  Seville.  This  original,  never  before  published,  was  made  by  the 
royal  cosmographer  (in  Mexico),  Enrico  Martinez.  It  measiu-es  30 
centimetres  by  42.  The  third  map  is  a  reproduction  of  the  official 
map  of  De  Le6n's  route  in  1690  from  Mondova  to  the  Neches  River. 
The  original,  evidently  made  by  Siguenza,  is  in  the  Archives  of  the 
Indies  and  has  never  before  been  published.  It  measures  58  centi- 
metres by  58. 

H.  E.  Bolton. 


CONTENTS 

SPANISH  EXPLORATION  IN  THE  SOUTHWEST 
Edited  bt  Hebbebt  Eugene  Bolton 

PAOB 

I.    ExFLOBATioN  AND  Planb  FOB  THE  Settlement  OF  Cauvobnia  •  1 

1.  The  Cabbillo-Febbelo  ExPEDmoN 1 

Intboduction 3 

Relation  of  the  Voyage  of  Juan  RoDBfouEZ  Cabbillo    .       .  13 

Cabrillo  sets  Sa3;  reaches  Lower  California 13 

Sails  northward  along  the  Coast 14 

At  Cedros  and  San  Est^van  Islands 16 

Takes  Possession;  Puerto  de  la  Posesi6n 18 

Saik  northward;  SanAgustin       .        .        .        .  .        .20 

San  Martin;  Cabo  de  Cruz 21 

San  Miguel  (San  Diego)  Bay 23 

San  Salvador;  La  Vitoria;  Los  Fumos 24 

Indians  and  their  Pueblos 28 

Cape  Galera  and  Shelter  near  it 27 

From  Cape  Galera  to  Northwest  Cape;  Storms    ....  30 

Bay  of  Los  Pinos;  Drake's  Bay 32 

Winter  at  Isla  de  la  Posesidn;    Death  of  Cabrillo        ...  33 

Further  Storms;  Beating  among  the  Islands        ....  34 

Ferrelo  sails  north  to  44"" 36 

Hb  Vessds  separate  on  the  Return 38 

Reunite  at  Isla  de  Cedros;  return  to  New  Spain  ....  39 

2.  The  Vizcaino  ExPEDmoN 41 

Intboduction 43 

DiABT  OF  SebastlCn  Vizcaino 52 

Departure  of  Vizcaino  from  the  City  of  Mexico    ....  52 

Departure  from  Acapulco 53 

FromNavidad 54 

From  the  Islands  of  Mazatlan 55 

In  Magdalena  Bay 59 

In  San  Hip61ito  Bay 63 

In  Port  San  Bartolom6 64 

Admiral's  Ship  rejoins  Captain's  Ship 66 

£]qdoration  into  the  Interior 67 


viii  CONTENTS 

PAQC 

Cerros  Island;  Council  decides  to  proceed 68 

Heavy  Storms 70 

Island  of  San  Ger6nimo;  Port  San  Quentfn 72 

Port  San  Quentln  to  San  Diego  Bay;  Indians       .        .  .76 

Feast  of  San  Diego;  Council 80 

San  Diego  to  Santa  CataUna 82 

Northward  Voyaging;  Indians     « 84 

Through  the  Santa  B&rbara  Channel 87 

Discovery  of  the  Harbor  of  Monterey 90 

Council;  the  Admiral's  Ship  to  return 92 

Flagship  and  Frigate  sail  northward 94 

Cape  Mendocino  reached 95 

Return  Voyage;  Severe  Sufferings 97 

Arrival  at  Mazatlan 99 

At  Acapulco  and  at  Mexico 100 

Adventures  of  the  Frigate 101 

A  Brief  Report  of  the  Discovert  of  the  South  Sea  (Father 

A8Cen8i6n) 104 

Memorial  of  Francisco  de  Arellano 104 

Vizcaino's  Expedition 106 

Sails  from  Acapulco;  Headwinds 107 

The  Voyage  and  Attendant  Sufferings 108 

Geography  of  California 109 

Of  Lower  California Ill 

Its  Natural  Products 112 

Methods  for  developing  it .114 

Magdalena  Bay  and  its  Region 115 

San  Diego  Bay  and  its  Region 116 

Bay  of  Monterey;  Products  of  Country 119 

Arrival  at  Cape  Mendocino 120 

Return  Voyage 121 

Methods  for  Settling  of  California;  Soldiers          ....  122 

Clergy  and  their  Conduct 124 

Buildings  and  Trade 126 

Advice  as  to  Music  and  Education 128 

Various  Places  for  Settlement 129 

Advancement  of  the  Missionary  Cause 131 

ExhorUtion  to  the  IGng 133 

n.    Exploration  and  Settlement  in  New  Mexico  and  in  Adjacent 

Regions 135 

1.    The  RodrIquez  Expedition 135 

Introduction 137 

Declaration  of  Pedro  de  Bustamante 142 

License  from  the  Viceroy  Mendoza 142 

Bustamante  on  the  Purposes  and  Plans 143 


CONTENTS  IX 

PAQB 

The  March  into  New  Mexico 145 

The  Indians  and  their  Pueblos 146 

TheBuffalos 148 

The  Pueblo  of  Puaray;  the  Return 149 

Declabatton  of  Hebnando  Barrado 151 

Confirmation  of  the  Preceding  Narrative 151 

Murder  of  the  Missionaries 152 

Bbief  and  True  Account  of  the  Exploration  of  New  Mexico  .  154 

March  of  the  Nine  Companions  and  Three  Friars        .                .  154 

Buffalos 156 

Mines  and  Salines 157 

Report  of  the  Viceroy  to  the  Kd^g 158 

Summary  of  the  Expedition 158 

2.  The  Espejo  Expedition 161 

Introduction 163 

Account  of  the  Journey  to  the  Provinces  and  Settlebientb  of 

New  Mexico 168 

Organization  of  the  Expedition;  Father  Beltr6n   ....  160 

The  March  from  San  Bartolom6  down  the  Conchos              .        .  170 

TheJumanos 172 

The  March  up  the  Bio  Grande;  the  Indians         ....  175 

The  Ttguas;  the  Slaying  of  the  Friars 179 

The  March  to  the  Maguas 180 

To  the  Quires  and  Pumames 181 

To  the  Emexes  (Jemez)  and  Acoma 182 

To  the  Zuiiis  and  Moquis 184 

TheMarch  westward  to  "the  Mines 187 

Return  of  Father  Beltr&n 188 

Explorations  along  the  Rfo  Grande  and  Pecos      .       «        .        .  188 

D^cription  of  the  Region  traversed 190 

Letter  of  Espejo  to  the  Vicerot 193 

Letter  of  Espejo  to  the  Kisq 195 

3.  The  QS^ate  Expeditions  and  the  Founding  of  the  Province  of 

New  Mexico 197 

Introduction 199 

Letter  wrttten  by  Don  Juan  de  Ofi^ATE  from  New  Mexico      .  212 

March  from  Nombre  de  Dids  into  New  Mexico    ....  213 

Mutiny  and  Desertion 214 

The  Provinces  and  Peoples  of  New  Mexico 216 

Its  Advantages;  Mines,  Pearls,  Tribute,  Salines   ....  219 

Services;  Envoys;  Requests 221 

Account  of  the  Discovert  of  the  Buffalo        ....  223 

Eiq)edition  of  Vicente  de  Zaldfvar 223 

The  Buffalos;  the  Indian  Tents 226 


X  CONTENTS 

PAOS 

Construction  of  a  Corral 227 

Description  of  the  Buff  alo 228 

Attestations  of  Zaldivar  and  Others 231 

ACCOUMT  OF  THS  JOUBNEY  TO  THS  SaUNES,  THS  XuMANAS,  AND  THS 

Sea 233 

Various  Salines;  March  to  the  West 234 

Captains  Farf6n  and  Villagrd;  Moqui  Province    ....  236 

Discovery  of  Excellent  Mines;  Return 237 

Account  of  the  Discovert  of  the  Mines 239 

Certificate  of  Ofiate;  Captain  Farf6n 239 

TheJumanos 241 

Description  of  the  Mines 244 

Attestations  of  Quesada  and  Others 247 

The  Account  of  the  Expedition  of  O^^ate  towabo  the  East    .  250 

The  Indian  Joseph;  the  Expedition  Organized      ....  251 

The  Canadian  River;  the  Apaches 252 

TheBuffalos 254 

The  Eastward  March 256 

The  Fate  of  Humafia's  Party 259 

March  along  the  Arkansas  River 260 

Resdution  to  Return 262 

Treacherous  Attack  by  the  Indians 263 

Attestation  of  Ofiate,  the  Friars,  and  the  Soldiers                .        .  265 

JOUBNET  OF  Of^ATE  TO  CALIFORNIA  BT  LaND  (ZIbATE-SaLMEB6n)  .  268 

The  Province  of  Zufii;  Obola;  Hawikuh 268 

TheCrusados 270 

The  Amacavas;  the  Lake  of  Copalla 271 

The  Bahaoechas;  Gdd,  Coral,  Silver 273 

The  Ozaras;  Pearls 275 

The  Mouth  of  the  Colorado 277 

The  Return  Joum^ 278 

in.    Exploration  and  Settlement  in  Texas 281 

1.  The  Bosque-Larios  Expedition 281 

Introduction 283 

DiART  OF  Fernando  del  Bosque 291 

Sets  out  from  Guadalupe 291 

The  Rfo  Grande  del  Norte 296 

The  Buffalo;  Christian  Instruction  for  Indians     ....  298 

San  Pablo  Ermitafio;  the  Return 305 

Indians  desire  Instruction;  Possible  Settlements  ....  308 

2.  The  Mendoza-L6pez  Expedition  to  the  Jumanos  .       .  .311 

Introduction 313 

Itinerary  of  Juan  DobiInguez  de  Mendoza 320 

Departure  from  San  Lorenzo;  Personnel 320 


CONTENTS  xi 

PAOB 

Journeys  and  Stages 321 

The  Friars  Overtaken 325 

The  March  Northward  continued 326 

Journey  along  the  Salado  River 329 

War  against  the  Apaches  agreed  to 331 

Treachery  of  Juan  de  Sabeata;  the  Nueces  reached                     .  336 

The  Retreat 337 

The  Names  of  the  Indian  Nations 339 

Retreat  continued 340 

3.     The  De  Le6n-Mas8amet  Expeditionb 345 

Intboduction 347 

Letter  of  Fbat  Damian  Manzanet  to  Don  Carlob  de  Sio^enza  .  353 

De  Lean's  Eiq>editions  of  1686  and  1687 353 

Preliminary  Information 354 

Expedition  (^  1688 356 

E3q>edition  (^  1689 357 

Search  for  the  Frenchmen 358 

La  Salle's  Settlement  found 362 

Two  Frenchmen  found 363 

The  Return;  Fathers  Capistrano  and  Luzuriaga  ....  364 

Flans  for  Expedition  of  1690 367 

TheDeparture 368 

The  French  Fort  destroyed;  Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo      ...  369 

Martincho  and  the  S^^diers  from  Nueva  Vizcaya  ....  370 

The  Tejas  Indians 372 

The  Two  Frenchmen,  Meunier  and  Talon,  taken  ....  375 

The  Governor  and  ViUage  of  the  Tejas 376 

The  Mission  (A  San  Francisco  founded 380 

Friction  between  De  Le6n  and  Manzanet 382 

The  Expedition  returns,  leaving  the  Priests 384 

Reflections  and  Complaints 385 

Itineraet  of  the  De  Le6n  Expedition  of  1689  ....  388 

The  Departure  from  Coahuila 388 

Astronomical  Determinations;  Crossing  of  the  Nueces .                .  391 

Crossing  of  the  Guadalupe 394 

Letter  sent  to  the  Frenchmen 396 

Discovery  of  the  French  Fort 398 

Exploration  of  Espfritu  Santo  (Matagorda)  Bay  ....  399 

Of  the  San  Marcos  (Lavaca)  River 401 

The  Return;  Two  Frenchmen  found 402 

Itinerabt  of  the  De  Le6n  Expedition  of  1690  ....  405 

Departure  from  Mondova 405 

Crossing  of  the  Nueces  and  the  Sarco 407 

The  French  Fort  destroyed 409 

Capture  of  Pierre  Talon        .                412 

Of  Pierre  Meunier 413 


adi  CONTENTS 

PA  OS 

The  Goveraor  and  ViUage  of  the  Tejas 415 

Founding  of  San  Francisco  de  lo6  Tejas 416 

The  Return  March 418 

Finding  of  Robert  and  Madeleine  Talon 420 

Arrival  at  the  Rio  Grande 422 

IV.  Arizona:  the  Jesuits  in  PimebIa  Alta 425 

Introduction 427 

Report  and  Relation  of  the  New  Conversions  (Father  Kino)  433 

Dedication  to  PhiHp  V 433 

Motives  for  Writing 434 

Beginnings  in  California 437 

Missionary  Beginnings  in  Pimerfa 440 

Travels  and  Labors  of  Twenty-one  Years 443 

Assistance  and  Commendations  from  Other  Fathers     .        .        .  445 

Baptisms  and  Conversions 448 

Political  and  Commercial  Advantages  expected     .        .        .        .451 

Riches  of  these  Regions 457 

The  Natives  and  their  Exoellenoes 458 

Epilogue 462 

Letter  of  the  General  of  the  Jesuits 463 

Index 465 


MAPS 

Map  of  Explorations  on  the  Northebn  Frontier  of  New  Spain, 
1535-1706.  Compiled  for  the  present  work  by  Herbert  £.  Bolton, 
1915 FrorUispieee 

^  pAoa 

(Date's  Route  to  New  Mexico  in  1598  and  to  the  Arkansas 
River  in  1601.  From  the  original  manuscript  m^  in  the  Archives 
of  the  Indies,  Seville 212 

De  Leon's  Route  in  1690  from  Monclova  to  the  Neches  River. 
From  the  original  manuscript  map  in  the  Archives  of  the  Indies, 
Seville 370 


I.    EXPLORATION    AND    PLANS     FOR 
THE  SETTLEMENT  OF  CALIFORNIA 

1542-1620 

1.    THE  CABRILLO-FERRELO  EXPEDITION 

1542-1543 


INTRODUCTION 

With  the  discovery  of  the  South  Sea  by  Balboa  the  Span- 
iards began  to  make  their  way  northwest  along  the  Pacific 
coast.  By  1543  the  entire  coast  line  had  been  run  from  Pan- 
ami  to  Oregon,  not  to  mention  the  discoveries  on  the  western 
shores  of  South  America.  In  conducting  these  voyages  along 
the  seaboard  of  the  northern  continent  the  leading  part  was 
played  by  Hernando  Cortes,  but  the  work  was  brought  to  a 
culmination,  in  the  exploration  of  the  California  coast,  by  the 
viceroy  Mendoza. 

C!ort4s  had  scarcely  made  himself  master  of  the  central 
valley  of  Mexico  before  he  sent  his  lieutenants  in  all  directions 
to  follow  up  reports  and  rumors  of  other  rich  provinces.  In 
1521  Olid  subdued  Michoacdn,  lying  to  the  westward,  and  in 
the  following  year  a  shipyard  was  established  at  Zacatula,  on 
the  South  Sea,  as  a  base  for  maritime  exploration.  Other 
maritime  bases  were  soon  provided  at  Tehuantepec  and  Navi- 
dad,  as  well  as  farther  south  on  the  coast  of  Central  America. 
Among  the  leading  motives  for  coastwise  exploration  were 
rumors  of  rich  districts  such  as  the  Amazon  Island  and  the 
Seven  Cities  to  the  northward,  and  a  belief  in  the  existence, 
in  the  same  direction,  of  a  strait  leading  from  the  Atlantic 
to  the  Pacific.^ 

^  Interest  in  the  Amazon  Island  is  illustrated  by  Cort^s's  instructions  given 
at  G)linia  in  1524  to  his  relative,  Francisco  Cortes,  whom  he  orders  to  continue 
exploration,  ''because  I  am  informed  that  down  the  coast  which  borders  the  said 
villa  there  are  many  provinces  thickly  inhabited  by  people  and  containing,  it  is 
believed,  great  riches,  and  that  in  these  parts  of  it  there  is  one  which  is  inhabited 
by  women,  with  no  men,  who  procreate  in  the  way  which  the  ancient  histories 
ascribe  to  the  Amazons,  and  because  by  learning  the  truth  regarding  this  and 
whatever  else  there  is  on  said  coast,  God  our  Lord  and  their  Majesties  will  be 
greatly  served"  (Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  DocumerUos  IrUditos,  XXVI.  153). 

3 


4  CALIFORNIA:  CABRILLO  EXPEDITION 

Interest  in  the  strait  is  illustrated  by  a  letter  of  CJortfe 
to  the  Emperor,  written  in  October,  1524.  It  states,  "I  saw 
that  nothing  more  remained  for  me  to  do  but  to  learn  the 
secret  of  the  coast  which  is  yet  to  be  explored  between  the 
Rio  Pdnuco  and  Florida  .  .  .  and  thence  the  coast  of  the 
said  Florida  northward  to  Bacallaos  [Newfoundland] ;  for  it  is 
deemed  certain  that  on  that  coast  there  is  a  strait  which  passes 
to  the  South  Sea;  and  if  it  should  be  found,  according  to  a 
certain  map  which  I  have  of  the  region  of  the  archipelago  dis- 
covered by  Magellan  by  order  of  your  Highness,  it  seems  that 
it  would  come  out  very  near  there;  and  if  it  should  please 
God  that  the  said  strait  be  found  there,  the  voyage  from  the 
spice  region  to  your  kingdom  would  be  very  easy  and  very 
short,  so  much  so  that  it  would  be  less  by  two-thirds  than 
by  the  route  now  followed,  and  that  without  any  risk  to  the 
vessels  coming  and  going,  because  they  would  always  come  and 
go  through  your  dominions,  so  that  in  case  of  necessity  they 
could  be  repaired  without  danger  wherever  they  might  wish 
to  enter  port."  ^ 

Misfortimes  caused  delay  in  the  enterprise  of  exploration 
on  the  South  Sea,  but  in  1527  Saavedra  was  sent  up  the  coast 
and  reached  Santiago.  In  1531  conquests  by  land  were  ex- 
tended to  Culiacdn  by  Guzmdn,  who  was  led  north  by  rumors 
of  the  Amazon  Island  and  of  the  Seven  Cities.  After  several 
years  of  interruption,  Cortfe  again  pushed  north  by  water. 
Hurtado  de  Mendoza,  sent  by  the  conqueror  in  1532,  reached 
Rio  FHierte.  In  the  following  year  Jimenez  discovered  the 
Peninsula  of  California.  In  1535  Cort^  himself  led  a  colony 
to  Puerto  de  la  Paz,  but  within  a  few  months  the  enterprise 
was  abandoned. 

Renewed  interest  in  northward  exploration  was  aroused 
by  the  reports  given  by  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  who  reached  Culia- 
c^  in  1536,  after  six  years  of  wandering  across  the  continent. 

^  Quoted  in  Bancroft,  North  Mexican  States,  I.  5,  foot-note. 


mmoDUCTioN  s 

In  1539  Friar  MarcoS;  sent  by  Mendoza  by  land,  reached  what 
he  called  the  Seven  Cities  of  Cfbola  (Zuni) .  His  reports  caused 
new  enthusiasm,  and  Mendoza,  Cortes,  and  Pedro  de  Alvarado 
aD  prepared  to  win  honors  in  further  exploration,  Cortes  in 
1539  sent  UUoa  northward  with  three  vessels.  He  ascended 
to  the  head  of  the  Gulf,  safled  round  the  extremity  of  the 
Pemnsula,  and  reached  Cabo  del  Engano,  in  latitude  29^  56\ 
This  voyage  made  known  the  peninsular  character  of  Calif  omia. 
Mendoza  in  1540  sent  out  the  Coronado  expedition,  in  the 
course  of  which  Alarc6n  explored  the  lower  Colorado  River, 
Cdrdenas  discovered  the  Grand  Canyon,  and  Coronado 
marched  northeastward  as  far  as  central  Kansas.  Alvarado 
prepared  a  fleet  and  formed  a  partnership  with  Mendoza  for 
northern  discovery,  but  was  killed  in  1541  in  the  Mixton  War, 
His  death  left  the  fleet  in  the  hands  of  Mendoza,  who  in  1542 
sent  a  part  of  it  across  the  Pacific  to  the  Philippines  under 
VOlalobos,  and  the  rest  up  the  California  coast  under  Cabrillo, 
in  the  hope  of  finding  the  northern  strait,  and  thereby  a  new 
route  to  Europe.  It  is  the  diary  of  the  last-mentioned  expedi- 
tion which  is  given  hereinafter. 

Of  Juan  Rodriguez  Cabrillo,  commander  of  the  expedition, 
fittle  is  known  except  that  he  was  a  Portuguese  by  birth  and 
a  skilled  mariner.^  There  are  indications  that  he  had  been 
with  Cortes  in  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  and  later  with  Alva- 
rado.* For  the  expedition  the  San  Salvador,  flagship,  and  the 
Victoria^  a  fragata  or  frigate,  were  equipped.  As  chief  pilot 
went  Bartolom6  Ferrelo  (Ferrer,  Ferrel) ;  as  pilot  Bartolom6 
Femdndez;  and  as  masters,  Antonio  Carrera  and  S.  Remo. 
Concerning  Ferrelo,  who  became  commander  after  the  death 
of  Cabrillo,  little  is  known  except  that  he  was  a  native  of  the 
Levant.    Of  the  outfit  Davidson  writes:   "The  vessels  were 

^  "Persona  muy  platica  en  las  cosas  de  la  Mar"  (Herrera,  Historia  General, 
dec.  Vn.,  lib.  V.,  cap.  III.,  p.  89). 

s  Bancroft,  North  Mexican  States,  1. 133 ;  Lowery,  Spanish  Settlements,  1. 340. 


6  CALIPORNU:  CABRILLO  EXPEDITION 

smallor  than  any  of  our  coasting  schooners.  They  were  poorly 
built  and  very  badly  outfitted.  Their  anchors  and  ironwork 
were  carried  by  men  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  the  Pacific ; 
thoy  wore  manned  by  conscripts  and  natives ;  were  badly  pro- 
visioned, and  the  crews  subject  to  that  deadly  scourge  of  the 
sea,  scurvy/*^ 

The  start  was  made  on  June  27,  1542,  from  Puerto  de 
Navidad,  a  port  twenty  miles  above  Manzanillo,  in  latitude 
19^  13'.  The  vessels  returned  to  the  same  point  on  April 
14,  1543,  nine  and  one-half  months  later,  having  explored 
the  entire  Pacific  coast  to  latitude  423^°,  all  that  part  of 
the  voyage  above  Cabo  del  Engano  being  in  unknown 
waters. 

On  July  3  Cabrillo  reached  the  southern  extremity  of  the 
Peninsula,  and  on  the  19th  Magdalena  Bay,  called  in  the  diaiy 
Puerto  de  San  Pedro.  On  August  5  he  anchored  at  Cerros 
Island,  near  the  northern  limits  of  UUoa's  exploration.  On 
August  21  he  discovered  Port  San  Quentln.  Going  ashore 
next  day,  he  took  formal  possession  of  the  country  in  the  name 
of  the  king  and  viceroy,  in  honor  of  which  ceremony  the  harbor 
was  named  Puerto  de  la  Posesi6n.  The  Indians  here  made 
signs  which  were  understood  to  mean  that  they  had  seen 
Spaniards  before — ^men  with  beards,  dogs,  and  Spanish  weapons 
— ^and  that  they  were  now  five  days  inland.  To  conmiunicate 
with  these  men,  if  perchance  the  report  were  true,  Cabrillo 
left  a  letter  to  be  delivered  by  the  Indians.  In  all  probability 
the  report  was  genuine,  and  referred  to  Coronado's  party, 
which  was  now  in  the  interior. 

On  September  28  Cabrillo  discovered  "a  port  enclosed  and 
very  good,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  San  Miguel."  It 
was  the  beautiful  San  Diego  Bay.  Here  again  they  were  told 
by  the  natives  of  Spaniards  in  the  interior.    While  at  this 

^  Geographical  Society  of  the  Pacific,  Transadiaru  and  Proceedings,  second 
ser.,  rV.  (1907)  13. 


INTRODUCTION  7 

place  a  stonn  arose,  the  first  they  had  encountered,  but  the 
harbor  was  so  good  that  no  damage  was  done. 

Continuing  up  the  coast,  they  discovered  and  named  Santa 
Qitalina  and  San  Clemente  Islands,  which  they  called  San 
Salvador  and  La  Victoria,  in  honor  of  the  vessels.  Santa 
Monica  Bay  they  called  Bahfa  de  los  Fumos.  Reaching  San 
Buenaventura  (Pueblo  de  las  Canoas)  on  October  10,  Cabrillo 
again  went  ashore  and  took  formal  possession  of  the  country. 
Here  once  more  they  heard  of  white  men  in  the  interior,  and 
at  a  venture  despatched  to  them  a  letter. 

Leaving  San  Buenaventura  on  the  13th,  they  sailed  west 
through  the  Santa  Barbara  channel,  anchoring  at  Rinc6n,  at  the 
Carpinteria,  above  Point  Goleta,  at  Canada  del  Refugio,  and 
at  Gaviota  Pass,  and  on  October  18  reached  Point  Concepci6n, 
at  the  western  extremity  of  the  channel.  As  they  passed  they 
noted  Santa  Cruz  and  Santa  Rosa  Islands  to  their  left,  but, 
supposing  them  to  be  only  one,  named  them  La  Isla  de  San 
Lucas. 

At  Point  Concepci6n  their  real  difficulties  began.  Encoim- 
tering  a  strong  northwest  wind,  they  stood  off  from  the  shore 
and  distinguished  San  Miguel  and  Santa  Rosa  Islands,  to  which 
they  now  gave  the  plural  name  of  Las  Islas  de  San  Lucas. 
Making  port  at  Cuyler's  Harbor  on  San  Miguel  Island,  they 
took  formal  possession,  calling  it  Isla  de  la  Posesi6n.  While 
here  Cabrillo  suffered  a  fall  and  a  broken  arm.  Rounding 
Point  Concepci6n  in  an  attempt  to  continue  north,  they  en- 
coimtered  another  storm  and  returned  to  the  Indian  town  of 
Cicacut,  or  Pueblo  de  las  Sardinas,  at  Gaviota  Pass. 

Weighing  anchor  again  on  November  6,  they  succeeded  in 
rounding  Point  Concepci6n,  and  sailed  up  the  coast  in  sight 
of  Santa  Lucfa  Mountain.  Standing  out  to  sea  in  a  heavy 
flouthwester  shortly  before  reaching  Point  Pinos,  which  they 
sighted,  they  did  not  make  land  again  till  November  14,  hav- 
ing passed  and  missed  the  Bay  of  Monterey,  Point  Ano  Nuevo, 


8  CALIFORNIA:  CABRILLO  EXPEDITION 

Half  Moon  Bay,  the  Gk)lden  Gate,  and  Drake's  Bay,  On  the 
way  up  the  vessels  became  separated  in  the  storm.  Fair 
weather  retiuning,  the  flagship  stood  in  toward  the  coast  in 
search  of  her  consort,  and  on  November  14  sighted  land  near 
Northwest  Cape  (Cabo  de  Pinos),  in  latitude  38^  31',  near 
Fort  Ross.    Next  day  the  two  vessels  were  reimited. 

Turning  south,  driven  now  by  a  storm  from  the  opposite 
direction,  on  November  16  they  discovered  Drake's  Bay,  in 
latitude  38^,  catling  it  Bahfa  de  los  Finos.  Running  rapidly 
southward,  again  missing  the  Gk)lden  Gate,  but  noting  on  the 
way  the  Gulf  of  the  Farallones,  the  Santa  Cruz  Mountains 
(Las  Sierras  Nevadas)  and  Black  Mountain  (Cabo  de  Nieve), 
on  the  night  of  the  18th  they  were  opposite  Point  Finos.  On 
the  23d  they  put  in  again  at  Cuyler's  Harbor  (Puerto  de  la 
Fosesi6n)  on  San  Miguel  Island.  Since  they  had  found  no 
shelter  after  leaving  Northwest  Cape,  above  Foint  Finos,  and 
had  missed  Monterey  Bay,  it  is  inferred  that  they  could  not 
have  run  very  near  the  coast  on  the  return  voyage. 

On  San  Miguel  Island,  which  the  natives  called  Ciqui- 
muymu,  Cabrillo's  party  spent  the  winter  from  November  23 
to  January  19,  two  months  of  almost  continuous  storms.  On 
January  3  Cabrillo  died,  as  a  result  of  his  fall  while  on  the 
same  island  before.  In  his  honor  the  place  was  named  Isla 
de  Juan  Rodriguez. 

The  conmiand  now  fell  to  Ferrelo,  who  made  another  at- 
tempt at  northward  exploration.  Weighing  anchor  on  Jan- 
uary 19, 1543,  to  go  to  the  mainland  for  supplies,  he  was  driven 
by  a  storm  among  the  islands  for  eight  days,  after  which  he 
returned  to  the  port  on  San  Miguel  Island. 

On  January  29,  before  heading  north,  Ferrelo  went  to 
Santa  Rosa  Island  to  recover  some  anchors  which  he  had 
left  at  that  place  in  the  storm.  Remaining  there  till  February 
12,  on  that  day  he  went  to  Cicacut  (Gaviota  Fass),  whence 
he  returned  to  Santa  Cruz  Island  for  greater  security.    Start- 


INTRODUCTION  9 

mg  out  again  on  Sunday  the  18th;  he  sailed  southwest,  stand- 
ing out  to  sea  five  days.  At  the  end  of  that  time,  and  after 
running  about  one  hundred  leagues,  he  stood  in  again,  in  an 
endeavor  to  reach  Northwest  Cape  (Cabo  de  Pinos),  the  north- 
western limit  of  Cabrillo's  voyage. 

On  the  morning  of  the  25th,  after  having  been  driven  in  a 
storm  for  three  dajrs,  he  saw  the  object  of  his  search.  Toward 
night  Punta  de  Arena  was  sighted,  in  latitude  38°  57'.  Rim- 
ning  before  the  wind  all  night,  next  morning  he  was  opposite 
King's  Peak  (Cabo  de  Fortimas),  in  latitude  40®.  He  continued 
before  the  wind  during  the  27th,  but  at  night  it  veered  toward 
the  west  and  he  ran  south  in  a  high  sea,  with  lowered  sail. 
At  daybreak  of  the  28th  the  wind  shifted  to  the  southwest 
again,  and  Ferrelo  once  more  ran  north.  That  day  he  observed 
latitude  43®,  which  Davidson  corrects  to  41 J^®.  Scudding 
again  before  the  storm  that  night,  next  day,  March  1,  he 
reached  his  farthest  north.  Ferrelo  gives  the  latitude  44®, 
which  Davidson  corrects  to  423^®,  placing  the  limit  of  the 
voyage  about  at  Rogue  River,  Oregon.^ 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  28th  a  heavy  rain-storm  from  the 
north  occurred  and  the  return  voyage  began.  On  March  3  they 
passed  Point  Arena  and  Northwest  Cape.  On  the  night  of 
the  4th  the  vessels  separated,  and  were  not  reimited  till  they 
reached  Cerros  Island,  three  weeks  later. 

On  the  5th  the  flagship  was  off  San  Miguel  Island,  but 
could  not  put  into  port  because  of  a  storm ;  accordingly  it 
sought  shelter  on  Santa  Cruz  Island.  From  here  it  crossed 
over  on  the  8th  to  San  Buenaventura,  in  search  of  the  con- 
sort, but  returned  on  the  9th.  On  the  11th  it  reached  San 
Diego  Bay,  where  it  waited  six  days  for  the  other  vessel. 
Setting  sail  on  the  17th,  it  reached  Todos  Santos  Bay  on  the 

^  Davidson  thinks  they  did  not  see  land  above  Punta  de  Arena  (Geographical 
Society  erf  the  Pacific,  TTOJuaclions  and  Proceedings,  second  ser.,  IV.  16).  In 
this  he  is  borne  out  by  the  diary. 


10  CALIFORNIA:  CABRILLO  EXPEDITION 

t 

18th,  Puerto  de  San  Quentfn  on  the  19th,  and  Cerros  Island 
on  the  24th.  Here,  on  the  26th,  it  was  joined  by  the  fragata. 
The  latter  vessel  had  passed  by  San  Miguel  Island  in  the  storm 
on  the  night  of  the  4th  or  the  5th,  and  had  taken  shelter  at 
Santa  Rosa  Island. 

Leaving  Cerros  Island  together  on  April  2,  on  April  14  the 
two  vessels  put  into  Puerto  de  Navidad,  whence  they  had  set 
out  in  the  previous  June. 

Regarding  Cabrillo's  voyage  as  a  feat  of  navigation  under 
difficulties,  the  following  quotation  from  Navarrete  is  apt : 

Those  who  know  the  coast  which  Cabrillo  discovered  and  ex- 
plored, the  kind  of  vessels  in  which  he  undertook  the  expedition,  the 
rigorous  season  during  which  he  pursued  his  voyage  in  those  intem- 
perate climes,  and  the  state  of  the  science  of  navigation  at  that 
period,  cannot  help  admiring  a  courage  and  intrepidity  which,  though 
common  among  sea-faring  Spaniards  of  that  time,  cannot  be  appre- 
ciated in  our  day,  when  the  navigator  is  fairly  dazzled  by  the  assis- 
tance furnished  him  through  the  wonderful  progress  of  the  arts  and 
sciences,  rendering  his  operations  easier  and  supplying  hun  with 
advantages  which,  as  they  were  lacking  to  the  early  discoverers, 
make  their  courage  and  perseverance  as  portentous  as  their  discov- 
eries. Perhaps  it  is  failure  to  realize  these  considerations,  added  to 
ignorance  of  our  history,  which  has  led  some  foreign  writers  to  be- 
little the  merit  of  Cabnllo. 

The  source  of  most  of  what  is  known  of  the  Cabrillo  expe- 
dition is  the  diary  hereinafter  published,  although  Herrera 
and  Navarrete  give  a  few  slight  additions  from  other  sources.^ 
The  authorship  of  the  diary  is  not  known  with  certainty. 
It  has  been  attributed  to  Ferrelo  and  also  to  Juan  Paez,*  with 
whom  the  weight  of  the  evidence  seems  to  be. 

^  Antonio  Herrera,  Historia  General  de  los  Hechos  de  las  CatteUanos  en  las 
Islas  y  Tierra  Firme  del  Mar  Oceana,  decada  setima  (Madrid,  1728),  lib.  V., 
caps.  III.,  IV.,  pp.  89-91 ;  Martfn  Fem&ndez  Navarrete,  Rdacum  del  Viage  hecho 
par  las  Goletas  SutU  y  Mexicana  (Madrid,  1802),  Introducci6n,  pp.  xxix.-xxzv. 
It  is  clear  from  Herrera's  language  in  places  that  he  used  the  Paez  diary. 

'  Lowery,  1. 340,  note ;  Bancroft,  History  of  Califomia,  1. 69,  note ;  Henshaw 
in  Wheeler,  Report  upon  United  States  Geographical  Surveys,  vol.  VII.,  p.  294. 


INTRODUCTION  11 

The  diaiy  was  published  in  Spanish  in  1857  by  Bucking- 
ham Smith  in  his  Colecddn  de  Varios  Documentos  para  la  His- 
toria  de  la  Florida  y  Tierras  Adyacentes  (London),  pp.  173-189, 
from  an  unsigned  contemporary  manuscript  in  the  Archivo 
General  de  Indias  at  Seville,  among  the  papers  transferred 
from  Simancas,  legajo  9  of  Descripciones  y  Poblaciones.  An- 
j  other  Spanish  version  was  printed  in  1870  by  Pacheco  and 
Cdrdenas  in  their  Colecddn  de  Documentos  Iniditos  (Madrid), 
XIV.  165-191.  This  text  is  from  an  unsigned  manuscript  in 
the  Archivo  General  de  Indias,  Patronato,  est.  1,  caj.  1.  In  the 
title  given  it  by  the  editors  the  authorship  is  ascribed  to  Paez. 
This  text  and  that  of  Buckingham  Smith  seem  to  be  from  the 
same  original,  though  there  are  numerous  unimportant  differ- 
ences  of  spelling,  accentuation,  and  capitalization,  the  text 
m  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas  being  modernized  in  these  respects. 
Another  manuscript  copy  is  in  the  Munoz  Collection.  It 
bears  an  annotation  ascribing  the  narrative  to  Paez.  The 
diflferences  between  it  and  the  Buckingham  Smith  copy  are 
noted  by  Navarrete  on  the  copy  which  Smith  used.^ 

An  English  translation  by  Richard  Stuart  Evans,  made 
from  the  Buckingham  Smith  text,  was  published  in  Wheeler, 
Report  upon  United  States  Geographical  Surveys  West  of  the  One 
Hundredth  Meridian  (Washington,  1879),  VII.  293-314.  The 
title  there  given  is  "Translation  from  the  Spanish  of  the 
Account  by  the  Pilot  Ferrel  of  the  Voyage  of  Cabrillo  along 
the  West  Coast  of  North  America  in  1542.  With  Introductory 
Notes  by  H.  W.  Henshaw."  Another  translation,  based  on 
Evans's,  but  with  some  differences  "  in  critical  passages  where 
important  issues  were  involved,''  was  published  in  1886  by 
Professor  George  Davidson  in  his  study  entitled  "An  Exami- 
nation of  some  of  the  Early  Voyages  of  Discovery  and  Ex- 
ploration on  the  Northwest  Coast  of  America,  from  1539  to 
1603,"  printed  in  the  Report  of  the  Superintendent  of  the  U.  S. 

1  Col,  Doc,  Florida,  p.  189. 


12  CALIFORNIA:  CABBILLO  EXPEDITION 

Coast  and  Geodetic  Survey  for  1886  (Washington),  pp.  160-241. 
Numerous  inaccuracies  and  defects  in  form  in  the  foregoing 
versions  made  it  seem  best  to  prepare  a  new  translation  for 
this  work,  which  has  been  done,  but  with  due  acknowledgment 
of  indebtedness  to  my  predecessors. 

The  most  important  contribution  toward  the  identifica- 
tion of  places  named  or  noted  by  the  diary  is  that  by  Professor 
Davidson  cited  above.  Davidson  had  rare  opportimities  for 
this  work,  and  he  made  excellent  use  of  them.  In  my  identi- 
fications and  assignments  of  latitudes  I  have  followed  him 
throughout  unless  otherwise  stated,  and  I  hereby  acknowledge 
my  obligation  to  this  great  scholar.  Davidson  made  a  map 
identifying  the  places  named  by  Cabrillo  and  Vizcaino  with 
modem  names. 

To  the  student  of  exploration  the  diary  is  of  the  first  im- 
portance. On  the  whole  the  record  is  very  good.  This  is 
evidenced  by  the  fact  that  Davidson  was  able  to  identify  with 
practical  certainty  some  seventy  of  the  points  mentioned 
by  the  diary  along  the  coast.  Paez's  distances  are  only  ap- 
proximate, and  in  general  his  latitudes  are  too  high,  those  on 
the  coast  of  Upper  California  requiring  correction  from  half  a 
degree  to  a  degree  and  a  half.  To  the  student  of  ethnology 
the  diary  is  of  great  interest  as  the  record  of  the  first  contact 
of  white  men  with  the  Indians  of  California  above  latitude  30^. 

The  translation  is  based  on  the  Buckingham  Smith  text, 
in  Col.  Doc.  Florida,  pp.  173-189.  An  awkward  feature  of 
the  diary,  which  could  not  be  avoided  in  the  translation 
without  taking  too  great  liberties,  is  the  indiscriminate  and 
sometimes  confusiog  use  of  the  first  and  the  third  person. 
Likewise,  tenses  are  often  confused. 


RELATION  OF  THE  VOYAGE  OF  JUAN 
RODRIGUEZ  CABRILLO,  1542-1543 

Relation  or  Diary  of  the  Voyage  made  hy  Juan  Rodriguez  CabriUo 
vrith  two  Ships,  for  the  Discovery  of  the  Passage  from  the  Sovih 
Sea  at  the  North,  from  the  twenty-sevenlh  of  June,  1542, 
when  he  left  the  Port  of  Navidad,  to  the  fourteenth  of  April  of 
the  following  Year,  when  he  relumed  to  it,  having  gone  as 
far  as  the  Lalitvde  of  Forty-four  Degrees ;  with  the  Descrip- 
tion  of  the  Coast,  Ports,  Bays,  and  Islands  which  he  E7>- 
amined,  and  their  Distances,  on  the  Whole  Extent  of  that 
Coast. 

Juan  Rodriguez  set  sail  from  the  port  of  Navidad^  to 
explore  the  coast  of  New  Spain  on  the  27th  of  June,  1542. 

Between  the  port  of  Navidad  and  Cape  Coniente,*  forty 
leagues,  it  took  him  a  day  and  a  night,  with  a  southeast  wind. 

From  Wednesday  tmtil  the  following  Thursday  they  held 
their  course  along  the  coast  thirty-five  leagues. 

Sunday,  July  2,  they  sighted  California.  On  account  of 
the  weather,  which  was  not  very  favorable,  it  took  them  almost 
four  days  to  cross  over.  On  the  following  Monday,  the  3d 
of  the  same  month,  they  anchored  at  the  Point  of  California.' 
Here  they  remained  two  days,  and  from  here  they  went  to 
the  port  of  San  Lucas^  on  the  following  Thursday  and  took 
on  water.    During  these  days  they  did  not  see  a  single  Indian. 

*  Navidad  is  a  port  on  the  coast  of  Mexico  in  lat.  19^  13',  and  twenty  miles 
west-northwest  from  the  harbor  of  Manzanillo.  "This  is  the  port  in  which  were 
buiit  the  ships  which  discovered  the  Philippine  Islands  and  with  which,  as  I  have 
said.  Cape  Mendocino  had  been  discovered.  It  was  to  this  port  that  the  ships 
frcmi  China  used  to  come  before  that  of  Acapulco  was  discovered"  (Torquemaday 
Monorchia  Indiana,  I.  696). 

*Cape  Corrientes,  lat.  20^25'.  Beached  on  June  28  (Herrera,  Hittoria 
General,  dec  VII.,  lib.  V.,  cap.  III.). 

*  Frobably  Cape  Puhno,  lat.  23''  23'. 

^San  Lucas  Bay,  lat.  22®  52'.  Herrera  states  that  on  July  2  they  were  in 
lat  24**  and  examined  the  Puerto  del  Marqu^  del  Valle,  which  they  call  "de  la 
Cras"  iMieUma  General,  dec.  VII.,  lib.  V.,  cap.  III.). 

13 


14  CALIFORNIA:  CABBILLO  EXPEDITION  [1542 

They  say  that  this  port  is  in  twenty-three  degrees.  From  the 
point  to  the  port  the  coast  is  clear  and  soundable ;  the  land 
is  bare  and  rough. 

They  left  the  port  of  San  Lucas  on  Thursday,  at  night, 
and  on  the  following  Saturday,  the  8th  of  the  same  month, 
they  anchored  under  Trinidad  Point,^  which  is  in  twenty-five 
degrees.  It  must  be  about  five  leagues  from  San  Lucas.  The 
coast  is  clear,  without  any  irregularity.  Inland  are  seen  high, 
bald,  and  rugged  moimtains.  They  remained  at  anchor  here 
imtil  the  following  Wednesday,  on  accoimt  of  contrary  winds 
from  the  west-northwest. 

On  Wednesday,  the  12th  of  the  said  month,  they  left  there. 
At  the  port  of  Trinidad^  a  harbor  is  formed  by  an  island • 
which  is  there ;  and  it  is  a  good  port,  sheltered  from  the  west- 
northwest  winds.  The  port  of  the  idand  is  at  its  head,  on  the 
southeast  side.  It  is  a  clear  and  soundable  port,  but  it  con- 
tains neither  water  nor  wood.  The  island  must  be  ten  leagues 
long  and  two  leagues  wide.    They  cast  anchor  that  night. 

They  set  sail  on  the  following  Thursday,  and  passed  the 
port  of  San  Pedro,*  which  is  in  twenty-five  and  one-half 
degrees.  In  this  port  there  is  neither  water  nor  wood.  Its 
passage  is  southeastward.  It  affords  good  shelter  from  west 
winds.  They  went  sailing  along  the  coast,  which  forms  a  large 
bay,*  the  head  of  which  is  in  twenty-six  degrees.  The  land 
is  low,  with  sand  dimes,  the  coast  white  and  clear.  They  went 
sailing  along  it  with  favorable  winds  up  to  twenty-seven  degrees, 
and  on  Wednesday,  the  19th,  they  landed  at  a  port  which  they 
foimd.  Having  gone  ashore,  they  foimd  a  road  used  by  the 
Indians  and  followed  it  the  distance  of  an  arquebus  shot,  when 
they  found  a  spring.  The  interior  of  the  country  is  level, 
bare,  and  very  dry.    They  named  it  the  port  of  Madalena.* 

1  Cape  Toeco,  lat.  24"*  17',  and  130  mfles  from  Cape  San  Lucas.  "There 
must  be  some  omission  in  Ferrelo's  narrative  wherein  he  gives  the  distance  of 
five  leagues  from  Cape  San  Lucas  to  Cape  Tosco.  The  actual  distance  is  43 
leagues  along  the  coast"  (Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  p.  162). 

>  Santa  Marina  Bay,  lat  24''  20'. 

*  Santa  Margarita  Island,  lat  24''  17'.  « Magdalena  Bay,  lat  24''  32'. 
^Eruenada.    Evans  generally  renders  this  word   as  "creek."  Davidson 

changes  the  translation  here  to  "gulf." 

*  Pequefia  Bay  and  Point,  lat  26''  14',  thirty  leagues  from  Santa  Maria 
Bay. 


15421       RELATION  OF  THE  VOYAGE  OF  CABRILLO  16 

From  the  Bay  of  San  Martin^  to  this  port  it  must  be  about 
forty  leagues. 

On  the  following  Thursday,  the  20th  of  the  same  month, 
th^r  left  this  port  and  sailed  along  the  coast  with  contrary 
winds,  and  about  six  leagues  from  it  they  fotmd  anchorage 
behind  a  point  which  they  call  Santa  Catalina  Point.^  And 
thus  they  continued  sailing  along  the  coast ;  and  on  the  fol- 
lowing Tuesday,  the  26th  of  the  said  month  of  July,  they  dis- 
covert a  large  bay  in  twenty-seven  and  one-half  degrees. 
They  made  very  little  headway  these  days  on  accoimt  of  the 
contW  winds^  They  anchoJ^  in  this^rt  and  naaned  it 
the  port  of  Santiago.'  It  must  be  about  twenty-three  leagues 
from  the  port  of  Madalena.  Five  leagues  from  the  port  of 
Santiago  there  are  some  very  dangerous,  rocky  shoals,  which 
are  invisible  except  when  the  sea  breaks  over  them.  TTiey  are 
a  league  from  the  shore,  and  are  in  a  Uttle  over  twenty-seven 
and  one-half  degrees.  They  are  called  Habre  Ojo.*  They 
continued  sailing  along  the  coast  by  the  same  course  up  to 
twenty-eight  degrees,  where  they  cast  anchor  in  the  shelter 
of  a  headland.  Here  there  are  groves  of  trees,  the  first  which 
they  had  seen  since  leaving  the  Point  of  California.  From 
this  headland  to  the  port  of  Santiago,  at  its  northwestern 
point,  it  must  be  about  twenty-three  leagues.  There  are 
h^,  rugged  mountains  with  soie  timber  We  named  the 
point  Santa  Ana.^  About  a  league  from  shore  there  is  a 
small  island.^ 

^  Santa  Maria  Bay,  lat.  24^  44',  four  leagues  northwestward  from  the  en- 
tranoe  to  Magdalena  Bay.  The  diary  mentions  Puerto  de  la  Madalena  and 
Bahla  de  San  Martin  in  the  reverse  order  of  that  in  which  Cabrillo  reached  them. 

*San  Domingo  Point  and  anchorage,  lat.  26°  19^  thirteen  miles  west- 
northwest  from  Pequena  Bay. 

» Ballenas  Bay,  lat  26°  45',  under  Abreojos  Point,  seventy-six  miles  from 
Pequena  Bay  and  fifty-four  from  San  Domingo  Point. 

*  Abreojos  Rocks,  lat.  26°  46',  three  miles  west-southwest  from  Abreojos 
Point  Navarrete  identifies  Santiago  with  Abreojos,  but  it  is  seen  that  the  diary 
distinguishes  between  them  (Navarrete,  SiUil  y  Mexicana,  Introducddn,  p.  xxiz.). 
"  Abre  ojos  "  means  "  open  the  eyes,"  or  "  look  out  I " 

*  Asunci6n  Point  and  anchorage,  lat.  27°  7',  forty-seven  miles  in  a  straight 
line  from  Abreojos  Point.  Navarrete  places  Puerto  de  Santa  Ana  far  out  of 
its  Older  in  the  journey  (StUil  y  Mexicana,  Introduccidn,  p.  xxix.)> 

*  Island  of  San  Roque,  lat.  27°  9'.  Discovered  by  UUoa  but  not  then  named. 
It  is  only  a  mile  long  and  half  a  mile  wide. 


16  CALIFORNIA:  CABRILLO  EXPEDITION  [1642 

On  Thursday,  the  27th  of  the  same  month,  they  left  the 
said  port  of  Santa  Ana  and  went  to  anchor  about  six  leagues 
from  there  in  a  port  which  they  named  Puerto  Fondo^  (Deep 
Port),  because  of  its  great  depth,  for  near  the  shore  it  was 
thirty  fathoms :  it  is  clear.  Next  day  they  left  this  port,  but 
three  times  rettUed  to  teke  shelter  in  it  f^m  contr^  winds, 
and  remained  in  it  until  the  following  Monday. 

On  Monday,  the  31st  of  the  said  month,  they  left  the  said 
Puerto  Fondo  and  anchored  that  night  about  eight  leagues' 
from  there ;  next  day  they  continued  their  voyage. 

Tuesday,  the  1st  day  of  August,  they  departed  from  there 
and  went  about  ten  leagues,  when  they  cast  anchor  in  a  port 
which  they  named  San  Pedro  Vincula.'  This  port  is  in  sight 
of  Zedros  Island.  It  is  in  a  little  over  twenty-eight  and  one- 
half  degrees.  The  land  is  high,  rough,  and  bare.  From  Cali- 
fornia to  this  point  we  have  not  seen  a  single  Indian. 

On  Wednesday,  the  2d  of  the  month,  they  left  this  port ; 
the  wind  was  contrary  and  they  proceeded,  beating;  they 
went  to  cast  anchor  at  an  island  which  is  southeast  of  Zedros 
Island  and  four  leagues  from  it.  This  island,  which  they 
called  San  Esteban,*  is  west  of  the  extremity  of  the  point  of 
the  mainland,  and  its  coast  runs  from  northwest  to  southeast. 
It  is  a  league  from  the  mainland.  From  this  point  the  coast 
of  the  mainland  turns  east-northeast  and  forms  a  bay  so  large 
that  the  land  is  not  visible.  Between  the  island  and  the 
mainland  there  is  a  good  channel,  but  they  have  to  pass  close 
to  the  island  because  there  is  a  reef  underneath  which  extends 
a  fourth  of  a  league  from  the  point.  There  is  much  vegetation 
on  the  water  which  grows  on  the  bottom  and  is  fastened  below. 
This  island  is  northwest  of  San  Pedro  Vincula.  It  must  be 
about  three  leagues  in  circumference.  We  remained  at  this 
island,  with  contrary  winds,  until  the  following  Saturday,  the 
5th  of  the  said  month  of  August.    It  has  a  good  port  on  the 

>  Table-Head  Cove,  or  San  Pablo  Bay,  lat.  27''  11',  about  ten  mfles  from 
A8UDci6n  Point 

*  Bay  of  San  Christ6val,  eight  miles  east  of  Monro  Hermoso. 

*  Port  San  BartolomI,  lat.  27^  39',  eleven  and  one-half  leagues  from  Table- 
HaadCove. 

*  Natividad  Island,  lat.  27®  53',  discovered  by  Ulloa  but  not  named.  Its 
sottthem  part  is  three  leagues  from  Cerros  Island  (Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  pp. 
173-174). 


1542]       RELATION  OF  THE  VOYAGE  OF  CABRILLO  17 

southeast  side.  There  is  good  fishing  with  a  hook,  and  there 
are  many  birds. 

They  left  the  island  of  San  Estevan  on  Saturday,  the  5th 
of  August,  and  went  to  anchor  at  the  island  of  Zedros,^  where 
they  remained  until  Thursday,  the  10th  of  the  said  month, 
taJong  on  water  and  wood.  They  found  no  Indians,  although 
they  found  signs  of  them.  The  leeward  point  of  this  island, 
on  the  south  side,  is  in  twenty-nine  degrees,  and  it  has  on  this 
south  side  good  ports,  water,  and  wood.  On  this  side  it  is 
bare,  for  it  has  only  some  small  shrubs.  The  island  is  large, 
high,  and  bare,  and  trends  almost  from  east  to  west ;  on  the 
south  side  it  must  be  about  twelve  leagues  long. 

They  left  the  island  of  Zedros  on  Thursday,  the  10th  of  the 
said  month  of  August,  to  continue  their  voyage,  and  followed 
the  curve  of  the  mainland,  sailing  north.  They  went  this 
day  about  ten  leagues,  and  on  the  Friday  following  they  went 
to  anchor  at  a  harbor  which  they  called  the  port  of  Santa 
Clara.*  It  is  a  good  port.  They  went  ashore  and  found  four 
Indiai^,  who  fled.  *iis  port  is'^in  thirty  degi^,  scant.  It 
is  northeast  of  the  island  of  Zedros,  and  from  the  port  toward 
the  bay  this  coast  runs  from  north-northwest  to  south-south- 
east. The  coast  is  clear  and  soundable ;  the  land  is  bare,  and 
is  not  rough;  it  has  plains  and  valleys.  They  remained  in 
this  port  till  Simday,  the  13th  of  the  said  month,  on  account 
of  the  foul  winds. 

On  Sunday,  the  13th  of  said  month,  they  left  this  port  and 
sailed  along  the  coast  with  light  winds,  casting  anchor  every 
ni^t ;  and  on  the  following  Tuesday  they  anchored  under  a 
point  which  forms  a  bay  which  is  in  thirty  and  one-half  degrees. 
It  affords  Uttle  shelter.  They  called  it  Punta  del  Mai  Abrigo* 
(Point  of  Poor  Shelter). 

^  Cerros  Island,  lat  28^  2'  at  its  southernmost  point  It  was  discovered  by 
UDoa  and  named  by  him  La  Isla  de  los  Cedros,  but  the  name  became  changed 
to  Cerroe,  because  it  has  niunerous  high  peaks  (Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  p.  174). 

*  La  Flaya  Maila  Bay,  lat  28''  55',  about  seventeen  leagues  northeast  of 
the  north  end  of  Cerros  Island. 

»  Probably  Point  Canoas,  lat.  29*  25',  or,  possibly.  Bluff  Point,  lat.  29"  34'. 
"Working  back  from  San  Geronimo  Island,  one  of  these  points  must  be  that 
idiich  Cabrillo  intended  to  designate  as  Mai  Abrijo"  (Davidson,  Early  Voyages, 
p.  178).  Navarrete  identifies  Punta  del  Mai  Abrigo  with  Point  Canoas  (SutU 
y  Mexieana,  Introduccidn,  p.  zxix.). 


18  CALIFORNIA:  CABRILLO  EXPEDITION  [1642 

On  the  following  Wednesday  they  sailed  along  the  coast, 
against  a  strong  northwest  headwind,  and  remained  in  shelter 
that  night  without  making  any  headway.  The  following 
Thursday  they  continued  amid  heavy  rains,  headwinds,  and 
calms,  so  that  they  did  not  make  land.  The  following  night 
they  encoimtered  a  heavy  west-northwest  wind  and  sought 
shelter.  The  following  Friday  they  sailed  with  favorable  winds 
and  found  themselves  six  leagues  to  the  windward  of  the  Point 
of  Mai  Abrigo.  Thus  they  contiQued  imtil  the  following 
Saturday,  the  19th  of  the  said  month,  when  they  cast  anchor 
at  a  small  island  which  is  half  a  league  from  the  mainland. 
It  must  be  about  ten  leagues  from  the  Point  of  Mai  Abrigo. 
It  is  in  thirty  and  one-half  degrees.  It  has  a  good  anchorage 
and  good  shelter.  They  called  it  San  Bernardo.^  It  must 
be  about  a  league  long  from  north  to  south.  The  coast  of  the 
mainland  runs  from  north-northwest  to  south-southeast.  It 
is  a  clear  coast.  The  interior  of  the  country  looks  very  good 
and  level ;  there  are  good  valleys  and  some  timber,  the  rest 
being  bare.    During  these  days  they  saw  no  sign  of  Indians. 

On  Simday,  the  20th  of  said  month  of  August,  they  left 
the  island  of  San  Bernardo  and  approached  Point  Engano,* 
which  must  be  about  seven  leagues  from  this  island,  and  is  in 
thirty-one  degrees.  From  the  point  toward  the  island  the 
coast  runs  from  north-northwest  to  south-southeast.  At 
Point  Engano  the  land  is  not  high,  and  it  appears  to  be  good 
and  level ;  the  moimtains  are  bare.  We  saw  no  sign  of  In- 
dians. And  thus  they  sailed  along  until  the  next  Monday, 
following  the  coast  to  the  north  and  northeast ;  and  about  ten 
leagues  from  Point  Engano  they  discovered  a  good  port,  in 
which  they  cast  anchor  and  took  on  water  and  wood.  It  is 
in  thirty-one  and  one-half  degrees.  It  is  a  port  suitable  for 
making  any  kind  of  repairs  on  ships,  placing  them  in  a  se- 
cure spot.' 

On  the  following  Tuesday  Captain  Juan  Rodriguez  Cabrillo 

^  San  Ger6nimo  Island,  lat.  29^  48',  eight  leagues  from  Bluff  Point  and 
thirteen  from  Point  Canoas. 

'  Punta  Baja,  lat.  29°  56',  eight  and  one-half  miles  northwest  of  San  Gerdn- 
imo  Island.  Herrera  calls  it  Cabo  del  Engano  (Historia  Oeneral,  dec.  VII.,  lib. 
v.,  cap.  III.). 

'  Poniendoles  a  morUe, 


OF  THT  JKJSJuSS:  CF  rATHOlJ/)  a» 


i  i  -  .  •    :  II 


ii  pm  oc  Xft  PoBESunr  -pan  m  lixt  PoeBesBuiL^ 
Be-  inmr  &  iHs*  iobsl  jhe  um  ^iiy*  .  « joic  inmid 


]&*  mgan'ifn.    TW-  nTgnnr  oc  laaf-  rnuncy  rjm?Mg  of  iiklt;  snd 
lugvsc  imd.  inn  i;  jhe  good  xiJk^  snc  uppess^  xr*  tie  ^zNid 

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OL  T^MIf '        Hl  TQnzZBQV  I^IF^  SPIT  sn&f'  ^arin^^^j^  «tnr    pnmf^  XD 

'BBm  'idxzi  'di^  iKKL  iiiPf  iomic  snnt  iiirVA  Tnriigr  jhdtpiugii. 

faqnr  mud  i?prD  ^wnmoL  fvn^  laisic  nirnMng  jdic  preaexoE.  joid 
Is -liiem  gxL    Pnan -^ttaoi -^kj  could  imdes£sid  iio^Mk 


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JB^^  ijianur*'  cb  sSl.    TQipr  sod  tir  'g^yrns  y**— *  liipr  ftir  unt 


di^.  in  liie  HftpnwHHL  iiv^  Tnnigng  came  t-o  liif  lieacii : 
tber'  Lnm^bt  liieni  id  "lAut  ^kapB  und  li^sr  appesa^iC  xr  tif^  n^ 
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oniiiltsd  lint  ^—iiMrdE  iiiiD  vvum  xhffm.  and  said  ty  signF  ihss 
tiieriad  sboi  oderinesi^^Ki^KSiL  ^Kiir^wai^  nesrcis..  fine  ^vciic 
bran^bl  do^gE.  and  cnBabaiPE,  jmd  swocn^    1^  lTirii«T>^  rame 

HHHMWl  CTPETiniil  A  l^niepKE'  OL  lixt  a^D^&.  i>^dv .  fine  fim^N. 

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in  hog  and  ffaAfffi  droitiifjs.  l!hpr  ixi&d^  aczi^  xhfii  f^rifinifirds^ 
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nmny  TtmCmws  md  idm  lAssj  iiad  Trnirir.  maize  anc  inai:y  Tifi> 
IOCS.  Tin-  ome  cuvtsRsd  lodi  dgsCTtnr^ :  same  wa?t  xhr  df!r:> 
fikirs  diBHHod  in  ihe  wa^  ^cbt  Mexicans  drea?  ibe  ^iSdx^  whir^ 
tfaer  jBt  for  liieir  cutexe.'     Tbf^  fi^e  fi  lfin!t   aiic  ^irl^ 

t£  'UK:  TrilxaK  of  S 


I  kmc  of  iBOiu:  fMC«?acr .  ^!ir«x>9^hi>c 


20  CALIFORNIA:  CABRILLO  EXPEDITION  [1642 

featured  people.  They  carry  their  bows  and  arrows  like  those 
of  New  Spain,  the  arrows  being  tipped  with  flints.  The  cap- 
tain gave  them  a  letter  to  carry  to  the  Spaniards  who  they 
said  were  in  the  interior. 

They  left  the  port  of  La  Posesion  on  Sunday,  the  27th  of 
the  said  month  of  August,  and,  continuing  their  course,  they 
discovered  an  island  two  leagues  from  the  mainland.  It  is 
uninhabited;  there  is  a  good  port  in  it;  they  named  it  San 
Agustin;  it  must  be  about  two  leagues  in  circiunference. 
They  continued  thus  along  the  coast  with  light  winds,  holding 
to  windward,  until  the  following  Wednesday,  the  30th  of  the 
said  month,  when  they  encountered  a  heavy  northwest  wind 
which  forced  them  to  seek  shelter  at  the  island  of  San  Agustin.* 
On  this  island  they  found  signs  of  people,  and  two  cows'  horns, 
and  very  large  trees  which  the  sea  had  cast  there ;  they  were 
more  than  sixty  feet  long  and  so  thick  that  two  men  could  not 
reach  around  one  of  them.  They  looked  like  cypresses ;  and 
there  were  cedars.  There  was  a  great  quantity  of  this  timber, 
but  this  island  contains  nothing  else  except  a  good  port.  They 
remained  at  this  island  imtil  the  following  Simday. 

On  Sunday,  the  3d  of  the  month  of  September,  they  left 
said  Island  of  San  Agustin  and  continued  sailing  on  their 
course ;  and  on  the  following  Monday  they  cast  anchor  at  the 
shore,*  about  seven  leagues  to  the  windward,  on  a  coast  run- 
ning north  and  south.  At  once  they  continued  their  course, 
sailing  with  favorable  though  light  winds  on  a  coast  running 
north  and  south,  until  Thursday,  the  7th  of  said  month  of 
September,  when  they  went  to  cast  anchor  in  a  bay  which  the 
land  forms.  Here  the  coast  ceases  to  run  north  and  south  and 
turns  to  the  northwest.  At  this  bay  there  is  a  large  valley ; 
the  land  is  level  at  the  coast,  and  inland  there  are  high  moun- 
tains, and  rough  land  which  appears  to  be  good.  All  the 
coast  is  bold,  with  a  smooth  and  shallow  bottom,  for  at  half 
a  league  they  were  at  anchor  in  ten  fathoms.  About  here 
there  is  much  vegetation  on  the  water. 

On  the  following  Friday,  the  8th  of  said  month,  they  sailed 
with  light  winds,  working  to  windward,  and  encomtering  ad- 

1  San  Martin  Island,  lat  20""  29'. 

>  San  Ram6n  or  Virgin's  Bay,  lat.  20^  49'.  Eight  or  ten  miles  inland  is 
the  old  mission  of  San  Vicente  (Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  p.  188). 


15421       BELATION  OF  THE  VOYAGE  OF  CABBILLO  21 

verse  currents.  They  went  to  anchor  under  a  headland  which 
forms  a  cape  and  affords  good  shelter  from  the  west-northwest. 
They  named  it  Cape  San  Martin.^  It  forms  a  spur  of  land 
on  both  sides;  here  end  some  high  mountains  which  come 
from  behind;  and  here  begin  other  small  mountains.  There  is 
one  laigQ  valley,  and  many  others;  apparently  the  land  is 
good.  The  port  is  in  thirty-two  and  one-half  degrees.  It  is 
a  clear  port  and  soundable.  Its  direction  from  the  island 
of  San  Agustin  is  north. 

While  at  this  Cape  of  San  Martin  they  went  ashore  for 
water  and  foimd  a  small  lake  of  fresh  water,  where  they  got 
a  supply.  To  this  watering  place  came  forty  Indians  with 
bows  and  arrows.  They  could  not  make  each  other  under- 
stood. The  Indians  were  naked;  they  brought  roasted 
maguey*  and  fish  to  eat.  They  are  large  people.  Here  they 
took  possession.  They  were  at  this  cape  untfl  the  following 
Monday. 

On  Monday,  the  8th  of  said  month,*  they  left  Cape  San 
Martin  and  sailed  some  four  leagues  on  a  coast  running  north- 
northeast-south-southwest,  and  from  there  the  coast  turns 
northwest.  The  land  is  high  and  bare.  Next  day  they  sailed 
along  a  coast  running  from  northwest  to  southeast  a  matter 
of  six  leagues.  All  this  coast  is  bold  and  clear.  The  next 
day  they  sailed,  with  foul  winds,  a  matter  of  four  leagues,  still 
on  a  coast  running  from  northwest  to  southeast.  On  the  land 
there  are  high  broken  moimtains.  On  the  following  Thursday 
they  cast  anchor  about  three  leagues  farther  on,  under  a  head- 
land which  extends  into  the  sea  and  forms  a  cape  on  both  sides. 
It  is  called  Cabo  de  Cruz^  (Cape  of  the  Cross) ;  it  is  in  thirty- 
three  degrees.  There  is  neither  water  nor  wood,  nor  did 
they  find  a  sign  of  Indians. 

Having  departed  from  Cabo  de  la  Cruz,  because  of  head- 
winds they  found  themselves  on  the  following  Saturday  two 
leagues  from  the  same  cape  on  a  coast  running  from  north- 
northwest  to  south-southeast.    At  the  shore  they  saw  Indians 

*  Point  Santo  Tomfis,  or  Cape  San  Tom^s,  lat.  31^  33'.  Navarrete  identi- 
fies this  with  Cape  San  Quentin  (SutU  y  Mexioana,  Introdueci6n,  p.  xxx.). 

*  See  Espejo  documents,  p.  170,  above,  note  5.     '  The  eleventh,  of  course. 

*  Grajero  Point,  or  Banda  Point,  lat.  31^  45'.    The  date  of  anchoring,  ae- 
to  Henera,  was  the  14th  {Historia  General,  dec.  VII.,  lib.  V.,  cap.  III.). 


22  CALIFORNIA:  CABRILLO  EXPEDITION  11642 

in  some  very  small  canoes.  The  land  is  vety  high,  bare,  and 
diy.  All  the  land  from  Califomia  to  here  is  sandy  near  the 
^ore,  but  here  b^ns  land  of  another  sort,  the  soil  being  red- 
dish^ and  of  better  appearance. 

On  Sunday,  the  17th  day  of  the  said  month,  they  sailed  on 
in  continuation  of  their  voyage,  and  about  six  leagues  from 
Cabo  de  Cruz  they  found  a  good  and  closed  port.  To  reach 
it  they  passed  a  small  island*  which  is  near  the  mainland. 
In  this  port  they  took  on  water  from  a  small  lake  of  rain- 
water. There  are  groves  of  trees  like  silk-cotton  trees,  ex- 
cepting that  they  are  of  hard  wood.  They  found  thick  and 
tail  trees  which  the  sea  brings.  This  port  is  called  San  Mateo.' 
The  land  appears  to  be  good ;  there  are  large  savannahs,*  and 
the  grass  is  like  that  of  Spain.  The  land  is  high  and  broken. 
They  saw  some  herds  of  ftnimAla  like  cattle,  which  went  in 
droves  of  a  hundred  or  more,  and  which,  from  their  appearance, 
from  their  gait,  and  the  long  wool,  looked  like  Peruvian  sheep. 
They  have  small  horns  a  span  in  length  and  as  thick  as  the 
thumb.  The  tail  is  broad  and  round  and  a  palm  long.'  This 
place  is  in  thirty-three  and  one-third  degrees,  lliey  took 
possession  here.  Hiey  remained  in  this  port  until  the  follow- 
ing Saturday. 

On  Saturday,  the  23d  of  said  month,  they  left  said  port  of 
San  Mateo  and  saOed  along  the  coast  until  the  Monday  fol- 
lowing, when  they  must  have  gone  about  eighteen  leagues. 
They  saw  very  beautiful  valleys  and  groves,  and  country  both 
level  and  rough,  but  no  Indiajis  were  seen. 

On  the  following  Tuesday  and  Wednesday  they  sailed  along 
the  coast  about  e^t  leagues,  passing  by  some  three  islands 

>  Cf.  EvMs's  tronaUtion.  »  The  Todos  Santos  laUnda,  lat  31"  48'. 

*  I^tufia  the  m$gnada  in  Todoa  Santos  Bay,  lat.  31°  51'  (Davidson,  Earlg 
Voyages,  p.  190).  Navarrete  alao  maintMna  tUa  opinion  {Svtil  y  Mexieana, 
lotntdunuon,  p.  xxi.). 

*  Of.  Evans's  translation. 

*  Henshaw  remarks :  '"Tlie  ammal  here  described  seems  to  have  been  tha 
I  ot  about  equal  pnrti  of  fact  and  imagioation.    Without  the  woirf  tho 

d  apply  tolernlily  well  to  the  antelope  {AntUocapra  amenaauii, 

kbly  was.    The  only  aninial  with  a  woolly  fleece  indigenous  to  this 

p  mountain  goat  {Haploeenu  moniontu},  but  this  animal  inhabits 

"It  mountuDs,  and  hence  could  not  have  fallen  under  the  observe 

'  (yoyag$  qf  Cd)riJio,  in  Wheeler's  Beport,  vol.  II.,  Atchn- 


1542]       RELATION  OF  THE  VOYAGE  OF  CABRILLO  23 

oompletdy  denuded  of  soil.^  One  of  them  is  larger  than  the 
others.  It  is  about  two  leagues  in  circumference  and  affords 
shelter  from  the  west  winds.  They  are  three  leagues  from  the 
mainland,  and  are  in  thirty-four  degrees.  They  called  them 
Mas  Desiertas*  (Desert  Islands).  This  day  great  smokes 
were  seen  on  the  land.  The  coimtry  appears  to  be  good  and 
has  lai^  yane3r8^  and  in  the  interior  there  are  high  moim- 
tains. 

On  the  following  Thursday  they  went  about  six  leagues 
along  a  coast  running  north-northwest,  and  discovered  a  port, 
dosed  and  very  good,  which  they  named  San  Miguel.'  It  is 
in  thirty-foiu*  and  one-third  degrees.  Having  cast  anchor  in 
it,  they  went  ashore  where  there  were  people.  Three  of  them 
waited,  but  all  the  rest  fled.  To  these  three  they  gave  some 
presents  and  they  said  by  signs  that  in  the  interior  men  like 
the  Spaniards  had  pass^.  They  gave  signs  of  great  fear. 
On  the  night  of  this  day  they  went  ashore  from  the  ships  to 
fish  ¥dth  a  net,  and  it  appears  that  here  there  were  some  In- 
dians, and  that  they  b^an  to  shoot  at  them  with  arrows  and 
wounded  three  men. 

Next  day  in  the  morning  they  went  with  the  boat  farther 
into  the  port,  which  is  large,  and  brought  two  boys,  who  imder- 
stood  nothing  by  signs.  They  gave  ti^em  both  shirts  and  sent 
fliem  away  immediately. 

Next  day  in  the  morning  three  adult  Indians  came  to  the 
fiapB  and  said  by  signs  that  in  the  interior  men  like  us  were 
travelling  about,  bearded,  clothed,  and  armed  like  those  of 
the  ships.  They  made  signs  that  they  carried  crossbows  and 
swords ;  and  they  made  gestures  with  the  right  arm  as  if  they 
were  throwing  hmces,  and  ran  aroimd  as  if  they  were  on  horse- 
back. They  made  signs  that  they  were  killing  many  native 
Indians,  and  that  for  this  reason  they  were  afraid.  These 
people  are  comely  and  large.  They  go  about  covered  with 
ddns  of  animals.  While  they  were  in  this  port  a  heavy  storm 
occurred,  but  since  the  port  is  good  they  did  not  feel  it  at  all. 

^  Of.  Evans's  translation. 

'Los  Coronados  Islands,  lat  32®  25'.  Henshaw  thought  that  they  were 
Sta  Qeniente  and  Catalina,  but  manifestly  without  good  grounds  {Voyage  (^ 
OMh,  p.  a05). 

'San  Diego  Bay.    Tlie  extremity  of  Point  Loma  is  near  lat.  32*  40^ 


24  CALBFORNU:  CABRILLO  EXPEDITION  11642 

It  was  a  violent  storm  from  the  west-southwest  and  the  south- 
southwest.  This  is  the  first  stonn  which  they  have  experi- 
enced. They  remained  in  this  port  tmtil  the  following  Tues- 
day.   The  people  here  called  the  Christians  Guacamal. 

On  the  following  Tuesday,  the  3d  of  the  month  of  October, 
they  departed  from  this  porii  of  San  Miguel,  and  on  Wednes- 
day, Thursday,  and  Friday,  they  held  their  course  a  matter 
of  eighteen  leagues  along  the  coast,  where  they  saw  many 
valleys  and  plains,  and  many  smokes,  and  mountains  in  the 
interior.  At  nightfall  they  were  near  some  islands  which  are 
some  seven  leagues  from  the  mainland,  but  because  the  wind 
went  down  they  could  not  reach  them  that  night. 

At  daybreak  on  Saturday,  the  7th  of  the  month  of  October, 
they  were  at  the  islands  which  they  named  San  Salvador* 
and  La  Vitoria.*  They  anchored  at  one  of  them  and  went 
ashore  with  the  boat  to  see  if  there  were  people ;  and  when  the 
boat  came  near,  a  great  nimiber  of  Indians  emerged  from  the 
bushes  and  grass,  shouting,  dancing,  and  making  signs  that 
they  should  land.  As  they  saw  that  the  women  were  fleeing, 
from  the  boats  they  made  signs  that  they  should  not  be  afraid. 
Inmiediately  they  were  reassured,  and  laid  their  bows  and  ar- 
rows on  the  groimd  and  laimched  in  the  water  a  good  canoe 
which  held  eight  or  ten  Indians,  and  came  to  the  ships.  They 
gave  them  beads  and  other  articles,  with  which  they  were 
pleased,  and  then  they  returned.  Afterward  the  Spaniards 
went  ashore,  and  they,  the  Indian  women,  and  all  felt  very 
secure.  Here  an  old  Indian  made  signs  to  them  that  men  like 
the  Spaniards,  clothed  and  bearded,  were  going  about  on  the 
mainland.    They  remained  on  this  island  only  till  midday. 

On  the  following  Sunday,  the  8th  of  said  month,  they  drew 
near  to  the  mainland  in  a  large  bay  which  they  called  Bay  of 
Los  Fumos,*  (Bay  of  the  Smokes),  because  of  the  many  smokes 

>  Santa  Catalina  Island,  lat.  33^26)^'  at  Isthmus  Cove.  It  is  eighteen 
miles  long  and  twenty-three  and  one-half  miles  from  Point  Lasu^  (Davidson, 
Early  Voyages,  p.  194).  Navarrete  identifies  San  Salvador  with  the  San  Cle- 
mente,  and  La  Victoria  with  the  Santa  Catalina. 

>  San  Qemente  Island.  The  latitude  of  the  southeast  head  is  32''  49'. 
This  and  the  foregoing  island  were  named  after  the  ships. 

*  Santa  Monica  Bay,  named  from  Sierra  Santa  Monica.  Latitude  of  Point 
Dume,  on  the  north  side,  34®.  He  landed  near  the  point,  where  there  were  large 
villages  of  Indians  to  a  very  late  date  (Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  p.  196). 


ise]       RELATION  OF  THE  VOYAGE  OF  CABRILLO  25 

which  they  saw  on  it.^  Here  they  held  a  colloquy  with  some 
Indians  whom  they  captured  in  a'^eanoe,  and  who'^made  signs 
that  toward  the  north  there  were  Spaniards  like  them.  This 
bay  is  in  thirty-five  degrees  and  is  a  good  port,  and  the  country 
is  good,  with  many  valleys,  plains,  and  groves. 

On  the  following  Monday,  the  9th  of  the  said  month  of 
October,  they  left  the  Bay  of  Los  Fuegos  (the  Fires),  and 
safled  this  day  some  six  leagues,  anchoring  in  a  large  bay.' 
From  here  they  departed  the  next  day,  Tuesday,  and  sailed 
some  eight  leagues  along  a  coast  running  from  northwest  to 
southeast.  We  saw  on  the  land  a  pueblo  of  Indians  close  to 
the  sea,  the  houses  being  large  like  those  of  New  Spain.  They 
anchored  in  front  of  a  very  large  valley  on  the  coast.  Here 
there  came  to  the  ships  many  very  good  canoes,  each  of  which 
held  twelve  or  thirteen  Indians ;  they  told  them  of  Christians 
who  were  going  about  in  the  interior.  The  coast  runs  from 
northwest  to  southeast.  Here  they  gave  them  some  presents, 
with  which  they  were  greatly  pleased.  They  indicated  by 
signs  that  in  seven  days  they  could  go  to  where  the  Spaniards 
were,  and  Juan  Rodriguez  decided  to  send  two  Spaniards  into 
the  interior.  They  also  indicated  that  there  was  a  great  river. 
With  these  Indians  they  sent  a  letter  at  a  venture  to  the 
Christians.  They  named  this  town  the  Pueblo  of  Las  Canoas.* 
•n«  Indians  drei  in  skins  of  animals;  tiiey  axe  fishermen  a^d 
eat  raw  fish ;  they  were  eating  maguey  also.  This  pueblo  is  in 
thirty-five  and  one-tWrd  degrees.  The  interior  of  the  country 
is  a  very  fine  vaUey ;  and  they  made  signs  that  in  that  valley 
there  was  much  maize  and  abimdant  food.  Behind  the  valley 
appear  some  very  high  moimtains  and  very  broken  country. 
They  call  the  Christians  Taquimine.  Here  they  took  possession 
and  here  they  remained  imtil  Friday,  the  13th  day  of  said  month. 

On  Friday,  the  13th  of  said  month  of  October,  they  left 
the  pueblo  of  Las  Canoas  to  continue  their  voyage,  and  sailed 

*  "Around  it"  (Davidson,  ibid.), 

s  Hie  anchorage  off  T^igiina  Mugu,  lat.  34®  5',  fifteen  miles  west  of  Point 
Dome  and  nineteen  miles  by  coast  line  from  San  Buenaventura. 

» "Pueblo  of  the  Canoes,"  at  San  Buenaventura,  in  lat.  34*  17'.  "The 
name  Taquimine  seems  to  be  the  original  of  the  present  Hueneme,  and  is  locally 
itfened  to  the  name  of  a  celebrated  chief"  (Davidson,  p.  198).  Navarrete  lo- 
eites  this  town  on  San  Juan  Capistrano  Bay  (StdU  y  Mexicana,  Introducci6n, 
d.). 


26  CALIFORNIA:  CABRILLO  EXPEDITION  [1642 

this  day  six  or  seven  leagues/  passing  along  the  shores  of  two 
large  islands.  Each  of  them  must  be  four  leagues  long,  and 
they  must  be  about  four  leagues  from  the  mainland.  They 
are  uninhabited,  because  they  have  no  water,  but  they  have 
good  ports.  The  coast  of  the  mainland  trends  to  the  west- 
northwest.  It  is  a  countiy  of  many  savannahs  and  groves. 
On  the  following  Satiu^day  they  continued  on  their  course,  but 
made  no  more  than  two  leagues,  anchoring^  in  front  of  a 
magnificent  valley  densely  populated,  with  level  land,  and 
many  groves.  Here  came  canoes  with  fish  to  barter;  the 
Indians  were  very  friendly. 

On  the  following  Simday,  the  15th  day  of  the  said  month, 
they  contiuued  on  their  course  along  the  coast  for  about  ten 
leagues ;  •  all  the  way  there  were  many  canoes,  for  the  whole 
coast  is  very  densely  populated;  and  many  Indians  kept 
boarding  the  ships.  They  pointed  out  the  pueblos  and  told 
us  their  names.  They  are  Xuco,  Bis,  Sopono,  Alloc,  Xabaagua, 
Xocotoc,  Potoltuc,  Nacbuc,  Quelqueme,  Misinagua,  Mise- 
sopano,  Elquis,  Coloc,  Mugu,  Xagua,  Anacbuc,  Partocac, 
Susuquey,  Quanmu,  Gua,*  Asimu,  Aguin,  Casalic,  Tucumu, 
and  ticpupu.*^ 

All  these  pueblos  are  between  the  first  pueblo  of  Las  Canoaa, 
which  is  called  Xucu,  and  this  point.  They  are  in  a  very  good 
country,  with  fine  plains  and  many  groves  and  savannahs. 
The  lins  go  di^Ssed  in  skins.  Thiy  said  that  in  the  in- 
terior  there  were  many  pueblos,  and  much  maize  three  days' 
journey  from  there.  They  call  maize  Oep.  They  also  said 
that  there  were  many  cows  ;•  these  they  call  Cae.  They  also 
told  us  of  people  bearded  and  clothed. 

1  To  the  ''Riiic6n/'  lat.  34^  22',  four  leagues  west  of  San  Buenaventura. 

*  Anchorage  off  the  Carpinterfa,  lat.  34®  24',  about  a  mile  west  of  Sand  Point. 
>  Anchorage  four  or  five  miles  west  of  Point  Goleta,  eleven  miles  west  of 

Santa  Barbara  lighthouse,  in  lat  W  25'. 

*  A  note  in  Buckingham  Smith,  p.  189,  states  that  the  last  two  names  are 
united  in  the  manuscript,  thus :  Quanmugua. 

*  The  Indians  of  this  coast  were  of  the  Chumashan  linguistic  stock.  The 
name  is  from  that  of  the  natives  of  Santa  Rosa  Island.  For  a  discussion  of 
civilization  and  divisions  of  the  group,  see  H.  W.  Henshaw  and  A.  L.  Kroeber  in 
Hodge,  Handbook  cf  American  Indians,  1. 296-297,  and  the  authorities  there  cited. 

*  Henshaw  thinks  the  animal  here  referred  to  was  the  bison  (Voyage  of  Co- 
hriUo,  p.  307,  note),  but  it  was  more  probably  the  elk,  plentiful  in  CalifcMmia  in 
early  days,  which  is  not  true  of  the  bison. 


1642]       RELATION  OF  THE  VOYAGE  OF  CABRILLO  27 

This  day  they  passed  along  the  shore  of  a  large  island  ^ 
which  must  be  fifteen  leagues  long.  They  said  that  it  was  very 
densely  populated  and  t£at  there  were  the  following  pueblos : 
Niquipos,  Maxul,  Xugua,  Nitel,  Macamo,  and  Nimitapal. 
They  called  this  island  San  Lucas.  From  here  to  the  pueblo 
of  Iss  Canoas  it  must  be  about  eighteen  leagues.  The  island 
must  be  about  six  leagues  from  the  mainland. 

On  Monday,  the  16th  of  the  said  month,  sailing  along  the 
coast,  they  made  about  foiu*  leagues,  and  cast  anchor^  in  the 
afternoon  in  front  of  two  pueblos.  All  this  day,  likewise,  many 
canoes  came  with  the  ships  and  made  signs  that  farther  on 
there  were  canoes  much  larger. 

On  the  following  Tuesday,  the  17th  of  the  said  month, 
they  made  three  leagues,'  with  favorable  winds.  Many 
canoes  went  with  the  ships  from  daybreak,  and  the  captain 
kept  giving  them  many  presents.  All  this  coast  which  they 
have  passed  is  very  thicldy  settled.  The  Indians  brought  for 
them  many  sardines,  fresh  and  very  good.  They  say  that  in  the 
interior  there  are  many  pueblos  and  abundant  food.  They  ate 
no  maize.  They  were  dressed  in  skins,  and  wore  their  hair 
very  long  and  tied  up  with  long  strings  interwoven  with  the 
hair,  there  being  attached  to  the  strings  many  gewgaws* 
of  flint,  bone,  and  wood.  The  coimtry  appears  to  be  very 
fine. 

On  Wednesday,  the  18th  of  the  said  month,  they  proceeded 
along  the  coast  until  ten  o'clock,  seeing  that  all  the  coast  was 
populated;  and  because  there  was  a  fresh  wind  and  canoes 
did  not  come  to  them,  they  drew  near  to  a  headland  which 
forms  a  cape  like  a  galley,  and  named  it  Cape  Galera.^  It  is 
in  thirty-six  degrees,  full.  And  because  a  strong  northwest 
wind  struck  them  they  stood  off  shore  and  discovered  two 
islands,  one  large,  probably  about  eight  leagues  long  from  east 
to  west,  the  other  about  f  oiu*  leagues.    They  are  inhabited,  and 

^  The  three  ialands,  Santa  Cruz,  Santa  Rosa,  and  San  Miguel.  They  over- 
ly each  other  and  were  thought  to  be  one.  They  afterward  discovered  that 
they  were  separate.    See  entries  for  January,  1543. 

*  Anxkofngd  off  the  Canada  del  Refugio,  34®  27^  twenty-one  miles  from  the 
Santa  Barbara  lighthouse. 

>  To  the  anchorage  off  Gaviota  Pass,  twelve  miles  east  of  Point  Concepcidn, 
Ut  34®  28'. 

« Dagaa.  » Point  Concepci6n,  lat  34®  27'. 


28  CALIFORNIA:  CABRILLO  EXPEDITION  [1542 

in  this  small  one  there  is  a  good  port.  They  are  ten  leagues 
from  the  mainland.  They  are  called  the  Islands  of  San  Lucas.  ^ 
From  the  mainland  to  Cape  Galera  the  coast  runs  west-north- 
west. The  district  from  the  pueblo  of  Las  Canoas  to  Cape 
Galera  is  a  densely  populated  province  and  is  called  Xexu. 
Many  languages  distinct  from  each  other  are  spoken  in  it. 
They  have  bitter  wars  with  one  another.  From  the  pueblo 
of  Las  Canoas  to  Cape  Galera  it  is  thirty  leagues.  They  re- 
mained in  these  islands  until  the  following  Wednesday  because 
it  was  very  stormy  .^ 

On  Wednesday,  the  25th  of  said  month,  they  left  these 
islands,  setting  out  from  the  one  which  was  most  to  windward. 
It  has  a  very  good  port,  which  within  gives  shelter  from  aU 
storms  of  the  sea.  They  called  it  La  Posesion.'  This  day  they 
made  little  headway  because  there  was  no  wind.  The  follow- 
ing midnight  they  were  struck  by  a  wind  from  the  south-south- 
west and  west-southwest,  with  rain,  which  put  them  in  peril, 
because  it  was  an  on-shore  wind  and  they  were  near  land,  and 
they  were  unable  to  double  the  cape  on  one  tack  or  the  other. 
At  vespers  the  following  Thursday  the  wind  drove  them  off- 
shore, to  the  south,  whereupon  they  continued  on  their  course 
some  ten  leagues  on*  a  coast  running  from  north-northwest  to 
south-TOutheast.  All  this  coast  is  inhabited  and  the  coun- 
try appears  to  be  good.  That  night  they  held  out  to  sea  be- 
cause the  wind  was  on-shore,  and  on  Friday,  Saturday,  and 
Sunday  they  sailed  with  contrary  winds,  beating  about  from 
one  side  to  the  other,  without  being  able  to  make  headway. 
They  were  in  thirty-six  and  one-half  degrees,  and  ten  leagues 
from  Cape  Galera.    They  continued  also  on  Monday,  and  on 

*  San  Miguel,  and  then  Santa  Cruz  and  Santa  Rosa  as  one.  "They  had 
already  seen  the  Island  of  Santa  Rosa,  as  part  of  the  Island  of  Santa  Cruz  when 
they  overlapped  and  were  named  San  Lucas.  Now  they  discover  San  Miguel 
separated  from  the  Island  of  Santa  Rosa,  which  was  supposed  to  be  the  western 
part  of  San  Lucas"  (Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  p.  204). 

*  Herrera  says :  "During  the  eight  days  that  they  remained  in  the  port 
they  were  well  treated  by  the  Indians,  who  go  naked  and  paint  their  faces  after 
the  manner  of  Axedr^  "  (Huioria  General,  dec.  VII.,  lib.  V.,  cap.  III.). 

'  San  Miguel  Island.  The  latitude  of  the  anchorage  is  34''  3'.  After  Ca« 
brillo's  death  Ferrelo  named  the  island  La  Isla  de  Juan  Rodriguez.  See  p.  33. 
Herrera  adds  some  information  at  this  point  (JSistoria  General,  dec.  VII.,  lib.  V., 
cap.  III.). 

*  "To  a  coast"  (Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  p.  208). 


1542]       RELATION  OF  THE  VOYAGE  OF  CABRILLO  29 

Tuesday,  the  31st  of  the  said  month,  eve  of  the  Feast  of  All 
Saints,  tacking  back  and  forth,  trying  to  approach  the  main- 
land in  search  of  a  laige  river^  which  they  had  heard  was  on 
tiie  other  side  of  Cape  Galera,  and  because  on  the  land  there 
were  signs  of  rivers.  But  they  foimd  none,  neither  did  they 
anchor  here,  because  the  coast  was  very  bold. 

lliis  month  they  found  on  this  coast  the  same  weather  as 
in  Spain  from  thirty-foiu*  degrees  and  upward,  with  severe 
cold  in  the  mornings  and  at  night,  and  with  storms,  very  dark 
and  cloudy  weather,  and  heavy  atmosphere. 

On  Wednesday,  the  1st  day  of  November,  at  midnight, 
standing  off,  they  encountered  a  heavy  wind  from  the  north- 
northwest,  which  prevented  them  from  carrying  a  palm  of  sail, 
and  by  dawn  it  had  freshened  so  that  they  were  forced  to  seek 
shelter,  and  they  therefore  went  to  take  refuge  imder  Cape 
Galera.   There  tiiey  cast  anchor  and  went  ashore ;  and  although 
there  was  a  large  pueblo  which  they  call  Xexo,*  because  wood 
did  not  appear  to  be  close  at  hand  they  decided  to  go  to  the 
pueblo  of  Las  Sardinas,'  because  there  the  water  and  wood  were 
close  and  handy.    This  shelter  imder  Galera  they  called  the 
port  of  Todos  Santos.*    On  the  following  Thursday  they  went 
to  the  pueblo  of  Las  Sardinas,*^  where  they  remained  three  days, 
taking  on  water  and  wood.    The  natives  of  the  coimtry  aided 
them  and  brought  the  wood  and  water  to  the  ships.    This 
pueblo  of  the  port  of  Sardinas  they  call  Cicacut ;  the  others, 
between  there  and  Cape  Galera,  are  Ciucut,  Anacot,  Maqui- 
nanoa,  Paltatre,  Anacoat,  Olesino,  Caacat,  Paltocac,  Tocane, 
Opia,  Opistopia,  Nocos,  Yutum,  Quiman,  Micoma,  Garomi- 
fiopona.    The  ruler*  of  these  pueblos  is  an  old  Indian  woman, 
who  came  to  the  ships  and  dept  two  nights  on  the  captain's 
ship,  as  did  many  Indians,    llie  pueblo  of  Ciucut  appeared 
to  be  the  capital  of  the  rest,  for  they  came  there  from  other 
pueblos  at  the  call  of  this  ruler.    The  pueblo  which  is  at  the 

'Perhaps  the  Puilnma,  or  Santa  Inez,  emptying  just  north  of  Point 

>  The  Indian  village  at  El  Coxo  anchorage. 

'The  Sardines.  *  £1  Coxo  anchorage,  lat.  34''  28'. 

*  Indian  village  at  Gaviota  Pass,  lat.  34®  27'.  This  is  the  place  where  they 
Kcored  so  many  sardines  on  October  17.  (Davidson,  Early  Voy<iges,  p.  208, 
^^here  a  sli^t  error  in  chronology  occurs.) 

*La8efiara, 


30  CALIFORNIA:  CABRILLO  EXPEDITION  [1642 

cape  they  call  Xexo.  From  this  port  to  the  pueblo  of  Las 
Canoas  is  another  province  which  they  call  Xucu.^  Their 
houses  are  round  and  very  well  covered  clear  to  the  ground. 
They  wear  skins  of  many  kinds  of  animals.  They  eat  oak 
acorns,  and  a  seed  the  size  of  maize.  It  is  white,  and  from  it 
they  make  tamales ;  it  is  a  good  food.  They  say  that  in  the 
interior  there  is  much  maize,  and  that  men  like  us  are  going 
about  there.    This  port  is  in  thirty-five  and  two-thirds  degrees. 

On  Monday,  the  6th  of  said  month  of  November,  they  left 
the  said  port  of  Sardinas ;  that  day  they  made  almost  no  prog- 
ress, and  imtil  the  following  Friday  they  sailed  with  very 
light  wind.  That  day  we  arrived  at  Cape  Galera.^  Diuing 
all  this  course  they  could  make  no  use  of  the  Indians  who  came 
aboard  with  water  and  fish,  and  appeared  very  friendly. 
They  have  in  their  pueblos  large  plazas,  and  have  an  enclosure 
like  a  fence :  and  aroimd  the  enclosure  they  have  many  blocks 
of  stone  set  in  the  ground,  and  projecting  three  paln^  above 
it.  Within  the  enclosures  they  have  many  timbers  set  up  like 
thick  masts.  On  these  poles  they  have  many  paintings,  and 
we  thought  that  they  worshipped  them,  because  when  they 
dance  they  go  dancing  aroimd  the  enclosure. 

On  the  following  Saturday,  the  day  of  San  Martin,  the  11th 
of  the  said  month  of  November,  they  held  on  their  course, 
sailing  along  the  coast,'  and  that  morning  foimd  themselves 
twelve  leagues  from  the  cape  in  the  same  place  where  they 
had  first  arrived.  All  this  day  they  had  good  wind,  and  they 
journeyed  along  the  coast  from  southeast  to  northwest,  making 
twenty  leagues.  All  this  coast  which  they  ran  this  day  is 
bold  and  entirely  without  shelter.  All  along  it  runs  a  chain 
of  very  high  moimtains.  It  is  as  high  at  the  seacoast  as  in 
the  interior,  and  the  sea  beats  upon  it.  They  saw  no  settle- 
ment nor  any  smokes,  and  all  the  coast,  which  has  no  shelter 
from  the  north,  is  iminhabited.  They  named  these  mountains 
the  Sierras  de  San  Martin.*  They  are  in  thirty-seven  and 
one-half  degrees.    Their  northwest  extremity  forms  a  cape 

^  Elsewhere  said  to  extend  from  San  Buenaventura  to  Point  Concepci6n. 
« Point  Concepcidn,  lat.  34**  27'. 

•Driven  by  a  southwester  (Herrera,  Historia  General,  dec.  VII.,  lib.  V., 
cap.  IV.). 

*  The  Santa  Lucfa  Mountain. 


15421       RELATION  OF  THE  VOYAGE  OF  CABRILLO  31 

which  juts  into  the  sea.    It  is  in  thirty-eight  degrees.    They 
named  it  Cape  Martin.^ 

At  four  o'clock  this  Saturday  night,  when  lying-to  at  sea 
about  six  leagues  from  the  coast,  waiting  for  morning,  with  a 
southeast  wind,  there  blew  up  so  heavy  a  gale  from  the  south- 
west and  south-southwest,  with  rain  and  dark  clouds,  that 
they  could  not  cany  a  palm  of  sail,  and  were  forced  to  scud 
vntii  a  small  foresail,  with  much  labor,  the  whole  night.  On 
the  following  Simday  the  tempest  became  much  more  violent 
and  continued  all  day,  all  night,  and  imtil  noon  of  the  follow- 
ing day.  The  storm  was  as  severe  as  any  there  could  be  in 
Spain.    On  Satiuxiay  night  they  lost  sight  of  their  consort. 

On  Monday,  the  13th  of  said  month  of  November,  at  the 
hour  of  vespers,  the  wind  calmed  down  and  shifted  to  the 
west,  and  at  once  they  set  sail  and  went  in  search  of  the  con- 
sort, steering  towards  the  land,  prajdng  to  God  that  they 
might  find  her,  for  they  greatly  feared  that  she  might  be  lost. 
They  ran  to  the  north  and  north-northwest  with  a  wind  from 
the  west  and  west-northwest,  and  at  daybreak  on  the  follow- 
ing Tuesday  they  sighted  the  land.*  ITiey  had  to  run  until 
the  afternoon,  when  they  went  to  reconnoitre  a  very  high 
coasts  and  then  proceeded  along  the  coast  to  see  if  there  were 
any  port  where  they  might  take  shelter.  So  great  was  the 
swell  of  the  ocean  that  it  was  terrifying  to  see,  and  the  coast 
was  bold  and  the  mountains  very  high.  In  the  afternoon  they 
lay-to  for  shelter.  The  coast  runs  from  northwest  to  south- 
east. They  examined  the  coast  at  a  point  which  projects 
into  the  sea  and  forms  a  cape.'  The  point  is  covered  with 
timber,  and  is  in  forty  degrees. 

On  Wednesday,  the  15th  of  said  month,  they  sighted  the 
consort,  whereupon  they  heartily  thanked  God,  for  they  had 
thought  her  lost.  They  made  toward  her,  and  in  the  after- 
noon they  joined  company.  Those  on  the  other  ship  had  ex- 
perienced greater  labor  and  risk  than  those  of  the  captain's 

» Point  Pinos,  in  lat  36*»  38'. 

>  Davidson  says  the  land  sighted  was  to  the  northward  of  Russian  River 
(fixiiy  Voyoffes,  p.  220). 

'The  bold,  high  spur  of  the  coast  mountains  nearly  overhanging  Ft.  Ross 
Cove,  lat  38'  31'.  Herrera  calls  it  Cabo  de  Pinos  (Historia  General,  dec.  VII., 
Q>.  v.,  c^>.  IV.). 


32  CALIFORNIA:  CABRILLO  EXPEDITION  [1542 

ship,  since  it  was  a  small  vessel  and  had  no  deck.  This  coun- 
try where  they  were  sailing  is  apparently  very  good^  but  they 
saw  no  Indians  or  smokes.  There  are  large  mountains  cov- 
ered with  snow,  and  there  is  heavy  timber.  At  night  they 
lowered  sails  and  lay-to. 

On  the  following  Thiusday,  the  16th  of  the  said  month 
of  November,  they  f oimd  themselves  at  daybreak  in  a  great 
bay,  which  came  at  a  turn,  and  which  appeared  to  have  a 
port  and  river.  They  held  on,  beating  about  that  day  and 
night  and  on  the  following  Friday,  until  they  saw  that  there 
was  neither  river  nor  shelter.  In  order  to  take  possession  they 
cast  anchor  in  forty-five  fathoms,  but  they  did  not  dare  go 
ashore  because  of  the  high  sea.  This  bay  is  in  thirty-nine 
degrees,  full,  and  its  entire  shore  is  covered  with  pines  clear 
to  the  sea.  They  named  it  Bay  of  Los  Pinos.^  That  night 
they  lay-to  until  the  following  day. 

The  following  Saturday  they  ran  along  the  coast,  and  at 
night  found  themselves  off  Cape  San  Martin.^  All  the  coast 
run  this  day  is  very  bold ;  the  sea  has  a  heavy  swell,  and  the 
coast  is  veiy  high.  There  are  moimtains  which  reach  the 
sky,  and  the  sea  beats  upon  them.  When  sailing  along  near 
the  land,  it  seems  as  if  the  mountains  would  fall  upon  the 
ships.  They  are  covered  with  snow  to  the  siunmit,  and  they 
named  them  the  Siernls  Nevadas.'  At  the  beginning  of  them 
a  cape  is  formed  which  projects  into  the  sea,*  and  which  they 
named  Cape  Nieve.^    The  coast  runs  from  north-northwest 

^  Drake's  Bay,  lat.  38^  Navarrete  thought  this  might  be  Monterey  Bay 
(Stdil  y  Mexicarui,  Introducci6n,  p.  xxxii.).  For  Drake's  anchorage  in  this  bay 
see  W.  S.  W.  Vaux,  ed.,  The  World  Encompassed  by  Sir  Francis  Drake;  J.  S. 
Corbett,  Drake  and  the  Tudor  Navy  ;  Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  pp.  214-218; 
Davidson,  Identification  of  Sir  Francis  Drake's  Anchorage  on  the  Coast  of  California 
in  the  Year  1579  (San  Francisco,  1890). 

'Either  the  limit  of  Sierra  Santa  Lucfa,  near  Point  Carmel,  or  the  San 
Martin  of  the  earlier  part  of  the  voyage,  the  former  being  more  likely  (Davidson, 
Early  Voyages,  p.  224). 

'  "It  is  evident  that  Ferrelo  runs  ahead  in  his  narrative  to  describe  in  gen- 
eral terms  the  appearance  of  the  coast  range  of  Mountains  from  the  Gulf  of 
Farallones  to  Cape  San  Martin,  and  then  returns  to  take  up  the  detaib"  (David- 
son, Early  Voyages,  p.  224). 

*  The  San  Francisco  peninsula. 

*"Snow  Cape."  Black  Mountain,  lat  37*"  9'.  Navarrete  says  "appar- 
ently Point  Aiio  Nuevo"  (StUil  y  Mexicana,  Introducci6n,  p.  txtii.). 


15421       BELATION  OF  THE  VOYAGE  OF  CABRILLO  33 

to  south-southeast.  It  does  not  appear  that  Indians  live  on 
this  coast.  This  Cape  Nieve  is  in  thirty-eight  and  two-thirds 
degrees.  Whenever  the  wind  blew  from  the  northwest  the 
weather  was  clear  and  fair. 

On  Thursday,  the  23d  of  the  month,  they  arrived,  on  the 
return,  in  the  islands  of  San  Lucas,  at  one  of  them  called  La 
Posesion.^  They  had  run  the  entire  coast,  point  by  point, 
from  Cape  Pinos  to  the  islands,  and  had  f oimd  no  shelter  what- 
ever, wherefore  they  were  forced  to  retimi  to  said  island  be- 
cause dming  these  past  days  there  was  a  strong  wind  from  the 
west-northwest,  and  the  swell  of  the  sea  was  heavy.  From 
Cwpe  Martin  to  Cape  Pinos  we  did  not  see  a  single  Indian,  the 
reason  being  that  the  coast  is  bold,  rugged,  and  without  shelter. 
But  southeast  of  Cape  Martin  for  fifteen  leagues  they  found 
the  land  inhabited,  and  with  many  smokes,  because  the  coirn- 
try  is  good.  But  from  Cape  Martin  up  to  forty  degrees  we 
saw  no  sign  of  Indians.  Cape  Martin*  is  in  thirty-seven  and 
one-half  degrees. 

Passing  the  winter  on  the  island  of  La  Posesion,'  on  the 
3d  of  the  month  of  January,  1543,  Juan  Rodriguez  Cabrillo, 
captain  of  the  said  ships,  departed  from  this  life,  as  the  result 
of  a  fall  which  he  suffered  on  said  island  when  they  were  there 
before,  from  which  he  broke  an  arm  near  the  shoulder.  He 
left  as  captain  the  chief  pilot,  who  was  one  Bartolome  Ferrelo, 
a  native  of  the  Levant.  At  the  time  of  his  death  he  emphati- 
cally charged  them  not  to  leave  off  exploring  as  much  as  pos- 
sible of  all  that  coast.  They  named  the  island  the  Island  of 
Juan  Rodriguez.*  The  Indians  call  it  Ciquimuymu ;  the  next 
they  call  Nicalque,  and  the  next,  limu.    On  this  island  of  La 

^San  lidGguel  Island,  lat.  34^  3^  "Ferrelo  again  runs  ahead  of  events  in 
bis  narrative  in  mentioning  his  approach  to  the  Santa  Barbara  Islands  and  then 
wbms  and  describes  the  coast  from  Cabo  de  Pinos  (Northwest  Cape  at  Fort 
B«8)"  (Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  p.  224). 

*  Probably  Mount  Carmel,  in  lat.  36**  22'. 

*  San  Miguel  Island.  Henshaw  remarks :  "The  three  centuries  and  more 
that  have  elapsed  have  witnessed  great  changes  in  the  appearance  of  the  island 
<^  San  Miguel,  evidently  then  well  populated.  It  has  become  barren  and  deso- 
late m  the  extreme  by  reason  of  the  drifted  sand,  which  lies  on  it  to  the  depth  of 
many  feet  and  which  will  doubtless  always  preserve  the  secret  of  Cabrillo's  grave" 
(^owe  cf  Cabrillo,  p.  311,  note). 

<San  Miguel  Island. 


34  CALIFORNU:  CABRILLO  EXPEDITION  [1643 

Posesion  there  are  two  pueblos,  one  called  Zaco  and  the  other 
NimoUollo.  On  the  next  island  there  are  three  pueblos,  one 
called  Nichochi,  another  Coycoy,  and  another  Estocoloco.  On 
the  third  island  there  are  eight  pueblos,  namely,  Niqueses- 
quelua,  Poele,  Pisqueno,  Pualnacatup,  Patiquiu,  Patiquilid, 
Ninumu,  Muoc,  Pilidquay,  and  Lilibeque. 

The  Indians  of  these  islands  are  very  poor.  They  are 
fishermen,  and  they  eat  nothing  except  fish.  They  sleep  on 
the  ground.  Thei/ sole  buS  and  employment  is  fisLg. 
They  say  that  in  each  house  there  are  fifty  persons.  They 
live  very  swinishly,  and  go  about  naked. 

They  remained  on  these  islands  from  the  23d  of  November 
till  the  19th  of  January.  During  all  this  time,  which  waa 
nearly  two  months,  there  were  very  heavy  winter  winds  and 
rains.  The  prevailing  winds  were  west-southwest,  south- 
southwest,  and  west-northwest.  There  were  very  violent 
winds. 

On  Friday,  the  19th  of  the  said  month  of  January,  1543, 
they  set  sail  from  the  island  of  Juan  Rodriguez,  which  is  called 
Ciquimuymu,  to  go  to  the  mainland  in  search  of  some  provisions 
for  their  voyage.  As  they  were  leaving  the  port  they  encoim- 
tered  a  heavy  wind  from  the  west-northwest,  which  forced 
them  to  seek  shelter  at  the  other  islands  of  San  Lucas.  They 
anchored  at  the  island  of  Limim,  which  they  called  San  Sal- 
vador.^ They  were  forced  to  weigh  anchor  again  and  depart, 
because  there  was  no  port  other  than  the  shelter  of  the  islands. 
The  wind  shifted  on-shore,*  and  they  sailed  around  these 
islands  eight  days  with  very  foul  winds,  taking  shelter  from 
them  under  the  islands  themselves;  and  on  the  twenty- 
seventh  of  said  month  they  entered  the  same  port  of  the  island 
of  Juan  Rodriguez  where  they  had  been  at  firat.  Their  great- 
est diflSculty  was  because  the  winds  were  not  steady,  for  they 
kept  changing  about  from  one  direction  to  another.  Those 
most  constant  are  from  the  west-northwest  and  west-south- 
west. 

^  Santa  Cruz  Island,  lat.  34®  2'.  This  name  had  abeady  been  given  to 
Santa  Catalina  Island.  From  Navarrete  one  would  get  the  impression  that  this 
is  the  same  Salvador  which  he  identifies  with  the  San  Clemente  (JSutU  y  Mexicana, 
Introdueci6n,  p.  xxxiii.). 

>  "From  dl  points"  (Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  p.  226). 


1543]       KELATION  OF  THE  VOYAGE  OF  CABRILLO  35 

Tuesday;  the  29th  of  the  said  month  of  January^  they  set 
sail  from  tiie  island  of  Juan  Rodriguez  for  the  island  of  San 
Lucas/  which  is  between  the  others,  to  get  certain  anchors 
which  they  had  left  there  during  a  storm,  not  being  able  to 
raise  them.^    They  recovered  them  and  took  on  water. 

They  left  this  island  of  San  Lucas  on  Monday,  the  12th 
of  the  month  of  February,  not  being  able  to  do  so  sooner  be- 
cause of  the  bad  weather,  with  winds  and  heavy  snow,  which 
they  encoimtered.  It  is  inhabited  and  the  people  are  like 
those  of  the  other  island.  The  Indians  call  it  Nicalque. 
There  are  three  pueblos  on  it,  called  Nicochi,  Coycoy,  and 
Coloco.  This  day  they  went  to  the  port  of  Las  Sardinas*  to 
gpt  wood  and  other  things  necessary  for  their  voyage,  for 
there  were  none  on  the  islands. 

On  Wednesday,  the  14th  of  the  said  month,  they  left  the 
port  of  Las  Sardinas,  having  secured  a  boatload  of  wood. 
They  did  not  dare  remain  there  longer  because  of  the  heavy 
sea.  They  did  not  find  so  many  Indians  as  at  first,  nor  any 
fishing  at  all,  because  it  was  winter.  The  natives  were  eating 
acorns  from  the  oaks,  and  another  seed,  and  raw  plants  from 
the  field.  From  here  they  went  to  the  island  of  San  Salvador,* 
because  they  were  safer  there  from  the  storms  in  setting  sail 
to  run  out  to  sea. 

On  Simday,  the  18th  of  the  said  month  of  February,  they 
left  the  island  of  San  Salvador  with  a  favorable  northeast 
wind,  and  ran  to  the  southwest,  because  they  told  them  that 
toward  the  southwest  there  were  other  islands.  At  nightfall 
of  this  day,  when  they  were  about  twelve  leagues  from  the 
idand  of  San  Salvador,  they  saw  six  islands,  some  large  and 
Bome  small.  This  day  a  sailor  died.  On  the  following  Mon- 
day, at  daybreak,  they  were  at  sea  about  ten  leagues  to  wind- 
WMxi  of  the  islands ;  and  with  the  wind  in  the  west-northwest 
th^  stood  off  to  the  southwest  five  days,  at  the  end  of  which 
time  they  had  made  about  a  hundred  leagues.  Finding  the 
winds  more  violent  and  a  heavy  sea,  on  Thursday,  the  22d  of 
said  month  of  February,  they  tinned  again  toward  the  land 

1  Santa  Rosa  Island,  lat  33''  57'. 

'  Davidson  thinks  that  he  probably  lost  his  anchors  in  Becher's  Bay  (Early 
Vogaget,  p.  228). 

*Qff  Gaviota  Pass,  lat  34''  27'.  «Santa  Cruz  Island. 


36  CALIFORNIA:  CABRILLO  EXPEDITION  [1543 

to  go  in  search  of  Cape  Pinos,  with  a  wind  from  the  south- 
southeast  which  lasted  for  three  days  and  became  each  day 
more  violent.  On  the  following  Simday,  at  daybreak,  they 
sighted  Cape  Finos/  and  at  ni^tfall  of  the  same  day  were 
twenty  leagues  to  windward  on  a  coast  running  from  north- 
west  to  southeast.  It  is  bold  and  without  shelter.  Not  a 
single  smoke  was  seen  on  the  land.  They  saw  a  point'  which 
was  like  a  spin*  of  land  where  the  coast  turned  north-northwest. 
At  midnight  the  wind  shifted  to  the  south-southwest,  and  they 
ran  west-northwest  till  next  day.  In  the  morning  the  wind 
shifted  to  the  west-southwest  and  became  very  strong,  lasting 
till  the  following  Tuesday.    They  ran  toward  the  northwest.* 

Tuesday,  the  27th  of  said  month,  the  wind  shifted  to  the 
south-southwest,  and  continued  in  that  direction  all  day. 
They  ran  west-northwest  with  foresails  lowered,  because  the 
wind  was  high.  At  night  the  wind  shifted  to  the  west.  They 
ran  south  all  night  with  but  little  sail.  There  was  a  high  sea 
which  broke  over  them. 

On  the  following  Wednesday,  the  28th  of  said  month,  at 
daybreak,  the  wind  shifted  directly  to  the  southwest,  and  did 
not  blow  hard.  This  day  they  took  the  latitude  in  forty-three 
degrees.*  Toward  night  the  wind  freshened  and  shifted  to 
the  south-southwest.  They  ran  this  night  to  the  west-north- 
west, with  great  diflSculty,  and  on  Thureday,  in  the  morning, 
the  wind  i^ted  to  the  southwest  with  great  fury,  the  seaa 
coming  from  many  directions,  causing  them  great  fatigue  and 
breaking  over  the  ships ;  and  as  they  had  no  decks,  if  God  had 
not  succored  them  they  could  not  have  escaped.  Not  being 
able  to  lay-to,  they  were  forced  to  scud  northeast  toward  the 

*  Northwest  Cape,  lat.  38^  31'  just  east  of  Fort  Ross  anchorage. 

*  Point  Arena,  the  Punta  de  Arena  of  later  Spanish  navigators,  lat.  38^  57' 
(Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  p.  247).  Called  Cabo  de  Fortunas  by  Herrera  (jETit- 
toria  Oenefol,  dec.  VII.,  lib.  V.,  cap.  IV.). 

'  "They  saw  the  great  mountain  mass  which  reaches  a  height  of  nearly 
4300  feet  a  little  to  the  northward  of  Point  Delgada  at  Shelter  Cove ;  and  con- 
tinues as  a  bold  range  to  the  north  of  Cape  Mendocino.  They  could  not  have 
seen  Point  Delgada  because  it  is  low  and  projected  on  the  base  of  the  coast 
mountains"  (Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  p.  230). 

« "On  the  28th  of  February,  1543,  they  were  out  of  sight  of  land,  and  prob- 
ably in  latitude  41  yi"",  allowing  a  correction  of  one  and  a  half  degrees  to  his  re- 
ported latitude"  (Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  p.  234). 


1543]       RELATION  OF  THE  VOYAGE  OF  CABRILLO  37 

land;  and  now,  thinking  themselves  lost,  they  commended 
themselves  to  Chir  Lady  of  Guadalupe  and  made  their  vows. 
Thus  they  ran  until  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  with  great 
fear  and  travail,  because  they  concluded  that  they  were  about 
to  be  lost,  for  they  saw  many  signs  that  land  was  near  by,  both 
birds  and  very  green  trees,  which  came  from  some  rivers, 
although  because  the  weather  was  very  dark  and  cloudy  the 
land  was  invisible.^  At  this  hour  the  Mother  of  God  suc- 
cored them,  by  the  grace  of  her  Son,  for  a  very  heavy  rain- 
storm came  up  from  the  north  which  drove  them  south  with 
foresails  lowei^  all  night  and  until  sunset  the  next  day ;  and 
as  there  was  a  high  sea  from  the  south  it  broke  every  time  over 
the  prow  and  swept  over  them  as  over  a  rock.  The  wind 
shifted  to  the  northwest  and  to  the  north-northwest  with  great 
fury,  forcing  them  to  scud  to  the  southeast  and  east-southeast 
until  Saturdiay  the  3d  of  March,  with  a  sea  so  high  that  they 
became  crazed,  and  if  God  and  his  blessed  Mother  had  not 
miraculously  saved  them  they  could  not  have  escaped.  On 
Saturday  at  midday  the  wind  calmed  down  and  remained 
in  the  northwest,  for  which  they  gave  heartfelt  thanks  to  our 
Lord.  With  respect  to  food  they  also  suffered  hardship,  be- 
cause they  had  nothing  but  damaged  biscuit. 

It  appears  to  them  that  there  is  a  very  large  river,  of  which 
they  had  much  notice,  between  forty-one  and  forty-three  de- 
grees, because  they  saw  many  signs  of  it.^  This  day  in  the 
afternoon  they  recognized  Cape  Pinos,'  but  because  of  the 
high  sea  they  were  forced  to  run  the  coast  in  return  in  search 
of  a  port.    They  experienced  great  cold. 

On  Monday,  the  5th  of  the  month  of  March,  1543,  in  the 
morning,  they  found  themselves  at  the  island  of  Juan  Ro- 

*  "They  were  probably  in  latitude  42®  30',  abreast  of  Rogue  River  and  work- 
ing their  way  back  to  El  Cabo  de  Pinos;  but  they  must  have  been  seventy  miles 
brood  off  the  coast,  which  was  therefore  not  visible.  The  logs  were  brought  down 
the  flooded  rivers  of  this  part  of  the  coast;  and  they  always  have  been  a  feature 
off  the  coast  north  of  Mendocino"  (Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  p.  234).  According 
to  Herrera  on  March  1  they  took  latitude  and  found  it  to  be  44®  (Historia  Oeneral, 
dec  Vn.,  Ub.  v.,  cap.  IV.). 

'  "On  Saturday,  March  3,  1543,  they  were  approaching  the  coast  south  of 
Pomt  Arena,  but  Ferrelo  goes  back  in  his  narrative"  (Davidson,  Early  Voyages, 
^236). 

*  Northwest  Cape,  lat  38''  31'. 


as  CALIFOBNIA:  CABRILLO  EXPEDITION  [1543 

driguez/  but  they  did  not  dare  ^iter  the  port  because  of  the 
high  tempest  which  caused  breakers  at  its  ^itrance  in  fifteen 
fathoms.  The  wind  was  from  the  north-northwest.  The  en* 
trance  is  narrow.  They  ran  to  shelter  under  the  island  of 
San  Salvador'  on  the  southeast  side.  The  ni^t  before,  com- 
ing with  a  high  tempest,  with  only  two  small  foresails,  they 
lost  sight  of  the  other  ship,  and  feared  that  she  had  been  swal* 
lowed  up  by  the  sea ;  and  th^  were  unable  to  find  her  again, 
even  in  the  morning.  Th^  think  that  they  must  have  been 
in  forty-four  degrees  when  struck  by  the  last  storm  which 
drove  them  to  shelter.' 

On  Thursday,  the  8th  of  the  said  month,  they  left  the 
island  of  San  Salvador  to  go  to  the  mainland  in  seajt^  of  the 
other  ship.  They  went  to  the  pueblo  of  Las  Canoas,^  but 
did  not  get  any  news  of  her.    Here  they  secured  four  Indians. 

On  the  following  Friday,  the  9th  of  the  said  month,  they 
left  the  pueblo  of  Las  Canoas  and  went  to  the  island  of  San 
Salvador,  but  still  did  not  find  the  consort. 

On  Sunday,  the  11th  of  said  month,  they  reached  the  port 
of  San  Miguel*  but  did  not  find  the  consort  there,  or  any 
news  of  her.  Here  they  waited  six  days ;  here  they  secured 
two  boys  to  take  to  New  Spain  as  interpreters,  and  left  cer- 
tain signals  in  case  the  other  ship  should  come  here. 

On  Saturday,  the  17th  of  the  said  month,  they  left  said 
port  of  San  Miguel.  On  the  following  Simday  they  reached 
the  Bay  of  San  Mateo,^  but  still  did  not  find  trace  of  the 
other  ^p. 

On  Sunday,  the  18th  of  said  month,  in  the  afternoon,  they 
left  this  Bay  of  San  Mateo,  and  on  the  following  Wednesday, 
the  21st  of  said  month,  they  arrived  at  the  port  of  La  Posesion,^ 
but  still  found  no  news  of  the  consort.    They  waited  two  days 

1  San  ^Cguel  lalaiid,  and  Cuyler's  Harbor,  lat.  34"*  3'. 

*  Smuggler's  Cove,  Santa  Cruz  Island,  lat.  34®  2'.  "  To  reach  this  anchorage 
he  must  have  sailed  along  the  north  shore  of  San  Miguel  Island,  Santa  Rosa 
Island,  and  Santa  Cruz  Island,  and  rounded  the  easternmost  point  of  the  latt^ 
to  find  shelter  from  the  northwest  wind  at  Smuggler's  Cove"  (Davidson,  EaHy 
Vo^ag^,  p.  238). 

*  The  high^t  point  reached  was  probably  42  H^    See  note  1,  p.  9. 

*  San  Buenaventura,  nineteen  miles  north-northeast  of  Smuggler's  Cove. 
»  San  Di^^o  Bay.  *  Todos  Santos  Bay. 

'  Port  San  Quentin,  Lower  California. 


1543]       RELATION  OF  THE  VOYAGE  OF  CABRILLO  39 

without  entering  the  port,  because  they  did  not  dare  to  enter 
it  on  account  of  the  high  northwest  wind ;  and  because  th^ 
parted  their  cable  they  were  forced  to  weigh  anchor. 

On  Friday,  the  23d  day  of  said  month,  they  left  the  port 
of  La  Posesion,  and  on  the  following  Saturday,  at  midni^t, 
ihey  reached  the  island  of  Cedros  ;^  and  being  there  on  the 
following  Monday,  the  26th  of  the  said  month,  the  other  ship 
arrived  at  the  island  of  Cedros,  whereupon  they  were  greatly 
rejoiced  and  gave  hearty  thanks  to  God.  Tins  ship  passed 
by'  the  island  of  Juan  Rodriguez,  striking  some  shoals  at  night 
and  they  thought  they  would  be  lost,  but  the  sailors  promised 
Our  Lady  to  make  a  pilgrimage  to  her  church  stripped  to  the 
waist,'  and  she  saved  them. 

On  Monday,  the  2d  day  of  the  month  of  April,  they  left 
the  island  of  Cedros  to  return  to  New  Spain,  because  they  had 
no  supplies  with  which  to  again  attempt  to  explore  the  coast. 
They  arrived  in  the  port  of  Navidad  on  Saturday,  the  14th 
day  of  the  said  month  of  April. 

As  captain  of  the  ships  came  Bartolome  Ferrel,  chief  pilot 
of  the  ships,  in  lieu  of  Juan  Rodriguez  Cabrillo,  who  died  on 

the  island  of  La  Posesion.    Li  said  ships  came^ 

men. 

^  Cerros  Island. 

*Pcuo  en.  Evans  renders  this  "put  into/'  while  Davidson  renders  it 
"passed  by."  Relying  on  this  expression  and  the  narrative  in  Herrera,  David- 
son states  that  ihefragata  did  not  make  port  on  San  Miguel  Island  (Isla  de  Juan 
Boditguez)  but  sought  shdter  on  Santa  Rosa  Island  or  San  Sebastiin  (Early 
Voyages,  p.  238). 

' En  oames,  literally,  "naked."  I  here  foUow  a  suggestion  made  by  Father 
Zephyrin  Engelhardt  in  a  discussion  with  me  in  regard  to  pilgrimages. 

*  Left  blank  in  the  manuscript. 


CALIFORNIA 
2.  THE  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION,  1602-1603 


INTRODUCTION 

Almost  sunultaneously  with  the  voyage  of  Cabrillo^  Villa- 
lobos  crossed  the  Pacific  Ocean  from  Mexico  and  took  formal 
possession  of  the  San  Ld^zaro  Islands^  their  name  now  being 
changed  to  the  Philippines.  It  was  still  twenty  years  before 
the  islands  were  occupied,  but  in  1565  Legazpi  led  an  expedi- 
tion from  Mexico,  and  during  the  next  six  years  subdued  the 
islands,  precisely  at  the  time  when  the  province  of  Florida  was 
being  foimded  by  Men^dez  de  Avil^.  At  once  a  regular 
trade,  conducted  by  means  of  the  annual  Manila  galleon,  was 
established  between  Mexico  and  the  Philippines. 

This  event  gave  rise  to  a  new  interest  in  the  California 
coast.  It  was  soon  learned  that  the  most  practicable  return 
route  from  Manila  was  northward  to  the  Japan  ciurent  and 
across  the  Pacific  to  the  California  coast  in  the  latitude  of 
Cape  Mendocino.  But  the  secmity  of  this  route  and  of  the 
Strait  of  Anian,  whose  existence  was  generally  beUeved  in, 
was  threatened  by  the  operations  of  the  French  and  the  Eng- 
lish in  the  northern  Atlantic,  and  by  the  exploits  of  Drake  and 
Cavendish  in  the  Pacific.  By  now,  a  Spanish  writer  has  said, 
''the  Finglifih  had  begun  to  lord  it  over  the  South  Sea,  terroriz- 
ing our  coasts  by  outrages,  incendiarism,  robbery,  and  notori- 
ous piracy."  Moreover,  a  port  of  call  on  the  California  coast 
was  needed  for  the  Manila  galleon,  as  a  place  for  shelter  and 
lepaiis,  and  for  relief  for  the  sailors  from  the  terrible  scoiuge 
of  scurvy. 

With  these  needs  in  view,  plans  were  made  by  Viceroy 
Pedro  Moya  de  Contreras  (1584-1585)  for  exploring  the  entire 
ivnthwestem  coast  of  America.    But  little  came  of  them  until 

43 


U  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION 

1595,  wben  Cermeno  was  sent  from  Manila  to  e}q)lore  down 
the  California  seaboard.  At  Drake's  Bay  his  vessel,  the  San 
Affustlnf  was  driven  on  the  coast  and  wrecked,  the  crew  escap- 
ing to  Mexico  in  two  barks  built  from  the  planks  of  the 


Simultaneously  with  the  despatch  of  Cermeno,  Sebastian 
Vizcaino  was  commissioned  by  Viceroy  Velasco  to  e}q)lore  the 
Gulf  of  California  and  establish  settlements  on  the  Peninsula. 
Vizcaino  had  been  for  several  years  a  trader  between  Mexico 
and  the  Orient.  He  had  been  in  the  Manila  galleon,  Santa 
Ana,  which  Cavendish  had  plundered  in  1588.  See  Hakluyt's 
Voyages.^  It  is  significant  that  at  the  same  time,  also,  Velasco 
was  arranging  with  Juan  de  Onate  for  colonizing  New  Mexico, 
one  of  the  primary  piuposes  being  the  protection  of  the  northern 
strait.  The  three  enterprises  were  directed  to  a  common  end. 
After  some  opposition  by  the  new  viceroy,  the  Conde  de  Mon- 
terrey, in  1596  Vizcaino  set  forth  with  his  expedition,  planted 
a  colony  at  La  Paz,  on  the  site  formerly  occupied  by  Cortfe, 
and  explored  many  leagues  up  the  inner  coast.  But  an  Indian 
attack,  lack  of  provisions,  severe  weather,  and  other  difficul- 
ties, soon  caused  the  abandonment  of  the  project. 

Vizcaino  had  failed,  and  while  he  was  on  his  expedition  a 
royal  order  had  come  requiring  that  his  contract  be  rescinded. 
Nevertheless,  he  recommended  another  attempt,  and  volun- 
teered to  imdertake  it.  His  plan  was  to  explore  the  gulf 
completely  and  to  colonize  its  shores,  but  it  did  not  look 
to  the  exploration  of  the  outer  coasts.  Notwithstanding  his 
former  opposition,  the  viceroy  now  supported  Vizcaino's  peti- 
tion, admitting  that  he  had  found  in  him  more  ability  than  he 
had  expected  in  a  mere  merchant.  He  recommended,  however, 
that,  before  attempting  to  colonize,  an  exploration  be  made  of 
the  gulf  and  its  pearl-fisheries.  Referring  to  the  wreck  of 
Cermefio,  and  to  the  need  of  a  port  for  the  Manila  galleons, 

*  VII.  133-135,  Everyman  ed. 


INTRODUCTION  45 

he  suggested  that  the  e}q)loration  of  the  outer  coast  be  com- 
bined with  that  of  the  gulf. 

The  matter  being  considered  in  the  Goimcil  of  the  Indies, 
it  was  decided  that  Vizcaino  should  be  ordered  to  continue 
with  his  contract,  which  had  not  been  fulfilled,  and  that  the 
coast  exploration  be  imdertaken,  but  that  it  be  done  inde- 
pendently of  that  of  the  gulf.  The  royal  order  for  the  continu- 
ation of  the  coastwise  exploration  was  dated  September  27, 
1599.  To  command  the  expedition  the  viceroy  selected  Viz- 
caino, whose  enterprise  of  pearl-fishing  and  colonizing  was 
now  turned  into  one  primarily  concerned  with  the  outer  coast. 
The  royal  order  specifically  provided  that  the  expedition  should 
not  stop  in  the  gulf  to  explore,  and  so  the  open  instructions  of 
Vizcaino  stipulated,  but  by  secret  orders  Vizcaino  was  author- 
ized to  explore  the  gulf  on  his  return. 

The  king  had  contemplated  an  expedition  in  one  vessel, 
but,  because  of  the  difficulty  of  the  voyage,  the  viceroy  decided 
to  send  two  ships  and  a  frigate.  The  San  Diego,  the  captain's 
ship,  was  brought  for  the  occasion  from  Guatemala  by  Captain 
Toribio  G6mez  de  Corbdn ;  the  Santo  TomdSj  admiral's  ship, 
was  a  Peruvian  trading  vessel  pim^hased  at  the  last  moment 
at  Acapulco ;  the  Tres  Reyes,  a  fragata  or  frigate,  was  built 
for  the  voyage  at  the  last-named  port.  The  enlistments  were 
Doade  primarily  in  Mexico  City.  It  being  difficult  to  seciuB 
men  as  sailors  only,  Vizcaino  was  allowed  to  raise  his  standard 
and  enlist  men  as  both  soldiers  and  sailors. 

As  admiral,  in  command  of  the  Santo  Tomds,  went  Captain 
G6mez ;  as  commander  of  the  Tres  Reyes,  Sebasti&n  Mel^dez ; 
the  chief  pilot,  with  the  San  Diego,  was  Francisco  de  Bolanos, 
who  had  been  wrecked  with  Cermeno  at  Drake's  Bay  in  1595. 
As  chief  cosmographer  the  viceroy  appointed  Captain  Ger6- 
nimo  Martfn  Palacios,  a  man  of  twenty  years'  experience,  who 
had  just  come  from  Spain.  To  insure  dignity  and  authority, 
the  viceroy  sent  six  old  soldiers,  with  the  title  of  coimsellors 


46  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION 

(entretenidos)  for  his  Majesty.  Three  men  in  particular  were 
empowered  to  advise  with  Vizcaino :  Captain  G6mez,  Captain 
Peguero,  and  Ensign  Alarc6n,  "exceptional  men,"  who  had 
seen  service  in  Flanders  and  Brittany.  Spiritual  interests  were 
intrusted  to  three  Carmelites,  Fray  Andr6s  de  la  Asumpci6n, 
Fray  Antonio  de  la  Ascensi6n,  and  Fray  Tomds  de  Aquino.* 
Father  Ascensi6n  was  a  cosmographer,  and  had  been  pilot  in 
voyages  to  the  Indies  before  taking  the  habit  in  Mexico. 

Vizcaino  sailed  from  Acapulco  on  May  5.  In  trying  to  pass 
San  Lucas  Bay  in  Jime  his  fleet  was  three  times  driven  back 
to  that  port  by  headwinds,  and  before  reaching  Magdalena 
Bay  the  vessels  became  separated  by  storms.  At  Magdalena 
Bay  extensive  explorations  were  made  by  the  San  Diego  and 
the  Tres  Reyes.  At  Cerros  Island  the  vessels  were  all  re- 
united, but,  after  leaving  there  on  September  9,  the  Santo 
Tomds  again  parted  company.  In  November  the  other  ves- 
sels spent  five  days  in  San  Diego  Bay,  to  which  they  gave  its 
present  name.  Early  in  December  explorations  were  made 
at  Santa  Catalina  Island,  where  the  vessels  were  again  reimited. 

The  crews  were  now  falling  ill,  and  winter  was  coming  on, 
and  haste  was  necessary.  Proceeding  therefore  into  the  Santa 
Barbara  Canal,  so  named  by  Vizcaino,  the  vessels  were  driven 
through  it  by  a  storm.  Roimding  Point  Concepci6n  and  saQ- 
ing  close  imder  Santa  Lucfa  Moimtain,  on  December  15  they 
discovered  the  Bay  of  Monterey,  "the  best  that  could  be  de- 
sired."   This  was  the  capital  event  of  the  expedition. 

But  it  now  became  necessary  to  depart  from  the  original 
plan  of  the  voyage.  Several  men  had  died,  forty-five  or  more 
were  ill  of  scmvy,  and  provisions  were  running  short.  Accord- 

^  For  the  preparation  of  the  Vizcaino  ex(>e(lition  see  especially  the  corre- 
spondence printed  in  Carrasco  y  Guisasola,  Documentoa  rrfererUes  al  Reconoei' 
miento  de  laa  CotUu  de  laa  Calif  omias  deede  el  Cabo  de  San  Luoae  al  de  Mendocino, 
recopHados  en  el  Archivo  de  Indiae  (Madrid,  1882),  pp.  36-46;  "Instruccion  y 
horden,"  ibid.,  pp.  47-56 ;  Torquemada,  Monarchia  Indiana,  I.  693-697;  Ces&reo 
FemiLndez  Duro,  Armada  Eepafiola,  III.  297-300. 


INTRODUCTION  47 

in^y^  the  Santo  Tomds  was  sent  back  to  secure  supplies  with 
^ch  to  e}q)lore  the  gulf  on  the  retiun,  carrying  the  sick^  and 
leaving  the  other  vessels  to  continue  up  the  coast. 

Setting  out  on  January  3,  1603;  the  San  Diego  anchored 
at  Drake's  Bay  on  the  9th.  Meanwhile  the  Tres  Reyes  had 
parted  company.  The  experiences  during  the  remainder  of  the 
voyage  were  strikingly  similar  to  those  of  the  Ferrelo  party, 
although  much  more  terrible.  The  two  vessels  proceeded  sep- 
arately amid  storms,  and  were  not  reunited  until  they  reached 
Acapulco.  Beaching  Cape  Mendocino  on  January  12,  the  San 
Diego  attempted  to  turn  back,  but  was  driven  to  latitude  42^, 
returning  thence  to  Mazatlan  in  direst  distress. 

The  little  frigate  had  succeeded  in  getting  farther  north 
tlian  the  San  Diego.    After  separation  from  her  companion, 
she  was  driven  in  the  storm  till  a  point  was  seen  called  Cape 
Blanco,  in  latitude  reckoned  at  43^.    Meanwhile  the  pilot 
had  died,  and  the  vessel  was  left  in  charge  of  the  boatswain. 
In  his  declaration  made  in  Mexico  he  told  of  discovering  a 
great  liver  and  bay,  which  they  had  tried  to  enter,  in  latitude 
41°,  just  below  Cape  Mendocino.    From  Cape  Mendocino 
past  Cape  Blanco,  he  said,  the  coast  ran  northeast.    On  the 
baas  of  the  boatswain's  declaration  the  chief  pilot  of  the  expe- 
dition, Ger6nimo  Martin  Palacios,  placed  on  his  chart  a  large 
bay  and  liver,  which  do  not  exist  in  fact,  just  below  Cape 
Mendocino.    Torquemada,  writing  immediately  after  the  ex- 
pedition, told  of  the  attempt  of  the  Tres  Reyes  to  enter  a  great 
river,  but  placed  it  near  Cape  Blanco,  and  concluded  that  it 
was  the  Strait  of  Anian.    He  either  got  his  information  from 
some  source  other  than  the  boatswain's  declaration,  or  else 
nusplaced  the  river,  which  seems  the  more  probable,  as  he 
said  nothing  of  a  liver  near  Cape  Mendocino.    He  also  stated 
that  the  coast  ran  northwest  above  Cape  Blanco,  whereas  the 
boatswain  stated  that  it  ran  northeast.    Trying  to  identify 
^  river  mentioned  by  Torquemada  as  near  Cape  Blanco, 


48  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION 

later  students  have  thought  it  to  be  the  Rogue  River.  This 
seems  to  be  a  departiu^e  from  the  sources.  The  Vizcaino 
party,  hke  that  of  Ferrelo,  missed  the  Golden  Gate  and  San 
Francisco  Bay. 

The  principal  printed  sources  of  information  regarding  the 
Vizcaino  expedition  of  1602  are  contained  in  Carrasco  y  Gui- 
sasola,  DocumerUos  refererUes  al  Reconocimiento  de  las  Castas 
de  las  Calif  omias  desde  d  Cabo  de  San  Lucas  al  de  Mendocino 
recojnlados  en  d  Archivo  de  Indias  (Madrid,  1882).  The  work 
contains  docmnents  between  the  dates  1584  and  1609.  Con- 
cerning the  expedition  in  1602,  they  comprise  commimications 
of  the  governments  in  Mexico  and  Spain  with  each  other  and 
with  Vizcaino,  the  viceroy's  instructions  to  Vizcaino,  two 
journals,  and  a  derroterOj  or  description  of  the  route  explored. 
The  general  diary  (pp.  68-107)  has  no  title  but  begins  "  Rey- 
nando  El  rrey  don  phelipe  nuestro  sefior,"  etc.  (printed  here, 
pp.  52-103).  Its  author  is  not  named,  but  the  attestation  at 
the  end  states  that  it  was  taken  from  'Hhe  original  book  of  his 
Majesty."  It  is  hereinafter  referred  to  as  Vizcaino's  diaiy. 
The  other  journal  published  in  Carrasco  (pp.  10&-148)  is  en- 
titled "Copia  de  libro  diario  Uevado  por  Sebastian  Vizcaino 
durante  el  descubrimiento  y  demarcacion  de  las  costas  del 
mar  del  Sur,  desde  el  puerto  de  Acapulco  al  cabo  Mendocino, 
en  1602."  It  consists  of  the  records  of  the  jimtas,  or  coun- 
cils, held  by  Vizcaino  with  his  officers  dxuing  the  voyage.  It 
is  referred  to  hereinafter  as  the  Libro  Diario. 

The  Derrotero  (pp.  149-172),  written  by  the  cosmographer, 
is  entitled  '^  Derrotero  de  la  navegacion  desde  el  puerto  de 
acap^.  Al  cabo  Mendocino  y  Boca  de  las  Calif  omias  fecho 
Por  El  Cap",  geronimo  Mm.  Palagios  cosmografo  mayor  del 
nuebo  descubrimiento,"  etc.  This  Derrotero  describes  the  route 
which  should  be  followed,  with  ^^atitudes,  landmarks,  and 
other  requisites  demanded  by  the  art  of  navigation."  It  was 
made  in  conference  with  the  pilots  and  in  the  presence  of 


INTRODUCTION  49 

Father  Fray  Antonio  de  la  Ascensi6n.  It  gives  a  most  de- 
tafled  description  of  the  coast,  based  on  the  experience  of  the 
voyage,  but  does  not  relate  the  incidents  of  the  journey.  Ap- 
pended to  the  Derrotero  is  the  statement  by  the  boatswain 
of  the  Tres  Reyes  regarding  the  voyage  of  that  vessel  above 
Drake's  Bay.  It  is  entitled  "Relacion  que  dio  el  Contra- 
maestre  de  la  Fragata  de  los  Tres  Reyes,  La  Qual  me  dio  por 
Escrito  el  Gen*.  Sevastian  Bizcayno  es  la  Sig^"  (pp.  171- 
172).  The  Derrotero  is  accompanied  by  an  "Explicacion  que 
acompana  &  cada  ima  de  las  vistas  de  costa  y  pianos  de  este 
derrotero"  (172-182).  It  consists  of  an  explanation  of  thirty- 
three  vistcLs  or  pianos  (charts),  which  were  made  to  accompany 
the  Derrotero.  The  pianos  are  not  printed  in  Carrasco  y 
Guisasola.  In  1603  they  were  redrawn  in  colors  from  the 
original,  by  Enrico  Martinez,  royal  cosmographer  in  New 
Spain.*  On  the  backs  of  the  charts  are  the  descriptions,  corre- 
sponding to  the  vistas  in  Carrasco  y  Guisasola  but  with  differ- 
ent numbering.  Two  of  the  charts  are  reproduced  in  black 
in  Richman,  Califomia  under  Spain  and  Mexico,  pp.  22-23. 
A  map  combining  the  charts  was  published  in  Madrid  in  1802, 
m  the  Navarrete  Atlas  para  d  Viage  de  las  Goletas  Sutil  y 
Mexicana  al  Reconocimiento  del  Estrecho  de  Juan  de  Fuca.  It 
is  referred  to  hereinafter  as  the  Carta.  A  complete  set  of  the 
'fianos  is  in  the  Bancroft  Library,  and  will  be  published  in 
facsimile  by  Professor  Frederick  J.  Teggart.  Their  publica- 
tion will  be  a  most  important  contribution  to  materials  for 
the  Vizcaino  expedition. 

Most  of  the  docmnents  published  by  Carrasco  y  Guisasola 
oonceming  the  antecedents  of  the  expedition  and  three  of 
those  narrating  events  of  the  voyage  are  translated  by  George 
Butler  Griffin  in  Historical  Society  of  Southern  Califomia 
PMicationSj  II.  (1891)  5-73.  The  three  concerning  the 
events  of  the  voyage  are  letters  written  by  Vizcaino  at  Aca- 

^See  Fernandez  Duro,  Armada  Espafiola,  III.  302,  note. 


50  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION 

pulco,  May  5, 1602,  on  the  eve  of  the  departure;  at  the  Bay  of 
Monterey,  December  28,  1602,  on  the  eve  of  the  return  of 
the  Santo  Tomds;  and  at  Mexico  City,  May  23,  1603,  alter 
the  return  of  the  expedition. 

Father  Ascensi6n  kept  a  diary  of  the  voyage  and  made  a 
map,  but  neither  has  been  published.  In  1620  he  wrote  an 
accoimt  of  the  voyage  with  his  original  diary  in  hand.  This 
accoimt  (printed  hereinafter,  pp.  105-134)  is  published  in 
Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Coleccidn  de  Documentos  Iniditos,  VIII. 
539-574,  imder  the  title  "  Relacion  breve  en  que  se  da  noticia 
del  descubrimiento  que  se  hizo  en  la  Nueva  Espana,  en  la  mar 
del  Sur,  desde  el  puerto  de  Acapulco  hasta  mas  adelante  del 
cabo  de  Mendocino,"  etc.  It  is  published  from  a  manuscript 
in  the  Biblioteca  Nacional,  at  Madrid.  With  it  is  printed  a 
letter  by  Francisco  Ramirez  de  Arellano  transmitting  the  nar- 
rative to  the  king.  The  Relaci6n  Breve  devotes  only  brief 
space  to  the  events  of  the  voyage,  but  elaborates  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  country,  and  gives  extensive  space  to  reconmiendar 
tions  regarding  the  occupation  of  California.  Between  1602 
and  1620  the  expeditions  of  Onate  and  Iturbi  to  the  Gulf  had 
given  rise  to  the  notion  that  California  was  an  island  instead 
of  a  peninsula.  This  theory  Father  Ascensi6n  accepts  in  his 
narrative.  The  Relaci6n  Breve  therefore  may  be  regarded 
as  representing  two  distinct  periods.  The  narrative  of  the 
voyage  is  an  authentic  though  brief  accoimt  of  an  eye-witness ; 
the  insular  theory  represents  the  result  of  developments  sub- 
sequent to  1602,  while  the  recommendations  illustrate  the  ideas 
held  in  1620  regarding  the  colonization  of  California. 

Most  important  of  all  the  older  accoimts  by  other  than 
eye-witnesses  is  that  contained  in  Torquemada's  Monorchia 
Indiana  (I.  693-725),  which  was  completed  by  1612.  Tor- 
quemada  wrote  from  very  full  sources,  having  data  especially 
regarding  the  movements  of  the  Santo  Tomds  which  we  do 
not  possess.    His  accoimt  was  reprinted  in  Venegas's  (Bur- 


INTRODUCTION  61 

riel's)  Noticia  de  la  Cdifamia  (Madrid,  1757),  III.  22^139. 
Venegas  states  that  Torquemada's  account  was  an  extrado  or 
summary  of  the  relation  written  by  Father  Ascensi6n  (1. 191). 
The  version  of  Torquemada's  accoimt  in  the  English  transla- 
tion of  Venegas  is  very  incomplete  and  unsatisfactory  at  many 
points.  A  less  important  early  account  is  that  of  Zdrate- 
Salmer6n,  '' Jornada  de  Sebastian  Vizcaino  al  Cabo  Mendo- 
cino," in  Rdadones  de  todas  las  Cosas  que  en  el  Nuevo  Mexico 
«e  hm  visto  y  sabidoy  asi  par  Mar  como  par  Tierra,  desde  d 
Alio  de  1538  hasta  d  de  1626  par  d  Padre  Geronimo  de  Zarate 
Sdmeron  (Documenlos  para  la  Historia  de  M&dco,  tercera  s6rie, 
Mexico,  1856). 


DIARY  OF  SEBASTIAN  VIZCAINO,  1602-16031 

In  the  reign  of  our  lord.  King  Philip,  the  third  of  this 
name,  the  Most  ninstrious  Senor  Don  Caspar  de  Sufiiga  y 
Acevedo,  Count  of  Monte  Rey,  being  viceroy,  governor,  and 
captain-general  of  this  New  Spain,  an  exploration  was  made 
of  the  ports,  bays,  and  inlets  of  the  coast  of  the  South  Sea 
from  Cape  Mendogino,  by  order  of  his  Majesty,  for  certain 
purposes  of  the  royal  service,  Sebastian  Vizcayno,  a  resident 
of  Mexico,  being  the  general  under  whose  charge  and  orders 
went  the  seamen  and  soldiers  of  the  said  expedition,  in  the  year 
one  thousand  six  himdred  and  two. 


Chaptek  1. 

The  Departure  of  the  General  from  Mexico. 

The  said  general  left  the  city  of  Mexico  in  prosecution  of 
his  voyage  on  the  day  of  Santo  Tomas  de  Aquino,  which  was 
the  7th  of  March  of  the  said  year,  taking  with  him  three  re- 
ligious of  the  Discalced  Order  of  Our  Lady  of  Carmen,  the 
commissary,  Fray  Andres  de  la  Umsumgion,*  Fray  Antonio 
de  la  Asengion,  and  Fray  Tomas  de  Aquino ;  and  his  son  Don 
Juan  Vizcaino ;  and  as  chief  cosmographer,  Captain  Geronimo 
Martin*  de  Palagios ;  and  as  coimsellors,  Captain  Alonso  Este- 
van  Peguero,  Ensign  Pasqual  de  Alarcon,  Ensign  Martin  de 
Aguilar  Galeote,  and  Ensign  Juan  de  Azevedo  y  Pereda ;  as 

^  Carrasco  y  Guisasola,  DocumenU>$  referentea  al  ReconocimierUo  de  las  CosUu 
de  las  Califomiat,  pp.  68-107. 

*  A  misprint  for  Asumpddn.    See  Torquemada,  Monarehia  Indiana,  I.  605. 

*  The  name  Martin  is  here  abbreviated  into  Mm.  This  frequently  occurs 
elsewhere  with  the  name  of  the  cosmographer,  and  also  with  that  of  Ensign 
Martin  de  Aguilar.  Frequently  the  Mm.  becomes  Rm.  and  once  Mn.  in  the 
transcript.  But  there  is  no  doubt  as  to  the  meaning,  because  both  names  are 
sometimes  spelled  out,  when  the  abbreviations  do  not  occur. 

52 


1602]  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  63 

ensigQ  of  the  company  came  Juan  Francisco  Soriano^  and  as 
sergeant,  Miguel  de  liegar ;  seamen  and  soldiers,  one  hundred 
and  twenty-six.^ 

Chapter  2. 
The  Arrival  at  the  Part  of  Acapvlco.^ 

The  general  arrived  with  his  men  at  the  port  of  Acapulco 
on  the  day  of  the  glorious  San  Jos6;  the  19th'  of  the  said  month 
and  year.  He  foimd  in  it  the  captain's  ship  San  Diego,  which 
had  arrived  from  El  Rrealejo/  the  admiral's  ship  Sardo  Tomas, 
the  frigate  Tree  Reyes,  and  the  long-boat.  The  general  stayed 
in  this  port  imtil  May  5,  careening  and  overhaiSing  the  ships 
and  doing  other  carpentry  work,  and  equipping  them  with 
eyerything  necessary,  in  which  he  and  his  men  labored  hard, 
and  in  which,  by  means  of  his  endeavors  and  of  his  outlay 
with  calkers  and  other  persons,  great  service  was  rendered 
his  Majesty,  not  to  mention  the  large  e}q)endittire8  caused  by 
the  men. 

Chapter  3. 
The  Departure  from  Acapulco. 

The  fleet  left  the  said  port  on  Simday,  the  day  of  San 
Angelo,  the  5th  of  the  said  month  and  year.  It  consisted  of 
the  said  ships,  frigate,  and  long-boat.  As  admiral  went 
Torivio  Gomez  de  Corban;*  as  conmiander  of  the  frigate, 
Sebastian  Melendez;  as  cluef  pilot,  Francisco  de  Bolafios; 
as  pilot  of  the  admiral's  ship,  Juan  Pascual ;  as  his  assistant 
and  mate,  Estevan  Rodriguez  and  Baltasar  de  Armas ;  and 
as  pilot  of  the  frigate,  Antonio  Flores.    As  patroness  and  pro- 

^  Father  Asoeiuidn  says  that  there  embarked  from  Acapulco  about  two  him- 
dred  persons.  Those  in  excess  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-six  must  therefore 
bave  joined  the  expedition  at  Acapulco  (Relacidn  Breve,  cap.  I.)* 

*  A  port  on  the  southern  coast  of  Mexico,  in  the  state  of  Guerrero,  below  lat. 
17*.  During  most  of  the  Spanish  regime  it  was  the  port  of  entry  for  all  trade 
between  New  Spain  and  the  Philippine  Islands. 

'  Torquemada  gives  the  date  as  the  20th  {Monarchia  Indiana,  I.  695). 

*  A  port  of  Central  America,  in  lat  12''  28',  to  which  G6mez  had  been  sent 
fervessds. 

"From  Torquemada  we  learn  that  G6mez  had  served  many  years  in  the 
cnnsing  service  on  the  coast  of  France  and  had  held  important  offices  (ManarcMa 
iifUma,  I.  694). 


54  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [KW 

tector,  Our  Lady  of  Carmen  was  carried.  We  took  her  oi 
board  the  day  of  the  Ebcaltation  of  the  CrosS;^  in  procession 
with  all  the  sailors  and  soldiers  in  order^  with  a  salute  of  artQ 
lery  and  musketry,  the  bow  of  the  bark  in  which  she  was  car 
ried  being  covered  with  awning.  This  gave  great  pleasure  U 
all  the  men  on  board  the  fleet  and  on  the  land. 

Sailing  out  to  sea  with  a  light  wind,  it  was  necessary  t< 
await  the  long-boat  in  order  to  tow  it  behind  by  a  rope,  anc 
when  it  came  alongside  it  caught  its  mast  in  the  yard  of  th< 
sprit-sail  and  capsized.  The  men  who  were  in  it  swam  t< 
the  captain's  ship.  The  general  was  put  to  great  pains  ii 
giving  directions  from  on  board,  and  it  was  righted  with  ni 
Uttle  trouble  and  risk  from  its  beating  against  the  ship.  Bu 
filially  it  got  clear,  and  we  steered  up  the  coast ;  and  by  tack 
ing  back  and  forth,  with  a  head-wind,  but  aided  by  the  tides 
we  made  the  port  of  La  Navidad*  on  Sunday,  the  19th  of  th< 
said  month,  it  being  necessary  to  ballast  the  captain's  shi] 
and  to  stop  a  leak  which  it  had  sprung  through  an  auger-hole 
This  was  done,  and  wood  and  water  were  taken  on ;  and  oi 
Wednesday,  the  22d  of  the  said  month,  we  set  sail,  a  council 
having  previously  been  held  of  the  said  admiral,  cosmog 
rapher,  captains,  and  pilots  to  consider  the  order  that  shoulc 
be  observed  in  the  voyage  to  the  islands  of  Masatlan,  and  i 
report  of  what  was  agreed  upon  and  of  our  arrival  at  the  sai( 
port  having  been  despatched  to  the  viceroy  by  way  of  Guada 
lajara. 

Chapter  4. 

The  Arrival  at  and  Departure  from  the  Port  of  Navidad. 

We  left  the  port  of  Navidad,  as  stated,  Wednesday,  a 
eleven  at  night,  in  continuation  of  our  voyage,  with  a  lane 
breeze  and  aided  by  the  currents,  which  were  in  our  favor,  al 

^  The  InterUion  of  the  Cross,  May  3,  is  doubtless  intended. 

*  Lat  lO""  13'.    See  Cabrillo's  diary,  p.  13,  above,  note  1. 

*  The  original  record  of  the  council  held  on  the  San  Diego  at  Navidad  is  i 
the  Libro  Diario,  Carrasco  y  Guisasola,  DocumeiUos,  pp.  10^112.  It  was  agreet 
that  to  reach  Cape  San  Lucas  the  voyage  should  be  made  along  the  coast  t 
Mazatlan ;  in  case  the  vessels  should  become  separated  on  the  way  the  first  t 
arrive  must  wait  there  a  week  and  then  continue  to  Cape  San  Lucas,  there  t 
wait  a  week.  If  still  alone  at  the  end  of  that  time,  the  crew  must  carve  a  cros 
on  the  most  prominent  tree  and  leave  a  written  message  buried  at  its  foot. 


Ifl021  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  55 

though  with  a  light  wind.  We  sighted  Cape  Corrientes  on 
Monday,  the  27th^  of  the  said  month,  the  second  day  of  the 
Feast  of  Espiritu  Santo.*  This  day  an  observation  of  the 
sun  was  made  at  a  small  island  near  the  cape,  to  which  was 
given  the  name  of  Espiritu  Santo. 

Pursuing  the  voyage,  on  the  next  day,  Tuesday,  we  arrived 
off  the  point  of  Tintoque,  and  off  Saltelga  and  Chacala.* 
These  ports  were  not  made,  it  not  being  convenient;  and 
without  loss  of  time,  with  the  wind  not  very  favorable,  but 
aided  by  the  currents,  we  made  the  islands  of  Masatlan.* 
We  anchored  there  at  eleven  o'clock  on  Trinity  Simday,  the 
2d  day  of  the  month  of  June.  The  general  permitted  no  one 
to  go  afihore.  He  alone  went  on  the  said  islands  in  order  to  see 
if  tiiere  was  any  water,  but  foimd  none.  A  great  many  birds 
are  f  oimd  on  these  islands,  in  such  numbers  that  they  gathered 
in  flocks  which  appeared  like  flocks  of  sheep ;  and  with  the 
sardines  which  they  had  near  their  nests  we  could  have  fed 
many  people. 

Chapter  5. 

The  Departure  from  the  Islands  of  MasaHan.^ 

Going  forward  on  the  voyage,  and  having  passed  Culiacan^ 
a  matter  of  two  leagues,  the  general  gave  orders  to  cross  the 
entrance  of  the  Cal&omias  to  the  Cape  of  San  Lucas.  This 
was  done,  although  with  much  labor,  there  being  westerly 

^Lat.  20^25'.  Torquemada  says  they  arrived  on  the  26th  (Monarchfa 
Indiana,  I.  696). 

*  Pentecost. 

*  The  Derrotero,  pp.  153-154,  mentions  Punta  de  Tintoque,  fourteen  leagues 
•bove  Cape  Coirientes.  It  does  not  mention  Saltelga  or  Chacala  imder  those 
Dimes. 

^Islas  de  San  Juan  de  Martian  (Vizcaino,  Relaci6n  of  1597,  in  Carrasco 
y  Guisasola,  Documentoa,  p.  25).  In  the  Pianos,  fol.  62,  is  a  map  of  Islas  de 
Martian.    The  anchorage  was  on  the  islands  and  not  on  the  mainland. 

*In  the  text  "Islas  de  Masatlan"  is  corrupted  into  "Velas  de  Masatlan." 
'  Culiac&n,  in  Sinaloa,  near  lat.  24^  40'.  This  place  was  founded  in  1531, 
V  Gazm&n,  as  an  outpost  of  Nueva  Galicia.  Vizcaino's  Relacidn  of  1597  states 
that  from  Acapulco  to  Puerto  de  ^alagua  it  was  one  hundred  leagues ;  thence  to 
Cape  Ccmentes,  sixty  leagues ;  thence  to  Mazatlan,  sixty  leagues ;  thence  to 
Cdiadin,  forty  leagues ;  thence  to  Baldehermoso  [Vallehermoso]  in  Sinaloa,  fifty 
leagues;  "from  this  point  one  crosses  the  gulf  and  mouth  of  the  Calif omias, 
^hidi  is  about  eighty  leagues  across"  (Carrasco  y  Guisasola,  Documentoa,  p.  25). 


56  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1602 

head-winds;  and  going  forward  by  tacking  back  and  forth, 
after  five  days  we  found  ourselves  to  be  twelve  leagues  from 
the  said  Cape  of  San  Lucas.^  Coasting  along  the  land,  on 
Saturday,  the  8th  day  of  the  month  of  Jime,  we  arrived  at  the 
said  Cape  of  San  Lucas.  We  anchored  in  the  Bay  of  San  Ber* 
nabe,  and  because  we  anchored  in  it  the  same  day,  which  was 
the  eleventh  of  the  said  month,  that  saint's  name  was  given 
to  it.^  The  ship  being  anchored,  the  admiral,  the  rest  of  the 
captains,  and  the  ensign  went  ashore  with  their  arms  and  fifty 
arquebusiers.  We  foimd  awaiting  us  on  the  beach  Indiana 
to  the  number  of  a  himdred,  and  the  general,  the  religious, 
and  everyone  received  them  very  well,  embracing  them  and 
giving  them  food  and  other  things,  the  Indians  giving  tiger 
and  deerskins.  That  night  the  Indians  went  to  their  ranche* 
rfafi,  and  we  remained  on  the  beach.  Orders  were  given  to 
make  ready  the  net  for  catching  fish,  but  it  was  not  necessary, 
for  God  granted  that  there  should  be  cast  upon  the  beach  as 
many  sardines  as  all  could  eat,  with  many  left  over. 

The  following  day,  being  the  octave  of  the  feast  of  the 
Most  Holy  Sacrament,'  the  general  ordered  a  tent  pitched 
near  the  beach  in  the  shelter  of  a  large  rock,  where  stopped  the 
men  of  the  ships  in  which  the  Englishman  Don  Tomas  plim- 
dered.^  In  this  place  and  tent  mass  was  said,  and  a  proces- 
sion of  the  most  Holy  Sacrament  held,  in  which  Our  Lady  of 
Carmen  was  carried.  The  general  and  many  men  confessed 
and  received  communion.  Father  Fray  Tomas  de  Aquino 
preached,  and  all  with  much  joy,  health,  and  peace  gave  thanks 
to  God  for  having  reached  this  place.  For,  in  addition  to  its 
having  been  very  much  desired,  we  foimd  in  it  many  fish  of 
di£Ferent  kinds  and  sardines  in  abundance,  from  which  the 

^  Davidson  at  this  point  by  mistake  places  a  paragraph  from  Ferrelo's  voy- 
age under  the  head  of  Vizcaino,  making  it  appear  that  Vizcaino  arrived  at  Cape 
San  Lucas  on  July  2  (Eiarly  Voyages,  p.  161). 

*  San  Lucas  Bay,  lat.  22^  52' ;  Cabrillo's  Puerto  de  San  Lucas  (Davidson^ 
Early  Voyages,  p.  162).  Martin,  Pianos,  fol.  61,  shows  on  the  west  coast  a  "high 
white  sand  dune,"  not  shown  on  the  Carta.  See  £xplicaci6n,  1,  in  Cairasco, 
Documentos,  p.  172 ;  Torquemada,  Monarchfa  Indiana,  I.  697. 

» Octeve  of  Corpus  Christi,  June  13,  1602. 

^ There  is  clearly  a  mistake  in  the  copy  here.  The  text  reads:  ''la  nao 
Samque  Rono  El  Yngles."  I  suggest  the  reading:  ''Los  naos  en  que  rouo  £1 
Yn^es,"  which  I  have  followed  in  the  translation.  The  reference  is,  of  course, 
to  Thomas  Cavendish.    See  Torquemada,  I.  699. 


16Q2]  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  57 

men  received  great  satisfaction,  ss  the  fish  were  very  whole* 
some.  We  found  very  good  fresh  water  near  the  beach  in  a 
patch  of  green  canes/  and  we  also  foimd  a  great  number  of 
rabbits  and  several  hares,  and  signs  of  deer ;  but  there  was  no 
fruit.  We  found  incense  trees,  and  some  incense  was  gathered, 
as  well  as  some  wood;  and  they  finished  making  ^e  extra 
sails,  to  replace  those  which  were  worn  out. 

Simday,  the  16th  of  the  said  month,  the  general  called  a 
council^  of  the  admiral,  cosmographer,  captains,  and  pilots 
for  the  purpose  of  determining  the  order  of  navigation  from 
this  plaice  to  the  island  of  Serros.  It  was  held,  and  that 
which  was  decided  was  noted  down  in  the  coimcil  book,  with 
great  unanimity  of  all.'  It  being  cold,  the  men  asked  the 
general  that  the  supply  of  clothing  which  was  brought  be 
distributed,  which  was  thereupon  done ;  and  he  also  ordered 
an  edict  proclaimed  to  the  effect  that  no  one  should  gamble 
or  sell  them,  imder  pain  of  death ;  likewise  that  no  one  should 
hann  any  Indian,  or  molest  him,  or  take  anything  from  him 
by  force. 

It  was  agreed  to-day  that  on  Wednesday,  the  19th  of  the 
month,  the  moon  being  in  conjimction,  we  should  set  sail  in 
continuation  of  our  voyage.    Tliis  we  did,  and  at  four  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon  the  captain's  ship  set  sail,  the  others  follow- 
ing.   After  we  had  roimded  the  cape,  when  six  leagues  from 
it  a  northwest  wind  came  up  which  forced  us  to  take  shelter 
in  the  same  bay,  where  we  remained  another  two  days,  until 
it  grew  cahn.    We  set  sail  a  second  time,  but  having'^a^ved 
at  the  place  before-mentioned  the  same  wind  struck  us  again 
and  forced  us  to  put  into  port.*    We  were  there  three  more 

^See  the  Carta,  and  Pianos,  fol.  61.  *  See  Libro  Diario,  p.  112. 

*  It  was  agreed  in  the  council  that  in  case  of  parting  company  in  a  storm 
thenssds  should  put  into  the  nearest  and  best  bay  discovered  or  return  to  San 
Bcniab6,  to  await  the  others.  In  order  to  avoid  trouble  with  the  natives,  no 
hading  must  be  made  of  less  than  thirty  armed  men ;  orders  must  be  obeyed  on 
1Mb  of  death ;  Indians  must  not  be  ill  treated,  nor  presents  received  except  by 
the  commander  of  the  landing  party  (Libro  Diario,  pp.  113-114). 

*  On  June  21  a  jvnta  was  held  on  the  San  Diego;  already  two  attempts  had 
Wq  made  to  sail.  It  was  now  agreed  that  a  new  attempt  should  not  be  made 
tin  a  change  of  weather  or  till  full  moon.  Later  in  the  same  day  the  wind  had 
Med  to  the  southeast  and  a  new  junta  advised  sailing  with  it,  lest  they  be  held 
in  the  port  by  the  wind  (Libro  Diario,  pp.  114-115). 


68  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1602 

days,  until  the  eve  of  the  feast  of  the  glorious  San  Juan  Bap- 
tista>  when,  being  desirous  of  going  forward,  we  that  night 
set  sail  the  third  time ;  but  after  saihng  five  days,  during  which 
we  struggled  as  best  we  could,  we  were  driven  back  witii  much 
force  to  the  same  bay  and  cape,  where  we  remained  imtii 
July  5.  Then,  with  a  favoring  land  breeze,  we  set  sail  in  conr 
tinuation  of  our  voyage.  A  coimcil  being  held,  the  long-boat 
was  left  in  a  pool  of  fresh  water,  with  the  concurrence  of  all, 
since  it  was  tiie  opinion  that  it  would  be  lost  and  would  give 
the  captain's  ship  much  trouble  in  towing  it  astern,  and  that 
it  was  not  fit  to  sail  because  of  the  heavy  seas  on  the  coast. 

Chapter  6. 

The  Departure  from  the  Cape  of  San  Lucas  and  the  Arrival  at 

Santa  Maria  Madalena. 

We  set  out  from  the  said  cape  and  bay  of  San  Bemab^  on 
July  5,  as  has  been  said,  and  after  going  two  leagues  out  to  sea, 
sailing  with  a  strong  wind,  we  met  with  a  moderate  head-wind, 
and,  tacking  against  it,  sailed  with  gi^at  difficulty.  After  six 
dajrs  we  sighted  some  high,  broken  moimtains,  to  which  we 
drew  near  in  order  to  see  whether  there  was  any  port  there, 
and  whether  we  could  find  the  frigate,  which  had  parted  com- 
pany the  day  after  we  left  the  said  bay. 

On  the  18th  of  the  said  month,  the  day  of  Samcta  Marina, 
we  discovered  a  bay^  and  tried  to  enter  it.  Being  near  land 
we  foimd  soimdings  of  six  fathoms.  The  tide  turned,  and  for 
this  reason  and  because  it  was  night,  we  stood  off  shore.  In 
the  morning  we  saw  that  it  was  a  wild  coast  which  showed  no 
safe  harbor.  We  coasted  along  till  the  19th  day  of  said  month, 
when  we  came  upon  aa  inletf  outside  of  which  we  remained 
with  lowered  sails  to  await  the  admiral's  ship,  which  was  three 
leagues  to  the  leeward. 

The  next  morning  we  could  not  see  her,  and  we  continued 

^  June  24. 

*  Santa  Marina  Bay,  lat  24"*  20' ;  "Bahfa  enganossa  de  Santa  Marina" 
(Derrotero,  p.  157) ;  Cabrillo's  Puerto  de  la  Trinidad  (Davidson,  Early  Voy<Mge9, 
p.  164) ;  shown  on  the  Pianos,  fol.  66.  Near  this  bay  the  charts  show  and  the 
Derrotero  mentions  the  point  of  the  Sierra  de  Santa  Margarita,  evidently  Car 
brillo's  Punta  de  la  Trinidad  (Derrotero,  p.  157 ;  Early  Voyagei,  p.  164). 


ie02]  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  59 

our  voyage  and  entered  a  very  large  bay,  which  was  named  the 
Bay  of  Madalena.^  The  general  ordered  Ensign  Juan  Fran- 
cisco to  go  on  shore  and  explore  it,  and  to  send  four  arque- 
busiers  to  a  point  made  by  the  bay,  and  two  others  to*  a  high 
hill,  with  orders  to  make  smoke  signals  to  the  admiral's  ship, 
thereby  to  let  her  know  that  we  were  there.  Although  this 
was  done,  and  the  men  of  the  admiral's  ship  saw  the  smoke 
signals,  they  did  not  xmderstand  them  out  at  sea.  iTie  chief 
pflot,  Francisco  de  Bolanos,  set  out  in  the  boat,  making  every 
effort  to  reach  the  admiral's  ship,  but  he  could  not  do  so  be- 
cause the  wind  freshened.  The  chief  pilot  returned,  and  this 
day,  which  was  the  feast  of  the  Magdalene,  mass  was  said  on 
land. 

The  following  day  the  general  agreed  that  the  bay  should 
be  mapped,  and  the  land  and  its  people  examined ;  that  the 
cosmographer  should  sound  it  and  map  it ;  and  that  Ensign 
Pascual  de  Alarcon,  with  twenty  arquebusiers,  should  explore 
the  land,  find  out  who  the  people  were,  and  search  for  water, 
of  which  the  captain's  ship  had  great  need. 

They  set  out  upon  this  undertaking  and  went  twelve 
leagues  about  the  bay,  but  did  not  find  water  to  any  consider- 
able amoimt,  although  between  two  hills,  half  a  league  from 
the  beach,  a  pool  was  f  oimd  where  in  the  rainy  season  the  water 
collects.  It  was  not  very  fresh  and  was  green,  but  the  bottles 
we  carried  were  filled  with  it.  A  great  number  of  Indians 
came  to  the  ensign  in  different  places,  with  their  bows,  arrows, 
and  small,  fire-hardened  darts,  although  they  were  friendly, 
for  they  gave  up  their  arms  as  a  sign  of  peace.    They  are  a 

^  Magdalena  Bay,  lat  24"*  32' ;  the  Puerto  de  San  Pedro  of  Cabrillo.  Shown 
on  the  Flano8,  fol.  68.  Described  in  £xplicaci6n,  vista  10.  The  Derrotero  says : 
"This  Sierra  is  called  Santa  Margarita,  and  between  the  point  which  it  makes 
toward  the  northeast  and  the  coast  behind  it  it  forms  a  bar,  within  the  Ensenada 
£iDgafio8sa  de  Santa  Marina.  There  are  inside  of  said  bar  a  port  and  anchorage, 
tbe  entry  being  five  fathoms  at  least ;  and  within  there  is  great  depth.  It  com- 
mimicates  with  La  Vaya  de  la  Madalena.  From  the  southeast  point  of  the 
Sierra  de  Santa  Margarita,  as  they  call  the  very  point,  to  the  said  bar  of  Santa 
Uirina,  it  is  four  leagues"  (Derrotero,  p.  157).  Torquemada  (Monarchia 
Indiana,  1. 700),  says  that  the  flagship  entered  Magdalena  Bay,  but  that  her  con- 
sort did  not  enter  on  account  of  the  fogs ;  and  that  mass  was  said  ashore  on  Santa 
Uagdaloia's  day,  hence  the  name  given  the  bay.    See  Ekirly  Voyages,  p.  165. 

'  In  the  text  d  is  corrupted  into  6. 


60  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1602 

well  featured  and  robust  race,  though  naked  and  living  in 
rancherfas.  Their  food  is  commonly  of  fish  and  maize,  for 
there  are  great  quantities  of  fish  of  many  kinds.  They  fish 
with  enclosures  of  sticks,  catching  in  this  way  many  mussels 
and  shell  fish.  There  are  many  whales,  which  are  sometimes 
stranded  on  the  beach  of  this  bay,  for  we  found  many  of  their 
bones. 

Thursday,  the  25th  of  the  said  month,  the  frigate  arrived, 
which  gave  much  pleasure  to  all  the  men.  Ensign  Sebastian 
Melendes  reported  that  on  accoimt  of  the  strong  wind  he  had 
returned  to  take  shelter  at  Cape  San  Lucas  five  days  after  he 
had  put  out  to  sea.  They  had  improved  the  time  while  there 
in  caulking  the  hatchwajrs.  Moreover,  they  said  that  they 
had  entered  the  Bay  of  Santa  Marina,  which  has  been  men* 
tioned  above,  and  that  at  the  end  of  it  they  had  f  oimd  a  very 
good  port,  where  many  Indians  came  out  to  them,  like  the 
others,  and  in  sign  of  peace  gave  them  their  arms,  which  are 
arrows  and  small  wooden  darts,  which  they  also  use  for  fishing. 
The  next  day  after  the  frigate  had  arrived,  there  being  a  lack 
of  water.  Ensign  Pasqual  de  Alarcon  went  in  it,  with  the  boat  of 
the  captain's  ^p,  to  the  pool  whence  the  green  water  had  been 
brought  before,  but  he  secured  only  seventy  bottles ;  and  al- 
though they  made  great  efforts,  no  other  fresh  water  was  f oimd. 
This  land  is  very  dry  and  on  the  side  of  the  mainland  is  very 
flat,  the  greater  part  consisting  of  sand  dimes  and  the  rest 
being  sparsely  wooded.  During  the  dry  season  the  Indians 
drink  brackii^  water  from  waterholes  which  they  make  near 
the  salt  water.  Seeing  that  there  was  no  water  here  and  that 
time  was  passing,  it  was  agreed  to  set  sail  on  Saturday,  the  27th 
of  the  month.  As  we  sailed  out  this  day  from  the  entrance  of 
the  bay  the  wind  went  down,  and  the  tide,  setting  in,  forced 
us  to  anchor.  At  midnight  we  stood  out  with  a  land  breeze, 
the  boat  in  tow,  and  on  Simday  at  nine  o'clock,  when  four 
leagues  out  at  sea,  we  came  up  with  the  frigate.  The  general 
ordered  a  rope  given  it  so  that  it  might  be  towed  astern  and 
not  become  separated  again  from  the  captain's  ship. 


16Q2]  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  61 


Chapter  7. 

The  Arrival  at  arid  Departure  from  the  Bay  of  Madalena  and  the 

Voyage  to  the  Port  of  San  Bartolom6. 

We  set  out,  as  has  been  said,  on  Sunday,  with  favorable 
wind,  on  oiu*  way  to  the  island  of  Serros.  Some  five  leagues 
from  land  we  discovered  the  entrance  of  another  large  bay,^ 
which  we  attempted  to  go  into  in  order  to  protect  ourselves 
from  the  northwest  wind.  At  its  entrance,  on  the  point  toward 
the  northwest,  there  were  some  shoals  which  extended  out  as 
far  as  the  middle  of  the  mouth  of  the  bay.  Having  arrived 
ofif  these,  we  were  obliged  to  stand  away  to  sea  and  continue 
our  voyage.  This  bay  was  named  Santa  Marta.  Tacking 
back  and  forth,  on  Tuesday,  the  30th  of  the  said  month,  we 
discovered  a  bay,^  and  in  the  middle  of  it  what  appeared  to 
be  a  river  or  port.  The  general  ordered  the  cosmographer 
to  go  in  the  frigate  to  examine  it  and  take  soundings  and  bring 
back  a  report  of  what  was  there.  He  did  so,  and  as  he  drew 
near  with  the  frigate  the  breakers  were  rolling  in  on  all  sides. 
As  it  was  of  no  importance  he  returned  to  the  captain's  ship, 
and  the  general  bade  him  come  aboard. 

We  continued  our  voyage,  skirting  along  this  coast  because 
of  our  great  need  of  water,  and  at  the  end  of  it  we  saw  another 
large  bay*  and  two  leagues  of  land  near  it.    The  general  or- 

^  Santa  Marfa  Bay,  lat  24''  44' ;  the  Bahfa  de  San  Martin  of  CabriUo  {Early 
y<iyo9e9,  p.  165).  The  Derrotero,  p.  159,  notes  Punta  de  San  La^aro  two  leagues 
ibove  Ensenada  de  Santa  Marta.  This  is  now  Cape  San  L6zaro,  lat.  24?  48' 
VBady  Voyage$,  p.  166).    See  Pianos,  fol.  69;  Explicaci6n,  vista  11. 

'Tofquemada  (Monarckia  Indiana,  I.  701)  says:  ''This  place  or  inlet 
aDed  San  Christoval  had  been  surveyed  by  the  admiral's  ship.  .  .  .  The  inlet  was 
nuned  San  Christoval  because  it  was  surveyed  on  the  anniversary  of  that  saint" 
In  this  inlet  is  the  entrance  of  Boca  de  San  Domingo,  lat.  25°  21'.  The  south- 
on  end  of  the  lagoon  heads  in  Magdalena  Bay  {Early  Voyages,  p.  167).  The 
Pianos,  ioL.  71,  show  two  "ensenadas"  above  the  "ensenada  larga"  where  the 
Carta  shows  only  one.    The  Bay  of  San  Christ6val  may  have  been  one  of  these. 

*  Torquemada  (I.  701)  states  that  on  the  night  of  July  30  they  reached 
Bahia  de  las  Ballenas,  seeing,  just  before  reaching  it,  "another  large  bay,"  which 
they  oould  not  enter  for  the  shoals.  See  Early  Voyages,  p.  169.  Bahfa  de  las 
Ballenas  b  Ballenas  Bay,  in  lat.  26**  45',  and  the  Puerto  de  Santiago  of  CabriUo. 
Bahia  de  las  Ballenas  had  already  been  explored  by  the  Sanlo  Tomds  before  the 
&n  Pedro  reached  it;  it  was  given  the  name  from  the  multitude  of  whales  seen 


62  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1602 

dered  the  launch  sent  ahead  to  take  soundings  and  find  out 
whether  it  had  a  harbor^  so  that  the  captain's  slup  could  anchor 
and  search  for  water.  ^  When  he  came  near  land  he  found  a 
reef  more  than  three  leagues  long,  with  breakers  throughout 
its  length.  Seeing,  therefore,  that  there  was  no  entrance  to 
it,  he  made  the  accustomed  signal,  and  we  steered  out  to  sea, 
contmuing  our  voyage  with  great  thirst,  and  with  difficulty 
on  account  of  head-winds. 

On  the  8th  of  the  month  of  August  of  the  said  year  we  ar- 
rived at  a  headland  which  seemed  to  us  a  suitable  place  for 
casting  anchor;  and  there,  with  the  boats  of  the  captain's 
ship  and  the  frigate,  we  anchored.  On  inspection  the  coast 
was  seen  to  be  very  wild,  without  a  sign  of  a  river  or  port. 
As  we  had  anchoreii  where  the  southeast  wind  was  onshore, 
at  midnight  of  this  day  the  general  ordered  us  to  set  sail  in 
continuation  of  our  voyage. 

The  next  day  the  headland*  was  roimded,  though  with 
difficulty,  for  out  at  sea,  two  leagues  from  it,  we  discovered 
some  shoals,  to  which  we  gave  the  name  of  Los  Abreojos.' 
Having  rounded  these,  we  tacked  back  and  forth  along  the 
coast  in  search  of  the  island  of  Serros.  On  the  11th  and  12th 
of  the  said  month  a  strong  northwest  wind  struck  us,  which 
made  us  lower  the  mainsails,  there  being  a  heavy  sea.  That 
night  the  wind  went  down  and  we  veered  toward  land ;  but 
anchorage  was  not  found,  and  we  therefore  stood  out  to  sea 
agam  with  a  favorable  wind. 

there  (Monarchfa  Indiana,  I.  702 ;  Early  Voyages,  pp.  16S-169).  The  name  does 
not  appear  on  the  Pianos  or  the  Carta  or  in  the  vistas,  but  on  the  Pianos,  (<A.  73, 
an  unnamed  "ensenada"  is  shown.  The  bay  reached  just  before  Ballenas  Bay 
must  be  the  one  shown  on  the  Carta  as  henuned  in  by  the  "  Aredfes."  Mapped 
in  the  Pianos,  fol.  73,  and  described  in  £xplicaci6n,  vista  14. 

^  Thb  appears  to  have  been  August  2.  On  that  day  the  San  Diego  being 
in  lat  26^°,  and  about  two  leagues  from  the  shore,  near  what  seemed  to  be  a 
bay  or  inlet,  Vizcaino  todc  the  opinion  of  his  counsellors  as  to  whether  it  should 
be  examined  to  search  for  water  and  wait  for  the  Santo  Tomds,  which  had  not  been 
seen  for  over  fourteen  days.  They  agreed  that  the  launch  should  go  in,  and,  if 
water  were  found,  that  the  San  Diego  should  follow  (libro  Diario,  pp.  115-116). 

*  Abreojos  Point ;  Cabrillo's  Punta  de  Santiago  (Eiarly  Voyages,  p.  168). 
The  Derrotero,  p.  169,  gives  Punta  de  Abreojos  in  27  ^^  Shown  in  the  Pianos, 
fol.  74;  described  in  £xplicaci6n,  vista  15. 

*  Abreojos  Rocks,  off  Abreojos  Point,  lat.  26°  46'.  Vizcaino  did  not  pass 
between  the  point  and  the  Abreojos  Rocks  (Derrotero,  p.  160). 


1602J  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  63 

The  following  day,  the  feast  of  San  Epolito,  we  arrived  at 
a  bay^  which  had  good  protection  from  the  northwest  and 
which  gave  indications  of  having  water.  At  nightfall  a  north 
wind  blew  from  the  land  and  obliged  us  to  go  outside.  As  it 
was  strong  and  favorable,  we  sailed  with  it  all  that  night, 
aad  at  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  next  day,  the 
fourteenth,  eve  of  the  feast  of  Our  Lady  of  the  Assumption, 
we  found  ourselves  near  a  little  island  which  had  to  the  north 
of  it  an  inlet,  in  which  we  found  anchorage  the  same  day  at 
sunset.  As  soon  as  it  was  morning  on  the  day  of  Our  Lady, 
the  general  ordered  Ensign  Pasqual  de  Alarcon  to  embark  in 
the  boat  with  sailors  and  soldiers  and  go  ashore.  He  foimd 
on  the  beach  some  Indians  who  were  peaceful,  for  they  pointed 
out  to  them  several  small  weUs  of  scanty,  brackish  water. 
Thereupon  the  ensign  returned  with  this  report,  which  was 
received  with  great  disappointment. 

Because  of  our  great  need  of  water,  and  because  to  go  for- 
ward without  finding  it  would  be  very  rash  and  to  risk  our 
djring  of  thirst,  the  general  directed  Ensign  Martin  to  arrange 
to  go  with  four  soldiers  and  follow  the  coast  to  the  windward, 
to  another  inlet,  three  leagues  beyond  this  place,  charging 
him  to  put  forth  his  utmost  endeavors.  The  said  ensign  re- 
turned at  sunset  the  same  day  with  the  report  that  he  had 
found  good  water  and  a  saline  a  little  more  than  two  leagues 
from  where  we  were  anchored,  which  gave  us  all  great  joy. 
The  soldiers  brought  some  green  tomatoes. 

The  same  night  we  set  sail  with  a  land  breeze,  passing  round 
and  measuring  the  little  island,  to  which  was  given  the  name 
La  Asuncion.*  About  two  o'clock  of  the  same  day  we  were 
ofif  another  island,  some  three  leagues  distant  from  the  last 
one,  to  which  was  given  the  name  San  Roque.'    We  cast 

^  San  Hipolito  Bay,  lat.  26^  58',  half-way  between  Abreojos  and  Asunci6n 
Island  {Early  Voyages^  p.  170).  Ensenada  de  San  Hipolito  on  the  Carta.  See 
Pianos,  M.  75 ;  £xplicaci6n,  vista  16.    The  feast  of  St.  Hippolytus  was  August  13. 

s  Asunci6n  Island,  ofiP  Asunci6n  Point;  Pianos,  fol.  75;  £xplicaci6n,  vista 
17.  By  the  Sardo  Tomds  this  and  San  Roque  Island  were  call^  Las  Islas  de 
San  Roque.  They  were  not  named  by  either  Ulloa  or  CabriUo  (Early  Voyages, 
p.  170).  Tlie  Derrotero,  p.  161,  mentions  Punta  de  San  Epolito  (Asunci6n  Point, 
Iftt  27**  7'),  Isla  de  la  Asuncion,  and  Isla  de  San  Roque. 

<  San  Roque  Island,  lat.  27''  8H'  (Early  Voyages,  p.  170).  Shown  in  the 
Pianos,  fol.  75;  described  in  Explicaci6n,  vista  17. 


64  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  \m 

anchor  between  it  and  the  mainland.    The  general  ordered 
Ensign  Alarcon  to  embark  and  go  ashore  where  Martin  de 
Aguilar  had  directed.    They  carried  pickaxes  and  dug  weDs, 
putting  in  a  quarter  pipe.    The  water  that  ran  into  it  was 
salty,  and  that  which  overflowed  it  fresh,  which  was  considered 
a  miracle  wrought  by  God.    We  got  thirty  quarters  and  two 
hundred  bottles,  although  with  much  trouble,  for  there  was 
a  heavy  surf  on  the  beach,  which  capsized  the  boat  sevwH 
times.    Some  bottles  were  broken  and  our  men  escaped 
drenched,  with  their  arquebuses  in  their  hands;   but  as  ve 
were  in  great  need  of  the  water  they  did  not  mind  workiDg 
at  such  a  risk. 

As  the  admiral's  ship  was  missing,  the  general,  desirous  d 
learning  about  it,  ordered  Ensign  Juan  J^tmcisco  Serriano^ 
to  go  with  four  arquebusiers  to  a  very  high  hill  which  was 
about  four  leagues  farther  on,  and  from  there  to  look  for  the 
admiral's  ship  and  see  whether  there  was  any  bay  ahead. 
The  ensign  went  and  returned  the  same  day,  saying  that  the 
ship  was  not  in  sight  and  that  there  ws&  no  bay  ahead  of  any 
consequence ;  that  he  had  found  some  rancherfas  of  Indians, 
who  had  in  their  huts  skins  of  sea-wolves,  of  which  they  were 
making  sandals,*  and  that  there  were  many  roads  leading  from 
there  and  indications  of  many  people,  although  they  did  not 
wait  for  them  to  take  some  salt  from  the  saline. 

Tuesday,  the  20th  of  the  said  month,  we  set  sail  in  con- 
tinuation of  our  voyage,  although  with  the  slack  wind  we  ordi- 
narily had  had  up  to  here,  and  by  tacking  back  and  forth  we 
skirted  the  coast  till  the  23rd,  the  eve  of  the  feast  of  San  Bar- 
tolom4,  when  we  discovered  a  very  good  port,  which  at  first 
seemed  to  be  the  island  of  Serros.  We  went  into  it  and  cast 
anchor,  and  Ensign  Pasqual  de  Alarcon  went  ashore.  Al- 
though efforts  were  made,  there  were  found  neither  water 
nor  people  nor  anjrthing  of  consequence.  Captain  Ger6nimo 
Martin,  cosmc^rapher,  observed  the  said  port  and  said  it  was 
very  good.  We  gave  it  the  name  of  Puerto  de  San  Barto- 
lom6.* 

^  Suriana  *  Ca,  des  in  the  text  a  misprint  for  cadet. 

*  Port  San  Bartolom^,  lat.  37'' 39' ;  CabriUo's  Puerto  de  San  P^dro  Vinciila. 
Five  leagues  above  San  Roque  Island,  and  before  reaching  Port  San  Bartolom6, 
the  Derrotero  notes  Mono  Hermoeo»  still  90  called,  lat  27*  3(K  (Ead^  Vcyag$9^^ 


1602)  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  65 


Chapteb  8. 

The  Departure  from  the  Port  of  San  BartolonU  and  the  Arrival 

at  the  Island  of  Serros. 

We  left  this  port^  as  has  been  stated^  on  August  23,^  at  eight 
o'clock  at  nighty  in  continuation  of  our  voyage.  Proceecfing 
along  the  coast,  with  the  wind  generally  slack,  by  tacking  back 
and  forth  we  arrived  at  some  high  mountains  and  a  headland 
on  the  eve  of  the  feast  of  San  Agustfn,  the  twenty-seventh  of 
the  said  month.  Although  great  efforts  were  made  to  roimd 
the  headland,  the  weather  would  not  permit  it.  It  appeared 
that  this  land  was  an  island,  and  that  there  was  another  to 
the  leeward,  with  a  large  inlet  between  them.*  The  general 
directed  Captain  Ger6nimo  Martin  to  go  with  the  frigate  to 
explore  it  and  take  soimdings,  while  the  captain's  i^p  re- 
mained out  at  sea.  The  said  Captain  Ger6nimo  Martin  went 
with  great  labor  and  diflBculty  because  of  the  strong  head-wind. 
He  made  land  the  following  day,  going  ashore  and  exploring 
inland,  and  placing  sentinels  on  the  hills  to  see  if  the  captain's 
ship  was  following. 

Saturday,  the  last  of  the  said  month,  the  wind  having  veered 

172).  See  also  the  Carta ;  Pianos,  fol.  76 ;  £xplicaci6n,  vista  18.  Torquemada 
(Monorchia  Indiana,  I.  704)  states  that  the  capUana  and  fragata  found  on  the 
flbcve  at  San  Bartolom6  "a  resin  which,  because  it  did  not  have  a  good  odor, 
no  one  wished  to  take.  Some  have  supposed  it  to  be  amber,  and  it  would  not 
be  surprising  if  this  were  so,  because  there  were  great  numbers  of  whales  there, 
and,  as  they  say,  this  is  amber.  This  may  be  true,  and  if  so  there  b  enough  there 
to  load  a  ship."  See  Ekirly  Voyages,  p.  173.  Cf,  Father  Ascensi6n's  diaiy  (below, 
11.116)  for  a  statement  concerning  ^e  amber  (ambergris). 

^  Torquemada  (Monarckia  Indiana,  I.  704)  states  that  the  San  Pedro  and 
the  tender  left  Port  San  Bartolom6  in  the  night  of  August  24,  the  day  they  ar- 
rived.   See  Early  Voyages,  p.  175. 

'  Six  leagues  above  Puerto  de  San  Bartolom6  the  Derrotero  (p.  162)  indi- 
cates Punta  de  San  Eugenio  in  lat.  28H^f  and  west  of  this  point  Isla  de  la  Nativi- 
dad  de  Nuestra  Senora,  which  on  approach  appeared  to  be  one  with  the  point. 
Hie  island  was  eight  and  one-half  leagues  around.  Between  the  island  and  the 
point  there  is  noted  a  passage  of  nearly  three  leagues  (Derrotero,  p.  162).  Also 
m  Pianos,  fol.  77,  and  £xplicaci6n,  vista  19.  The  island  was  Natividad  Island, 
lat  27*  53'.  Punta  de  San  Eugenio  is  now  called  Point  Eugenio,  lat.  27**  50'. 
Davidson,  who  did  not  have  access  to  the  Derrotero,  remarks  that  Point  Eugenio 
is  not  described  by  either  CabriUo  or  Vizcaino  {Early  Voyages,  p.  176).  The  pas- 
sage between  the  point  and  the  island  is  nearly  four  miles  wide  {ihid,,  p.  174). 


66  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1602 

with  great  force  to  the  northwest  against  the  captain's  ship, 
it  put  in  at  a  harbor  on  the  southeast  shore  ;^  and  having  cast 
anchor  with  great  anxiety  because  the  admiral's  ship  and  launch 
were  missing,  God  deigned  that  the  admiral's  ship  should  saQ 
roimd  a  headland  formed  by  the  eastern  shore  of  the  same 
land.  This  gave  great  pleasure  to  the  men  of  both  ships  be- 
cause for  forty-one  days  they  had  not  seen  each  other.  Im- 
mediately we  sent  them  the  shallop,  and  the  admiral  told  how 
he  had  arrived  here  twelve  days  before,  at  a  place  where  there 
was  a  good  anchorage  and  water,  although  the  latter  was  a 
league  inland  and  was  brackish.  However,  as  there  was  great 
need  for  it,  it  seemed  to  all  of  them  very  good  and  to  be  near. 
There  was  a  great  abimdance  of  fish. 

Immediately  the  general  gave  orders  to  sail  from  where  they 
were,  and  to  cast  anchor  where  the  admiral  had  said.  This 
was  done,  and  the  two  ships  setting  sail  with  the  same  wind, 
God  granted  that  the  captain's  ship  should  make  port  and  cast 
anchor,  the  admiral's  ship  remaining  outside,  since  it  was  not 
able  to  come  in,  and  in  order  that  they  might  see  the  frigate 
which  was  to  windward  awaiting  the  captain's  ship,  for  she 
had  left  it  out  at  sea ;  and  thus  it  was  that  Captain  Ger6mmo 
Martin  saw  her,  and  she  understanding  what  the  captain's 
ship  wished,  he  went  alongside  of  her,  and  at  ten  o'clock  at 
night  recognized  her  to  be  the  admiral's  ship.  At  this  they 
were  greatly  pleased,  and  stiU  more  so  when  told  that  the  cap- 
tain's ship  was  anchored  further  on. 

The  next  day,  September  2,  they  reached  the  place  where 
the  captain's  ship  was,  and  the  general  ordered  a  coimcil  held.' 
It  was  held,  and  he  proposed  to  the  members,  if  it  were  best, 
that  Captain  Ger6nimo  Martin  should  go  in  the  frigate  to 
circumnavigate  and  measure  this  land,  for  there  was  doubt 
as  to  whether  or  not  it  was  an  island,  as  it  appeared  very  large. 
It  was  agreed  that  he  should  go,  being  given  eight  dayB'  time 
for  it,  and  that  meanwhile  the  captain's  and  admiral's  ships 
should  be  provided  with  wood  and  water.  Captain  Peguero 
and  Ensign  Pasqual  de  Alarcon  being  put  in  charge  of  this 
work. 

^  South  Bay,  on  the  southeast  side  of  Cape  San  Agustfn,  Cerros  Island 
{Eiarly  Voyages,  pp.  174-175).    See  Pianos,  fol.  78 ;  £xplicaci6n«  vuta  20. 
*  It  was  held  on  the  San  Diego,  in  lat.  29^  (Libro  Diario,  pp.  116-117). 


1602]  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  67 

Captain  Gertnimo  Martin  departed  on  Tuesday  at  two 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon  to  carry  out  this  undertaking.    On  the 
following  day  the  general,  with  the  reUgious,  went  ashore. 
After  mass  was  said,  he  went  to  the  place  where  they  were 
getting  wood  and  water  and  saw  that  the  water  was  scanty 
and  poor,  and  that  they  were  securing  it  only  with  much 
trouble  and  that  the  men  were  becoming  worn  out  and  ill. 
Keflecting  that  so  large  a  land  could  not  lack  wood  and  water, 
that  the  place  he  was  in  was  convenient  for  the  ships  coming 
from  China,  and  that  it  was  proper  for  him  to  investigate^  the 
resources  of  the  land  in  order  to  take  back  a  more  complete 
report,  he  held  a  council  of  war  regarding  the  matter,  consist- 
ing of  the  admiral,  captains,  counsellors,  and  ensign.    It  was 
agreed  that  an  entrance  into  the  interior  should  be  made; 
that  twenty  arquebusiers  should  go,  well  equipped,  since  in 
the  said  land  there  had  been  seen  warlike  men  who  had  been 
impudent  and  who  had  broken  twenty  bottles  which  the  men 
of  the  admiral's  ship  had  left  on  land  because  they  could  not 
get  them  aboard ;  and  that  Ensign  Juan  Francisco  and  Ser- 
geant Miguel  de  Legar  should  go  for  three  days,  with  strict 
injunction  to  treat  the  Indians  kindly  and  to  search  for  wood 
and  water,  which  was  our  greatest  necessity.^ 

The  ensign  set  out  with  twenty  men  on  the  3rd  of  the  said 
month  to  make  the  attempt,  and  at  the  end  of  two  days  he 
returned,  reporting  that  the  coimtiy  was  very  rough ;  that  on 
the  slope  of  a  great  mountain  range  there  was  a  large  forest 
of  pines ;  and  that  two  leagues  beyond  the  place  where  they 
were  anchored,  on  the  very  shore  of  the  sea,  there  was  a  stream 
of  fresh  spring  water  which  issued  from  some  clumps  of  rushes 
and  which  was  plentiful  and  good.  Upon  hearing  the  good 
Dews  the  general  ordered  them  to  weigh  anchor  immediately, 
and  within  two  hours  the  watering  place  was  reached,^  where 
anchor  was  cast.  Thursday  afternoon,  the  5th  of  the  said 
nionth,  a  landing  was  made.    A  pipe  of  the  forge-bellows  was 

*The  text  reads  "sta  uiesse,"  evidently  a  misprint  for  "sse  uiesse." 
'libro  Diario,  p.  118.    The  reason  given  for  sending  Juan  Francisco  and 

Uigud  de  Lagar  (sic)  was  that  Peguero  and  AIarc6n  were  occupied  in  preparing 

^  ships  for  the  voyage. 

'The  Derrotero  gives  a  full  description  of  Cerros  Island,  pp.  162-163.    See 

^y  Voyaget,  p.  174 ;  the  Pianos,  fol.  78 ;  Explicaci6n,  visia  2Q. 


68  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  11602 

carried  and  put  into  the  spring,  and  a  stream  filled  the  pipe. 
Without  more  time  or  labor  than  putting  the  bottle  or  band 
at  the  pipe  it  was  filled,  and  it  was  not  two  steps^  from  the 
sea  where  the  boats  arrived.  It  was  regarded  as  a  miracle 
which  God,  our  Lord,  performed  for  us.  Very  good  oak, 
mastic,  and  sabine  wood  were  foimd,  and  a  cabin  was  built 
on  land  wherein  mass  was  said.  Wood  was  taken  on  and  the 
next  day,  Saturday,  the  7th  of  said  month,  the  image  of  Our 
Lady  was  brought  forth,  and  was  received  on  shore  with  a 
salute  of  arquebuses  and  musketry. 

The  next  day,  Sunday,  mass  was  simg  and  there  was  a 
procession.  Father  Fray  Tomas  de  Aquino  preached,*  and 
after  divine  services  were  over  Captain  Ger6nimo  Martin, 
Father  Fray  Antonio  de  la  Asemgion,  and  Ensign  Sebastian 
Melendes,  commander  of  the  said  frigate,  report^  that  they 
had  been  along  the  land,  that  it  was  the  island  of  Serros,  and 
that  they  had  measured  aroimd  it  for  twelve  leagues  when  a 
northwest  wind  came  up  and  obliged  them  to  turn  '  ^^^ 


southeast  to  the  mainland,  where  they  went  ashore,  finding 
neither  Indians  nor  water.  They  went  to  an  island  two  leagues 
from  the  mainland,'  and  Captain  Ger6nimo  Martin  surveyed 
it,  took  soundings,  and  returned. 

Having  arrived  there,  as  has  been  said,  the  general  ordered 
the  frigate  suppUed  with  water  and  wood,  and  that  it  should 
be  given  canvas  for  a  maintopsail  which  it  needed.  This 
was  done,  and  immediately  the  general  ordered  a  conference 
and  sea  coimcil,^  composed  of  the  admiral,  cosmographer, 
pilot,  and  assistants,  concerning  the  order  of  navigation  from 
here  to  Cape  Mendogino.  It  was  agreed,  besides  other  things 
which  are  in  the  book  of  decisions,  that  we  should  continue 
our  voyage.  Thereupon  we  set  sail  in  continuation  of  our 
voyage  Monday,  the  9th  of  the  said  month  of  September. 

^  The  text  reads  possos,  a  misprint  for  passas. 

*  The  text  reads  pedrico,  instead  of  predioo, 

*  From  the  description  thb  seems  to  have  been  Natividad  Isl^d. 

*  Libro  Diario,  pp.  llS-119.  The  next  stage  of  the  voyage  marked  off  was 
to  Isla  de  las  Cenizas.  It  was  agreed  that  the  vessels  should  tiy  to  keep  together, 
but  in  case  of  a  storm  from  the  north  they  were  to  return  to  Cerros  Island  or 
some  port  above  it  to  wait  eight  days,  or,  in  case  of  southeast  winds,  to  go  to 
Cenizas  Island,  to  wait  twelve  days. 


1602]  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  69 


Chapter  9. 

The  Departure  from  the  Island  of  Serros,  and  the  Arrival  at  the 

Island  of  San  Ger&nimo. 

Monday,  the  9th  of  the  said  month  of  September,  we  set 
from  the  island  of  Serros  in  continuation  of  our  voyage, 
and  Wednesday,  the  11th  of  the  said  month,  we  sighted  the 
mainland  toward  the  north-northeast.  Skirting  along  the 
coast  in  search  of  some  bay  and  port  for  shelter  from  the  north- 
west wind,  it  being  that  which  troubled  us,  on  Friday,  the  13th, 
we  discovered  an  inlet  sheltered  from  the  said  northwest  wind. 
It  was  entered,  the  captain's  and  admiral's  ships  and  the  frig- 
ate cast  anchor,  and  Ensign  Pascual  de  Alarcon,  with  twenty 
men,  went  on  shore.  They  took  the  net  and  caught  a  quan- 
tity of  white  fish,  like  that  of  Mechoacan,  and  of  sole,  both 
very  good.  On  land  a  very  broad  and  long  road  was  found 
leading  to  the  beach.^  Not  to  lose  time,  we  set  sail  the  same 
night,  following  along  the  coast.  On  the  beach  the  Indians 
sipialled  to  us  by  great  colimms  of  smoke  both  day  and  night, 
from  which  we  inferred  that  there  were  many  Indians. 

Sunday,  the  15th,  we  sighted  the  very  conspicuous,*  cliff- 
like, white  sandstone  cape  of  Samta  Maria.'    It  seemed  best 

^  The  Derrotero,  the  Carta,  the  Pianos,  fol.  79,  and  the  Explicaci6n,  vista 
21|  all  mention  two  bays  here  three  leagues  apart.  The  westernmost  was  called 
Soaeoada  del  Pescado  Blanco,  which  seems  to  have  been  Blanco  Bay,  lat  29°  4', 
the  other  being  La  Playa  Mar(a  Bay,  lat.  28°  55'.  Torquemada  {Monarckia 
Inimna,  I.  706)  calls  the  easternmost  bay  San  Hipolito  and  the  westernmost 
StQ  Conne  y  San  Dami4n,  which  Davidson  identifies  as  La  Playa  Marfa  Bay 
ud  Blanco  Bay.  From  the  circumstances  mentioned  by  Torquemada,  his  San 
Hipolito  Bay  seems  to  be  Ensenada  del  Pescado  Blanco.  Neither  the  Carta,  the 
Hanos,  the  Vistas,  nor  the  Derrotero  mentions  a  Bay  of  San  Hipolito  here.  See 
^rly  Voyages,  p.  178. 

'  The  text  reads :  "Descubrimos  un  cauo  tajado  muy  conocido  de  barrial 
bUnco  de  SanUa  Maria."  This  is  ambiguous,  for  muy  conocido  may  mean  either 
'oon^icuous"  or  "very  well  known." 

'  Apparently  Point  Canoas,  lat.  29^  25',  the  Punta  del  Mai  Abrigo  of  Ca- 
briOo.  The  Dmotero,  p.  164,  calls  it  El  Cavo  Blamco  de  Samta  Marfa,  gives 
Platitude  as  30H°  scant,  and  locates  it  five  leagues  southeast  of  the  Ensenada 
^  San  Francisco,  which  in  turn  is  given  as  nine  leagues  from  Cavo  Bajo  y  Ysla 
^  San  Ger6nimo.  The  distance  from  San  Ger6nimo  Island  corresponds  with 
^  of  Point  Canoasy  which  is  thirteen  leagues  from  San  Ger6nimo  Island. 


70  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [lem 

to  go  to  it  in  the  frigate  in  order  to  survey  it  and  take  its  bear- 
ings and  altitude;  since  it  is  very  important  for  the  ships  that 
may  go  to  the  Philippines,  for,  having  sighted  it,  they  may  hold 
their  course  to  the  island  of  Serros.  Therefore  the  general 
ordered  the  frigate  to  come  up  alongside,  whereupon  the  cos- 
mographer.  Captain  Ger6nimo  Martin,  went  aboard.  On 
Monday,  the  17th^  of  the  month,  he  set  out  to  make  this  at- 
tempt. The  next  day,  Tuesday,  there  came  up  a  very  strong 
northwest  wind,  with  much  fog,  so  that  the  ships  could  not 
see  one  another.  At  six  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  this  day 
the  captain's  and  admiral's  ships  agreed  to  lie  by  imtil  dawn 
the  next  day,  Wednesday.  Tlus  day  they  resolved  to  put  in 
at  the  Bay  of  Pescado  Blanco  previously  mentioned,*  because 
the  admiral's  ship,  being  old,  could  not  withstand  it.  While 
coasting  along  shore  it  grew  dark  before  they  reached  the  bay, 
and  for  this  reason  they  did  not  enter,  but  stood  out  to  sea. 

The  same  night  the  wind  went  down,  whereupon  we  turned 
back  in  continuation  of  our  voyage,  and  Friday  and  Satiurday 
we  reached  the  place  where  we  had  put  in  before.  Sunday 
evening,  the  20th,^  the  eve  of  the  feast  of  the  Apostle  San 
Mateo,  the  vnnd  again  became  heavy,  though  not  so  strong, 
with  the  same  threatening  weather.  That  night  the  admiral's 
ship  parted  company,  and  although  attempts  to  find  her  were 
made  for  two  days,  searching  back  and  forth,  she  was  not  to 
be  seen.  It  was  thought  she  had  put  into  the  Bay  of  Pescado 
Blanco.  The  captain's  ship  went  hugging  the  land  in  search 
of  the  frigate,  which  had  been  missing  for  eight  days,  and  on 
Sunday,  the  29th  of  the  month,  we  discovered  her,  which  caused 
no  little  satisfaction,  great  pleasure  to  the  general,  and  joy  to 
all,  for  we  had  been  feeling  great  anxiety  and  fear  lest  she  had 
met  with  some  accident  during  the  past  storm.  Captain 
Ger6nimo  Martin  came  aboard  the  captain's  ship,  the  frigate 
putting  out  its  canoe  to  bring  him.  He  said  that  during  the 
past  storm  he  had  put  into  a  large  bay  four  leagues  from  this 

^  Evidently  this  should  be  the  16th. 

*  Blanco  Bay,  lat.  29**  4',  the  Ensenada  del  Pescado  Blanco,  mentioned  on 
p.  69,  above,  note  1. 

•  This  is  evidently  an  error.  The  20th  was  the  eve  of  St  Matthew,  but  the 
22d  was  Sunday.  Moreover  the  junta  held  on  September  30  states  that  the 
almiranta  strayed  on  the  22d. 


1602]  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  71 

place;^  that  in  this  bay  there  was  a  great  number  of  Indians, 
who  came  out  to  them  in  reed  canoes ;  *  that  during  the  second 
stonn  they  had  been  under  shelter  of  a  small  island,  which 
was  to  leeward ;  that  he  had  turned  back  in  search  of  us,  and 
on  the  28th  of  the  month  had  returned  to  the  said  bay,  be- 
cause it  appeared  that  we  were  keeping  to  leeward,  and  from 
there  he  saw  us  at  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon ;  that  the  cap- 
tain's ship  was  about  to  cast  anchor,  and  that  it  had  shelter 
from  the  northwest  wind.     As  the  weather  was  favorable  the 
general  gave  orders  to  continue  our  voyage,  and  by  tacking 
back  and  forth  we  found  ourselves  oflF  the  island  where  the  cap- 
tain had  been,  to  which  was  given  the  name  San  Ger6nimo.' 
Having  rounded  it  the  northwest  wind  struck  us  with  greater 
fuiy,  and  the  general,  seeing  that  the  admiral's  ship,  which  re- 
mained behind,  and  the  frigate  could  not  weather  so  great  a 
storm  at  sea,  decided  to  put  into  the  bay  which  has  been  pre- 
viously mentioned.    In  it  we,  the  captain's  ship  and  the  frig- 
ate, cast  anchor  October  2.^ 

On  the  beach  were  a  nmnber  of  Indians,  both  men  and 
women.  The  general  agreed  with  the  members  of  the  councfl 
to  land,  to  reconnoitre,  and  to  make  a  complete  report  of  every- 
thing.* Ensign  Pascual  de  Alarcon,  with  twenty  arquebusiers, 
at  once  embarked  in  the  boat,  the  Indians  awaiting  them  on 
the  beach  peacefully.    Presents  were  given  them,  and  they 

^  This  seems  to  be  the  bay  entered  October  2,  as  stated  below.  The  latter 
was  Bahfa  de  San  Francisco.  According  to  the  Derrotero,  p.  164,  it  was  nine 
leagues  from  San  Ger6nimo  Island.  The  Carta  and  the  Pianos  show  it,  without 
a  name,  above  Ensenada  de  Canoas. 

*  De  nea,  i.  e.,  de  enea.     Cf.  Torquemada,  I.  707. 

*  San  Grer6nimo  Island,  lat.  29^  48',  the  Isla  de  San  Bernardo  of  Cabrillo 
(My  Voyages,  p.  182).  Pianos,  fol.  80;  £xplicaci6n,  vUtas  22,  23.  Juntas  of 
tile  officers  of  the  San  Diego  and  the  Tres  Reyes  were  held  on  September  30, 
October  1  and  2.  Finally  it  was  agreed  to  land  (Libro  Diario,  pp.  120-121). 
The  Derrotero  gives  San  Ger6nimo  Island  as  nine  leagues  from  Ensenada  de 
Canoas  and  five  from  Cavo  Blanco  de  Santa  Maria,  and  as  in  lat.  30^**.  The 
llanos,  fol.  80,  show  the  little  bay,  unnamed,  six  leagues  from  San  Ger6nimo 
Uaad  and  three  from  the  Ensenada  de  Canoas. 

^Torquemada  {Monarchia  Indiana,  I.  707)  states  that  on  the  eve  of  the 
feast  of  Sail  Francisco,  October  3,  they  put  into  La  Bahia  de  San  Francisco.  See 
&rfy  Voyages,  p.  181. 

*The  junta  was  held  October  1,  unless  an  error  has  been  made  in  dating  it* 
^  above,  note  3. 


72  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1602 

were  assured  by  signs  that  we  were  their  friends  and  would 
treat  them  well ;  thereupon  Ensign  Alarcon  re-embarked  and 
conveyed  the  news  to  the  general.  The  next  day,  that  of 
the  blessed  San  Francisco/  the  general  went  ashore,  taking 
with  him  the  Father  Conunissary  and  Father  Fray  Tomas  de 
Aquino.  Mass  was  said,  and  the  same  day  the  general  ordered 
E^  Juan  Francisco  Suriano,  with  fo J  aixivfebusieiB,  to  go 
to  a  very  high  hill  more  than  two  leagues  from  the  beach  in 
order  from  it  to  look  for  the  admiral's  ship,  which,  as  has  been 
said,  remained  behind.  The  ensign  returned  at  eight  o'clock 
at  night,  having  carried  out  his  instructions,  and  reported  that 
the  admiral's  ship  was  not  in  sight  and  that  on  top  of  the  hill 
there  was  a  great  number  of  Indians,  both  men  and  women, 
who  were  afraid  of  us.  They  went  inland  by  a  wide  traQ, 
followed  by  people.  The  next  day,  which  was  the  day  after 
the  feast  of  San  Francisco,  the  fathers  said  mass  on  land. 
The  general  and  many  of  the  men  confessed  and  received 
communion. 

To  this  bay  was  given  the  name  of  San  Francisco.  It  has 
many  fish — ^mackerel,  white  sea-bass,  and  many  other  kinds, 
of  which  the  soldiers  caught  a  great  number  with  sail-rope  and 
small  lines  and  bent  needles  and  pins.  We  found  in  the 
rancher! as  of  the  Indians  some  horns  larger  than  those  of  bulls 
and  small  ones  like  those  of  goats ;  they  say  that  the  large  ones 
are  buffalo  horns,  and  the  Indians  said  by  signs  that  there  were 
cattle  inland.  Tliis  country  has  a  good  climate  and  is  pleasant 
to  travel  in.  Monday,  the  7th  of  the  said  month,  we  set  sail 
in  continuation  of  our  voyage. 

Chapter  10. 

Departure  from  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco  and  Arrival  at  (hat  of 

the  Eleven  Thousand  Virgins.^ 

We  set  sail,  as  has  been  said,  from  the  bay  of  San  Fran- 
cisco on  the  9th'  of  October.  The  next  day  we  arrived  at 
the  island  of  San  Ger6nimo,  which  is  nine  leagues  from  this 
bay.  We  sailed  around  it  and  took  its  bearings  but  did  not 
cast  anchor,  as  the  weather  did  not  permit  it,  for  it  was  rough 
and  fitful.    We  skirted  the  coast  on  the  lookout  for  the  island 

1  St  Frauds.  *  Port  San  Quentin.  '  A  mistake  for  the  7th. 


1602]  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  73 

of  Senissas,^  and  Saturday,  the  12th  of  the  month,  we  discov- 
ered a  very  large  bay*  and  an  island  toward  the  northwest. 
The  general  directed  Ensign  Sebastian  Melendes  and  Anton 
Mores  to  go  ahead  in  the  frigate  to  take  soundings  of  the  bay, 
instructing  them  to  give  a  certain  sign  if  it  were  suitable  for 
the  captain's  ship  to  enter  and  for  us  to  follow. 

Having  entered  it  he  discovered  it  to  be  so  large  and  good 
that  we  went  in  and  cast  anchor.  Inmiediately  there  came 
alongside  peacefully  more  than  twenty  canoes  of  Indian  fish- 
ermen. We  gave  them  some  things,  which  they  received  with 
pleasure.  They  were  catching  fish  with  hooks  which  appeared 
to  be  thorns  from  some  tree,  and  with  lines  of  maguey,  plaited 
and  better  twisted  than  ours.  They  caught  fish  so  easily 
that  within  two  hours  they  filled  their  canoes.  On  the  13th 
of  the  month  the  general,  with  the  members  of  the  council,^ 
decided  to  go  ashore  to  reconnoitre  and  see  the  people  there 
and  their  manner  of  living,  and  to  search  for  water,  of  which  we 
had  great  need.  The  cause  of  this  was  the  quarter  pipes  which 
we  carried,  for  as  they  had  been  made  in  Acapulco  of  old  and 
gaping  and  worm-eaten  staves,  when  we  thought  we  had  water 
we  were  without  it.  This  caused  the  men  much  labor,  and 
detained  us  somewhat  on  land. 

When  Ensign  Juan  de  Alarcon  went  with  twelve  arque- 
busiers  to  do  this  work  he  found  on  the  beach  three  rancherlas 
of  Indians,  with  their  women  and  children,  as  quiet  and  free 
from  excitement  as  if  we  had  had  dealings  with  them  for  many 
days.    He  found  water  in  a  lagoon  a  league  from  the  beach 

^  There  is  a  confusion  of  the  names  Cenizas  and  San  Ger6nimo.  In  Tor- 
quemada's  account  they  are  identified,  but  here  the  name  Cenizas  b  applied  to 
an  island  north  of  Port  San  Quentln.    See  next  note. 

» Port  San  Quentln,  lat.  30**  24',  Cabrillo's  Puerto  de  la  Posesidn  (Early 
Voyages,  p.  184).  It  will  be  seen  that  the  name  San  Quentln  was  applied  by 
Vizcaino  to  a  cape  and  bay  a  few  leagues  above  the  place  now  bearing  that  name. 

'According  to  the  Libro  Diario,  pp.  122-123,  on  the  13th  (tres  for  trese — 
tbe  correction  is  confinned  by  the  diary),  the  San  Diego  being  at  anchor  in  the 
bfty,  m  lat  32®  scant,  it  was  decided  in  a  junta  to  send  Captain  Mel6ndez  to  ex- 
plore an  estuary  conununicating  with  a  lake,  and  Alarc6n,  with  twenty  armed  men, 
to  explore  by  land.  Davidson  says :  ''To  the  eastward  of  this  peninsula  [Cape 
San  Quentln]  there  Is  low  country,  with  great  lagoons  penetrating  the  land  for 
ttveral  miles.  The  entrance  to  these  lagoons  is  on  the  east  side  of  the  cape  and 
two  mOes  from  its  extremity"  (Early  Voyages,  p.  184).  The  estuary  b  shown  in 
^  Pianos,  foL  81. 


74  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1602 

and  he  returned  to  report  it.  The  general  thought  this  water- 
ing place  was  too  far  away  and  that  they  would  have  to  work 
veiy  hard ;  and  that  since  toward  the  northwest  shore  an  en- 
trance like  a  river  or  estuary  had  been  discovered,  in  order  to 
find  out  what  it  was  Ensign  Melendes  should  go  to  reconnoitre 
it.  He  did  so,  and  brought  back  the  report  that  it  was  an 
estuary  which  came  from  a  large  lagoon  in  the  interior  of  the 
country,  and  that  it  had  anchorage  in  it  for  the  captain's  ship. 
We  set  sail  immediately  and  within  two  hours  cast  anchor  in 
it.  The  general,  his  son,  and  Captain  Ger6nimo  Martin  went 
ashore  to  explore  it,  together  with  Ensign  Juan  Francisco  Suri- 
ano,  Sebastian  Melendez,  Martin  de  Aguiar  Galeote,  and  some 
soldiers,  leaving  Ensign  Alarcon  in  his  place  on  board  the 
flagship. 

We  went  more  than  four  leagues  along  the  beach  in  search 
of  water  but  did  not  find  any.  We  found  in  the  woods  a  lai^ 
niunber  of  hares.  The  chief  pUot,  Francisco  de  Bolanos,  en- 
tered the  estuary  above-mentioned  with  the  boat.  On  taJdng 
soundings  he  found  a  good  depth,  but  the  current  was  so 
strong  by  reason  of  the  high  tide  that  it  whirled  the  ships 
around  like  a  millrace.  The  chief  pilot  and  the  pilots  seeing 
this,  and  that  our  vessels  were  not  very  secure,  we  set  sail 
from  there,  and  the  general  directed  that  we  should  return  to 
the  place  where  we  were  before.  There  he  went  ashore  with 
Ensign  Alarcon,  and  with  the  men  and  the  picks,  leaving  in 
his  place  Captain  Ger6nimo  Martin.  They  made  wells  near 
the  beach,  in  a  patch  of  rushes,  and  f  oimd  so  much  good  water 
that  there  was  enough  for  a  squadron.  The  men  were  happy 
at  hearing  this  news,  and  the  next  day  the  general  and  the 
reUgious  went  ashore.  Mass  was  said,  and  some  Indians 
came  and  listened  to  it  with  great  attention,  as  if  exalted. 
They  were  told  by  signs,  in  answer  to  their  questions,  that  it 
had  to  do  with  heaven;  and  the  said  Indians  bowed  their 
heads,  kissed  the  cross,  and  said  the  prayers  and  aU  the  words 
we  told  them  in  our  language.  The  general  gave  food  to  the 
Indians  at  his  table,  and  they  said  by  signs  that  there  were 
many  Indians  inland  who  shot  them  with  arrows,  and  that  we 
should  go  with  them.  They  wore  in  the  Mexican  fashion 
lilmas  made  of  skins  of  animals,  with  a  knot  on  the  right  shoul- 
der, leather  sandals,  and  strings  of  cotton  fibre.    Their  food 


1602]  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  75 

was  generally  mascale,  for  there  are  quantities  of  maguey.  This 
place  is  very  pleasant,  for  it  has  a  large  vaUey  surrounded  by 
lagoons  in  which  are  many  fish,  ducks,  and  heron,  and  a  grove 
with  hares  and  deer.  The  climate  of  the  land  is  the  best  in 
the  world,  for  the  night  dews  last  until  ten  o'clock  in  the  fore- 
noon. 

We  gave  orders  to  take  on  water,  although  it  was  diflBcult, 
owmg  to  the  heavy  surf  on  the  beach,  which  flooded  the  boats. 
Thursday,  the  17th  of  the  month,  the  general  embarked  at 
sunset,  though  with  much  trouble  and  with  drenchings,  the 
canoe  being  flooded  when  leaving.  That  night  a  south  wind 
came  up,  with  a  heavy  sea  obUque  to  the  place  where  we  were 
—which  was  in  a  depth  of  six  fathoms — ^while  near  us  were 
the  breakers.  Seeing  our  great  danger,  and  that  if  the  wind 
mcreased  it  would  drive  us  on  the  coast,  the  general  consulted 
with  the  cosmographer,  chief  pilot,  his  assistant,  and  experi- 
enced seamen  as  to  what  should  be  done  to  escape  the  peril 
which  we  were  in  and  it  was  agreed  that  in  the  morning  we 
should  sail,  because  at  present  the  fog  was  so  thick  that  we 
could  not  see  each  other.  Accordingly  at  daybreak  we  set 
saQ,  leaving  the  anchor  and  cable  to  be  raised  by  hand,  and 
with  no  little  effort  on  the  part  of  the  chief  pilot,  his  assistant, 
and  the  rest  of  the  crew  we  went  outside,  leaving  on  shore 
Pasqual  de  Alarcon,  the  Father  Commissary,  Father  Fray  Tomas 
de  Aquino,  Ensigns  Melendes  and  Aguilar,  the  commander  of 
the  squadiDn,  Antonio  Luis,  and  more  than  forty  soldiers, 
leaving  them  without  food  or  powder  and  with  only  a  few 
ropes.  This  was  what  gave  the  general  the  most  anxiety; 
however,  he  remedied  the  situation  by  directing  the  pilot, 
Anton  Flores,  to  go  with  the  frigate  into  the  estuary,  and 
with  the  canoe  into  the  lagoon,  to  aid  the  men.  He  did  so 
with  great  care  and  no  little  work,  and  we  at  sunset  found  oiu*- 
selves  off  the  entrance  of  the  bay.  The  wind  went  down,  and 
although  there  was  a  heavy  sea  we  cast  anchor.^ 

The  next  day  at  dawn  the  general  ordered  the  boatswain, 

^Qn  October  19,  when  at  anchor  at  a  large  ensenada,  in  32°  scant,  a  junta 
y^  hdd.  It  recited  that  a  storm  had  arisen  from  the  south-southeast,  and  that 
tt  Ittd  been  necessary  to  leave  the  bay  to  save  the  ship.  But  a  number  of  men 
Sttl  a  valuable  anchor  and  the  best  cable  had  been  left  inside.  It  was  decided 
^^Krefofe  to  send  the  oapUana  into  a  near-by  inlet,  while  the  fragaia  went  inside 
lor  the  men  and  the  anchor  (Libro  Diario,  pp.  123-124). 


76  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  11602 

Estevan  Lopez^  to  go  with  ten  sailors  in  the  boat,  charging 
him  to  make  every  effort  to  bring  back  the  men,  the  cable, 
and  the  anchor.  The  anchor  was  what  caused  anxiety  for  it 
was  the  best  the  ship  had.  He  did  this  so  well  that  at  the 
end  of  three  hours  he  had  removed  the  anchor  and  cable  and 
part  of  the  men  who  were  on  shore,  returning  inmiediately, 
together  with  the  frigate.  AU  the  troops  and  men  embarked; 
and  the  same  day,  at  eight  o'clock  at  night,  when  all  were  on 
board,  there  were  many  embraces  because  those  who  had 
come  from  land  were  with  those  of  us  on  shipboard,  and  es- 
pecially because  the  ships  were  safe. 

The  next  day,  Sunday,  with  a  sea  breeze  we  set  sail  in  the 
continuation  of  our  voyage.  The  name  of  the  Eleven  Thousand 
Virgins^  was  given  to  this  bay. 

Chapter  11. 

Departure  from  the  Bay  of  the  Eleven  Th/msand  Virgins  and 

Arrival  at  the  Port  of  San  Diego. 

We  sailed,  as  we  have  said,  on  Sunday,  the  20th*  of  the 
said  month,  from  the  Bay  of  the  Eleven  Thousand  Virgins, 
and  at  dawn  of  the  following  day  the  general  ordered  a  sailor 
to  the  topmast-head,  from  there  to  look  for  the  admiral's 
ship,  which  was  causing  much  anxiety,  lest  some  misfortune 
should  have  happened  to  her  since  she  had  separated  from  us. 
The  sailor  saw  a  ship  about  six  leagues  out  at  sea,  and  imme- 
diately Ensign  Sebastian  Melendez  was  ordered  to  go  in  the 
frigate  to  inspect  her,  carrying  orders  that  if  she  were  the  ad- 
miral's ship  die  should  be  told  that  we  were  there,  and  that  if 
she  were  some  other  ship  she  should  wait,  in  order  to  cany  a 
package  of  letters  to  the  viceroy.  We  also  approached  her, 
and  at  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  we  were  all  together.  We 
recognized  her  to  be  the  admiral's  ship,^  which  gave  the  great- 
est pleasure. 

After  we  had  saluted  the  general  asked  the  admiral.  Father 
Fray  Antonio,  and  Captain  Peguero  where  they  had  taken 
shelter  during  the  past  storm,  and  whether  they  were  in  need 

^  The  celebrated  virgins  of  Cologne. 
'  Torquemada  gives  the  date  of  sailing  as  the  24th. 

'  They  had  not  seen  the  almiranta  for  twenty-eight  days,  and  had  given  her 
up  for  lost  {Early  Voyages,  p.  185). 


1602]  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  77 

of  aaything.  They  said  that  they  carried  eight  quarters  of 
water^  and  that  the  late  tempest  obliged  them  to  put  into  the 
Bay  of  Pescado  Blanco,*  but,  not  oeing  very  safe  there,  they 
went  to  Serros  Island,  where  they  remained  during  the  storm ; 
and  that  on  the  25th  of  the  past  month  Ensign  Juan  de  Azevedo 
Tejeda  had  died.  This  news  gave  great  pain  to  the  general, 
for  he  was  a  good  soldier.  After  sailing  forty  leagues  from  the 
mainland  they  had  discovered  a  large  island,  but  the  weather 
did  not  permit  them  to  go  to  it.* 

Seeing  that  the  weather  was  so  favorable  the  general  or- 
dered us  to  continue  our  voyage,  and,  following  along  the 
coast,  the  next  day  we  discovered  an  island  some  two  leagues 
from  the  mainland ;  we  did  not  cast  anchor  at  it,  in  order  not 
to  lose  time.  It  was  given  the  name  of  San  Marcos.'  We 
proceeded,  tacking  back  and  forth,  and  on  the  eve  of  the  feast 
of  San  Simon  and  San  Judas,  the  27th  of  the  month,  we  being  in 
latitude  32^  scant,  a  strong  northwest  wind  came  up,  with  a 
heavy  sea,  so  that  the  admiral's  ship  and  the  frigate  could  not 
weather  it  imaided.  Thereupon  the  general,  with  the  admiral 
and  the  members  of  the  council,*  determined  to  put  in  at  a  bay^ 
which  was  nine  leagues  to  leeward,  to  take  shelter  from  the  storm, 
and  to  provide  the  admiral's  ship  with  water.  This  was  done, 
and  at  sunset  of  the  same  day  we  cast  anchor  in  the  said  bay. 

The  next  day  Captain  Peguero  and  Ensign  Juan  Francisco, 
with  some  soldiers,  went  on  shore  with  orders  to  search  dili- 

*  Blanco  Bay,  lat  29**  4'.    See  p.  70,  above,  note  2. 

I  Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  p.  182,  following  Venegas,  describes  the  almi-' 
ranto'f  course. 

*San  Martin  Island,  lat.  30"*  29',  Cabrillo's  San  Agustin.  Shown  on  the 
Pianos,  fol.  81,  and  described  in  £xplicaci6n,  vUta  23.  Also  called  Isla  de  las 
Cenizas  and  I^a  de  San  Hilario  by  the  almiranta  (Early  Voyages,  p.  186).  "San 
Marcos"  b  clearly  a  misprint  for  "San  Martin." 

*  The  record  of  the  council  is  in  Libro  Diario.  It  states  that  on  the  28th, 
the  three  vessels  being  together  in  lat.  32®,  and  about  four  leagues  from  land,  a 
severe  northwester  came  up.  A  conference  was  held,  speaking  from  ship  to  ship, 
^  it  was  agreed  that  since  there  was  a  prospect  that  the  storm  would  last  sev- 
^  days,  a^  since  the  almiranta  was  greatly  in  need  of  water,  they  should  put 
^  at  a  bay  seven  leagues  to  the  leeward.  The  account  in  Torquemada  varies 
"lightly  from  this. 

*  Bahla  de  San  Sim6n  y  Judas,  or  de  San  Quentfn.  See  note  2,  p.  73. 
Davidson  describes  the  Bay  of  San  Ram6n,  not  shown  on  the  Pianos,  between 
Saa  Martin  Island  and  Cabo  de  San  Sim6n  y  Judas  (Early  Voyages,  p.  186). 


78  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1602 

gently  for  water  and  to  treat  well  the  Indians  who  were  on 
the  beach.  When  they  arrived  on  the  land  they  made  wells 
near  the  sea  and  found  plenty  of  good  water.  More  than  a 
hundred  Indian  warriors  came  to  the  place  with  their  bows 
and  arrows  and  with  clubs  for  throwing.  These  Indians  were 
very  insolent,  to  the  extent  of  drawing  their  bows  and  picking 
up  stones  to  throw  at  us.  Without  taking  notice  of  them  ex- 
cept to  make  signs  of  peace,  the  captain  and  ensign  embarked, 
and  having  come  on  board  reported  to  the  general  what  had 
happened. 

The  next  day  Captain  Peguero,  Ensign  Pasqual  de  Alarcon, 
and  the  chief  pUot,  Francisco  Bolanos,  went  ashore  to  take 
water.  To  them  the  general  gave  orders  to  treat  the  Indians 
well  and  to  deal  with  them  with  great  care  and  prudence,  espe- 
cially in  embarking  and  disembarking.  Arriving  on  land  we 
found  a  multitude  of  Indians  arrayed  for  battle,  and  although, 
on  our  part,  we  gave  them  to  understand  that  we  intended  to 
do  them  no  harm,  but  to  get  water,  and  although  we  gave  them 
biscuits  and  other  things,  the  Indians  took  no  notice  of  what 
was  given  them ;  on  the  contrary,  they  tried  to  prevent  the 
taking  of  water  and  to  take  from  us  the  bottles  and  barrels. 
This  made  it  necessary  to  fire  three  arquebus  shots  at  them; 
whereupon,  with  the  noise  of  the  powder  and  someone's  crying 
at  the  death  of  some  of  the  others,  they  fled  with  great  outcries ; 
but  at  the  end  of  two  hours  a  multitude  of  Indians  returned, 
assembUng  from  different  rancherias,  holding  councils  among 
themselves,  apparently,  as  to  what  they  should  do,  and  then, 
with  arms  in  hand,  they  came  toward  us,  who  to  them  seemed 
few,  with  their  women  and  children,  bows  and  arrows.  Ensign 
Pasqual  de  Alarcon  went  out  to  meet  them,  telling  them  by 
signs  that  they  must  be  quiet,  and  that  they  should  be  friends. 
Thereupon  the  Indians  said  they  would  do  so  upon  condition 
that  we  would  not  fire  any  more  arquebuses  at  them,  which 
appeared  to  them  many.  They  gave  a  female  dog  as  a  hostage, 
and  with  this  they  went  away  to  their  rancherias  very  well 
satisfied,  and  we  took  on  water.  At  midnight,  the  30th  of 
the  month,  the  general  ordered  us  to  set  sail.  This  bay  was 
named  San  Simon  y  San  Judas.  ^ 

^  Colnett  Bay,  east  of  Cape  Colnett,  whose  lat  is  30^  59'  (Davidson,  Early 
Voyages,  p.  188).  CaUed£nsenadadeSanQuentlnbytheDerrotero,p.  166.  The 


16021  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  79 

Skirtiiig  along  the  coast  with  much  difficulty  because  the 
wind  was  at  the  prow,  on  November  5  we  discovered  two  small 
islands  at  the  mouth  of  a  large  bay.^  As  we  were  entering 
it  night  came  on  and  the  wind  went  down,  and  the  chief  pilot 
told  the  general  that  he  did  not  think  it  best  to  enter  the  bay 
that  night,  and  so  he  stood  out  to  sea,  leaving  it  for  the  next 
day.  At  dawn  we  found  ourselves  at  the  mouth  of  the  bay. 
As  we  were  entering  it  a  light  breeze  came  up  from  the  east  and 
prevented  our  going  in.  The  general  consulted  the  admiral, 
c^tains,  ensign,  coimsellors,  and  pilots  as  to  what  should  be 
done  and  all  were  of  the  opinion  that  he  should  go  on  and  not 
lose  this  wind,  which  was  in  our  favor ;  we  therefore  continued 
our  voyage.  This  bay  was  given  the  name  of  Islas  de  Todos 
los  Santos.^ 

On  the  9th  of  the  said  month  we  discovered  two  other 
islands  and  three  farallones,  in  latitude  33^  full,  a  Uttle  more 
than  two  leagues  from  the  mainland,  and  a  very  large  bay. 
The  general  ordered  Ensign  Melendes  to  go  ahead  in  the  frig- 
ate, Sie  captain's  and  admiral's  ships  following  him.  Then, 
while  the  frigate  sailed  along  the  coast  of  the  mainland,  the 
captain's  ship  went  up  to  the  islands.  There  was  so  much 
kdp  around  them  in  the  bottom  of  the  sea,  that,  although  the 
water  was  fourteen  fathoms  deep,  the  kelp  extended  more 
than  six  fathoms  above  the  water.  The  captain's  ship  passed 
over  it  as  if  it  were  a  green  meadow.  Some  of  the  kelp  looked 
as  large  as  gourds  and  was  very  highly  colored,  with  fruit  re- 
sembling very  large  capers  and  with  tubes  like  sackbuts. 
These  idands  were  given  the  name  San  Martin.'    The  In- 

i^vne  San  Quentia  is  now  applied  to  Vizcaino's  Bay  of  the  Eleven  Thousand 
Virgins  (p.  72,  note  2).  On  the  Pianos,  fol.  81,  the  cape  is  called  San  Quentln 
V  San  Sim6n  y  Judas.    See  £xplicaci6n,  vista  23. 

^  Todos  Santos  Islands,  off  Grajero  Point,  whose  latitude  is  31°  45'.  Grajero 
Point  is  Cabrillo's  Cabo  de  la  Cruz  (Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  p.  190)  and  the 
Cavo  de  Todos  Santos  of  the  Derrotero,  p.  166.  Shown  on  the  Pianos,  fol.  82 ; 
^^cscribed  in  Explicaci6n,  vista  24. 

'  From  Torquemada  it  is  seen  that  the  fragata  and  the  almiranta  went  in, 
hit  soon  went  back  to  follow  the  capiiana  (see  Davidson,  ibid.,  p.  191). 

'  Los  Coronados  Islands,  lat.  32°  25' ;  the  Islas  Desiertas  of  Cabrillo ;  op- 
posite La  Mesa  de  la  Cena  on  the  Carta.  Shown  in  Pianos,  fol.  83 ;  described 
inExplicacidn,  vista  25.  The  Derrotero  (p.  167)  describes  the  Islas  de  San  Mar- 
t&  as  consisting  of  four,  the  largest  being  nearest  the  land.  The  distance  from 
tbe  "Puerto  Bueno  de  San  Diego"  is  given  as  six  leagues  to  the  south. 


80  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1602 

dians  made  so  many  columms  of  smoke  on  the  mainland  that 
at  night  it  looked  like  a  procession  and  in  the  daytime  the  sky 
was  overcast.    We  did  not  land  here  because  the  coast  was  wild. 

The  next  day,  Sunday,  the  10th  of  the  month,  we  arrived 
at  a  port,  which  must  be  the  best  to  be  found  in  all  the  South 
Sea,  for,  besides  being  protected  on  all  sides  and  having  good 
anchorage,^  it  is  in  latitude  33  H*^.  It  has  very  good  wood 
and  water,  many  fish  of  all  kinds,  many  of  which  we  caught 
with  seine  and  hooks.  On  land  there  is  much  game,  such  as 
rabbits,  hares,  deer,  very  large  quail,  royal  ducks,  thrushes, 
and  many  other  birds. 

On  the  12th  of  the  said  month,*  which  was  the  day  of  the 
glorious  San  Diego,  the  general,  admiral,  rehgious,  captains, 
ensigns,  and  almost  all  the  men  went  on  shore.  A  hut  was 
built  and  mass  was  said  in  celebration  of  the  feast  of  Senor 
San  Diego.  When  it  was  over  the  general  called  a  coimcil  to 
consider  what  was  to  be  done  in  this  port,  in  order  to  get 
through  quickly.  It  was  decided  that  the  admiral,  with  the 
chief  pilot,  the  pilots,  the  masters,  calkers,  and  seamen  should 
scour  the  ships,  giving  them  a  good  cleaning,  which  they 
greatly  needed,  and  that  Captain  Peguero,  Ensign  Alarcon, 
and  Ensign  Martin  de  Agmlar  should  each  attend  to  getting 
water  for  his  ship,  while  Ensign  Juan  Francisco,  and  Sergeant 
Miguel  de  Lagar,  with  the  carpenters,  should  provide  wood. 

^  San  Diego  Bay.  The  end  of  Point  Loma  is  near  lat.  32**  40'  (Davidson, 
Early  Voyages,  p.  192).  This  is  Cabrillo's  Puerto  de  San  Miguel.  Shown  in 
Pianos,  fol.  83 ;  described  in  Explicaci6n,  vista  25.  The  Derrotero  calls  it  the 
"Good  port  of  San  Diego,"  and  says:  "The  tides  are  like  those  at  Sanlucar, 
Spain,  because  the  port  within  is  large  and  good,  sheltered  on  all  sides.  No  sea 
enters  it.  There  is  wood,  and  water,  though  salty,  and  to  get  it  wells  were  dug 
to  the  east  of  the  entry  near  the  beach.  Likewise,  at  a  stone's  throw  there  are 
plentiful  fish,  both  of  net  and  Une.  There  are  numerous  Indians,  with  bows 
and  arrows,  good  people  desirous  of  dealing  with  the  Spaniards.  This  port  is  in 
lat.  33^"*"  (p.  167). 

*  On  the  11th,  the  San  Diego  being  at  anchor  in  the  bay  in  34^  scant,  Va^ 
caino  called  a  junta  de  mar  y  guerra,  and  stated  that  the  harbor  seemed  good 
and  in  a  latitude  suitable  for  a  port  for  the  Philippine  vessels,  and  for  other  pur- 
poses of  his  Majesty.  It  was  decided  to  send  Bolanos  in  the  Tres  Reyes  to  sound 
the  bay  and  its  inlets  and  rivers,  and  to  find  a  place  for  cleaning  the  snail-covered 
vessels,  and  for  getting  wood,  water,  and  fish  (libro  Diario,  pp.  125-126).  It 
would  appear  that  the  12th  of  the  diary  should  be  the  11th.  The  feast  of  San 
Diego  was  November  13. 


16Q2]  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  81 

When  this  had  all  been  agreed  upon,  a  hundred  Indians 
appeared  on  a  hill  with  bows  and  arrows  and  with  many 
feathers  on  their  heads,  yelling  noisily  at  us.  The  general  or- 
dered Ensign  Juan  Francisco  to  go  to  them  with  four  arque- 
busiers,  Father  Fray  Antonio  foUowing  him  in  order  to  win 
their  friendship.  The  ensign  was  instructed  that  if  the  In- 
dians fled  he  should  let  them  go,  but  that  if  they  waited  he 
should  regale  them.  The  Inchans  waited,  albeit  with  some 
fear.  The  ensign  and  soldiers  returned,  and  the  general,  his 
son,  and  the  admiral  went  toward  the  Indians.  The  Indians 
seeing  this,  two  men  and  two  women  came  down  from  a  hill. 
They  having  reached  the  general,  and  the  Indian  women 
weeping,  he  cajoled  and  embraced  them,  giving  them  some 
things.  Reassuring  the  others  by  signs,  they  descended  peace- 
fully, whereupon  they  were  given  presents.  The  net  was  cast 
and  fish  were  given  them.  Whereupon  the  Indians  became 
more  confident  and  went  to  their  rancherfas  and  we  to  oiu* 
ships  to  attend  to  our  affairs. 

Friday,  the  15th  of  the  month,  the  general  went  aboard 
the  frigate,  taking  with  him  his  son,  Father  Fray  Antonio,  the 
chief  pilot,  and  fifteen  arquebusiers,  to  go  and  take  the  sound- 
ings of  a  large  bay  which  entered  the  land.    He  did  not  take 
the  cosmographer  with  him,  as  he  was  ill  and  occupied  with 
the  papers  of  the  voyage.    That  night,  rowing  with  the  flood 
tide,  he  got  under  way  and  at  dawn  he  was  six  leagues  within 
the  bay,  which  he  found  to  be  the  best,  large  enough  for  all 
kinds  of  vessels,  more  secure  than  at  the  anchorage,  and  better 
for  careening  the  ships,  for  they  could  be  placed  high  and  dry 
during  the  flood  tide  and  taken  down  at  the  ebb  tide,  even  if 
they  were  of  a  thousand  tons. 

I  do  not  place  in  this  report  the  sailing  directions,  descrip- 
tions of  the  land,  or  soimdings,  because  the  cosmographer 
fifid  pilots  are  keeping  an  itinerary  in  conformity  with  the 
art  of  navigation. 

In  this  bay  the  general,  with  his  men,  went  ashore.  After 
they  had  gone  more  than  three  leagues  along  it  a  number  of 
Indians  appeared  with  their  bows  and  arrows,  and  although 
fi^  of  peace  were  made  to  them,  they  did  not  dare  to  ap- 
pit)ach,  excepting  a  very  old  Indian  woman  who  appeared  to 
be  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  old  and  who  ap- 


82  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1602 

preached  weeping.  The  general  cajoled  her  and  gave  her  some 
beads  and  something  to  eat.  This  Indian  woman,  from  extreme 
age,  had  wrinkles  on  her  belly  which  looked  like  a  blacksmith's 
bellows,  and  the  navel  protruded  bigger  than  a  gomxi.  Seeing 
this  kind  treatment  the  Indians  came  peaceably  and  took  us 
to  their  rancherias,  where  they  were  gathering  their  crops  and 
where  they  had  made  their  paresos  of  seeds  like  flax.  They 
had  pots  in  which  they  cooked  their  food,  and  the  women  were 
dressed  in  skins  of  animals.  The  general  would  not  allow  any 
soldier  to  enter  their  rancherfas;  and,  it  being  already  late, 
he  returned  to  the  frigate,  many  Indians  accompanying  him 
to  the  beach.  Saturday  night  he  reached  the  captain's  ship, 
which  was  ready;  wood,  water,  and  fish  were  brought  on 
board,  and  on  Wednesday,  the  20th  of  the  said  month,  we  set 
sail.  I  do  not  state,  lest  I  should  be  tiresome,  how  many  times 
the  Indians  came  to  our  camps  with  skins  of  marteL  and 
other  things.  Until  the  next  day,  when  we  set  sail,  they  re- 
mained on  the  beach  shouting.  This  port  was  given  the  name 
of  San  Diego. 

Chapter  12. 

Departure  from  the  Port  of  San  Diego  and  Arrival  at  the  Island 

of  Santa  Catalina. 

We  left  the  port  of  San  Diego,  as  has  been  said,  on  a 
Wednesday,  the  20th  of  the  said  month,^  and  the  same  day  the 
general  ordered  Ensign  Sebastian  Melendes  to  go  ahead  with 
the  frigate  to  examine  a  bay  which  was  to  windward  some  four 
leagues,'  and  directed  that  the  pilot  should  sound  it,  map  it, 

^  On  November  19  a  junta  was  held  to  draw  up  sailing  orders.  It  was 
agreed  that  in  case  of  any  vessel's  being  driven  by  head-winds  before  finding  an- 
other port,  it  was  to  return  to  the  Bay  of  San  Diego ;  if  driven  by  a  southwest 
wind  it  was  to  run  with  it  to  38**  or  a  little  above,  where  there  was  said  to  be  an 
island,  there  to  wait  eight  days,  making  signals ;  at  the  end  of  that  time,  if  still 
alone,  it  should  continue  to  Cape  Mendocino  (Libro  Diario,  pp.  126-127). 

*  Apparently  False  Bay,  just  north  of  San  Diego  Bay,  shown  as  "Ensenada 
de  baxa  entrada."  It  is  described  by  the  Derrotero,  pp.  167-168,  as  being  a 
large  bay  two  leagues  above  the  entry  of  San  Diego  Bay.  It  is  added  that  it  is 
shallow  at  the  entry  but  deep  inside,  and  that  it  has  a  great  grove  of  trees  on  the 
east  shore.  From  the  bay  to  the  Punta  de  la  Arboleda  the  distance  is  given  as 
ten  leagues ;  from  here  to  the  Ysla  y  Ensenada  de  Buena  Gente,  fifteen  leagues ; 
thence  to  the  Ysla  de  Samta  Catalina,  eight  leagues,  southwest.    AcccHtiiDg  to 


KKfiJ  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  83 

and  find  out  what  was  there.  He  did  so,  and  the  next  day 
ordered  the  return  to  the  captain's  ship.  He  reported  to  the 
general  that  he  had  entered  the  said  bay,  that  it  was  a  good 
port,  although  it  had  at  its  entrance  a  bar  of  Httle  more  than 
two  fathoms  depth,  and  that  there  was  a  very  large  grove  at 
an  estuary  which  extended  into  the  land,  and  many  Indians: 
and  that  he  had  not  gone  ashore.  Thereupon  we  continued 
our  voyage,  skirting  along  the  coast  until  the  24th  of  the 
month,  which  was  the  eve  of  the  feast  of  the  glorious  Samta 
Catalina,^  when  we  discovered  three  lai^e  islands.^  We  ap- 
proached them  with  difficulty  because  of  a  head-wind,  and 
arrived  at  the  middle  one,  which  is  more  than  twenty-five 
leagues  around. 

On  the  27th  of  the  month,  and  before  casting  anchor  in  a 
very  good  cove'  which  was  found,  a  multitude  of   Indians 
came  out  in  canoes  of  cedar  and  pine,  made  of  planks  very  well 
joined  and  calked,  each  one  with  eight  oars  and  with  fourteen 
or  fifteen  Indians,  who  looked  like  galley-slaves.    They  came 
alongside  without  the  least  fear  and  came  on  board  our  ships, 
mooring  their  own.    They  showed  great  pleasure  at  seeing  us, 
telling  us  by  signs  that  we  must  land,  and  guiding  us  like 
pflots  to  the  anchorage.    The  general  received  them  kindly 
and  gave  them  some  presents,  especially  to  the  boys.    We 
anchored,  and  the  admiral,  Ensign  Alarcon,  Father  Fray  An- 
tonio, and  Captain  Peguero,  with  some  soldiers,  went  ashore. 
Many  Indians  were  on  the  beach,  and  the  women  treated  us 
to  roasted  sardines  and  a  small  fruit  like  sweet  potatoes.* 

tius,  Punta  de  Arboleda  would  be  about  at  modem  Encinitas,  although  in  the 
Pianos,  fol.  84,  Punta  de  Arboleda  is  shown  about  half-way  from  San  Diego  Bay 
to  San  Pedro  Bay.  Torquemada  mentions  a  bay  a  few  leagues  before  reaching 
Santa  Catalina  Island,  which  Davidson  identifies  with  San  Pedro  Bay  (Davidson, 
^ody  Voyages f  pp.  194-195),  but  it  is  clear  that  the  one  entered  by  Mel^ndez  on 
the  21st  was  not  so  far  north.  I  judge,  therefore,  that  Davidson  is  in  error  in 
his  identification. 

^  St  Catherine. 

'  The  three  shown  on  the  Pianos  are  the  Santa  Catalina,  the  Santa  B&rbara, 
and  the  San  Nicole,  but  we  know  that  the  San  Clemente  was  also  described. 

'  On  Santa  Catalina  Island :  the  San  Salvador  of  Cabrillo. 

^  Santa  Catalina  Island  is  shown  on  the  Pianos,  fol.  84.  From  this  map, 
together  with  the  diary  and  the  Derrotero,  it  is  clear  that  the  first  anchorage 
was  near  the  middle  of  the  eastern  coast.  The  port  near  the  pueblo  is  called 
^<ivto  de  Santa  Catalina.    The  Derrotero  (p.  168)  describes  the  island. 


84  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1602 

Fresh  water  was  founds  although  a  long  distance  from  the 
beach. 

The  next  day  the  general  and  the  Father  Commissary  went 
ashorC;  a  hut  was  built,  and  mass  was  said.  More  than  one 
hundred  and  fifty  Indian  men  and  women  were  present,  and 
they  marvelled  not  a  little  at  seeing  the  altar  and  the  image 
of  our  Lord  Jesus  crucified,  and  listened  attentively  to  the 
saying  of  mass,  asking  by  signs  what  it  was  about.  They 
were  told  that  it  was  about  heaven,  whereat  they  marvelled 
more.  When  the  divine  service  was  ended  the  general  went 
to  their  houses,  where  the  women  took  him  by  the  hand  and 
led  him  inside,  giving  him  some  of  the  food  which  they  had 
given  before.  He  brought  to  the  ship  six  Indian  girls  from 
eight  to  ten  years  old,  whom  their  mothers  willingly  gave  him, 
and  he  clothed  them  with  chemises,  petticoats,  and  necklaces, 
and  sent  them  ashore.  The  rest  of  the  women,  seeing  this, 
came  with  their  daughters  in  canoes,  asking  for  gifts.  The 
result  was  that  no  one  returned  empty-handed.  The  people 
go  dressed  in  seal  skins,  the  women  especially  covering  their 
loins,  and  their  faces  show  them  to  be  modest ;  but  the  men 
are  thieves,  for  an3rthing  they  saw  imguarded  they  took. 
They  are  a  people  given  to  trade  and  traffic  and  are  fond  of 
barter,  for  in  return  for  old  clothes  they  would  give  the  soldiers 
skins,  shells,  nets,  thread,  and  very  well  twisted  ropes,  these 
in  great  quantities  and  resembling  linen.  They  have  dogs 
like  those  in  Castile. 

Thursday,  the  28th  of  the  said  month,  there  was  an  eclipse 
of  the  moon,  which  commenced  at  a  quarter  past  ten  at  night 
and  lasted  until  twelve  o'clock,  being  entirely  over  at  one 
o'clock ;  the  eclipse  commenced  on  the  eastern  edge. 

On  the  night  of  the  eve  of  San  Andres,  the  29th  of  the  said 
month,  we  set  sail,^  for  the  Indians  had  told  us  by  signs  that 
farther  along  on  this  same  island  they  had  their  houses  and 
there  was  food.    On  the  day  of  San  Andres,  at  four  o'clock 

^  On  November  29,  the  San  Diego  being  at  anchor  at  Santa  Catalina  Island 
in  34^^,  a  junta  was  held  to  consider  circumnavigating  the  island  and  exploring 
the  San  Andres  (San  Clemente).  It  was  decided  not  to  spend  the  time,  but  to 
go  ahead,  leaving  these  explorations  for  the  return,  since  the  weather  was  good, 
the  men  were  becoming  ill,  and  supplies  becoming  short  (Libro  Diario,  pp.  127- 
128).     The  general  therefore  ordered  the  pilots  to  set  sail  as  soon  as  possible. 


DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  85 

m  the  afternoon^  we  arrived  at  the  place  which  the  Indians 
liad  designated^  l^ey  piloting  us  in  their  canoes  into  the  port/ 
which  is  all  that  could  be  desired  as  to  convenience  and  secu- 
rity.   On  the  beach  there  was  a  pueblo  and  more  than  three 
hundred  Indians^  men,  women  and  children.    The  general 
and  Ensign  Alarcon  went  ashore  and  inspected  it.     The  next 
day  the  general  and  many  of  the  rest  of  us  went  ashore. 
The  Indium  men  and  women  embraced  him  and  took  him  to 
their  houses.    These  women  have  good  features.    The  gen- 
eral gave  them  beads  and  regaled  them,  and  they  gave  him 
prickly  pears  and  a  grain  like  the  gqfio  of  the  Canary  Islands, 
in  some  willow  baskets  very  well  made,  and  water  in  vessels 
resembling  flasks,  which  were  like  rattan  inside  and  very  thickly 
varnished  outside.    They  had  acorns  and  some  very  large 
skins,  apparently  of  bears,  with  heavy  fur,  which  they  used  for 
blankets. 

The  general  went  inland  to  see  the  opposite  coast.    He 
foimd  on  the  way  a  level  prairie,  very  well  cleared,  where  the 
Indians  were  assembled  to  worship  an  idol  which  was  there.* 
It  resembled  a  demon,  having  two  horns,  no  head,  a  dog  at  its 
feet,  and  many  children  painted  all  around  it.    The  Indians 
told  the  general  not  to  go  near  it,  but  he  approached  it  and 
saw  the  whole  thing,  and  made  a  cross,  and  placed  the  name 
of  Jesus  on  the  head  of  the  demon,  telling  the  Indians  that 
that  was  good,  and  from  heaven,  but  that  the  idol  was  the 
devil.    At  this  the  Indians  marvelled,  and  they  will  readily 
renounce  it  and  receive  our  Holy  Faith,  for  apparently  they 
have  good  intellects  and  are  friendly  and  desirous  of  our 
friendship.    The  general  returned  to  the  pueblo,  and  an  In- 
dian woman  brought  him  two  pieces  of  figured  China  silk,  in 
fragments,  telling  him  that  they  had  got  them  from  people 
like  ourselves,  who  had  negroes ;  that  they  had  come  on  the 
ship  which  was  driven  by  a  strong  wind  to  the  coast  and 
wrecked,  and  that  it  was  farther  on.    The  general  endeavored 
to  take  two  or  three  Indians  with  him,  that  they  might  tell 
him  where  the  ship  had  been  lost,  promising  to  give  them 

^  Puerto  de  Santa  Catalina,  mentioned  above. 

'On  Vizcaino's  chart  in  Bnrney  a  small  dot  is  placed  on  Santa  Catalina 
Uttid,  to  represent,  Davidson  thinks,  the  "so-called  Temple  of  the  Sun"  (Bumey, 
^ayagea,  U.,  map  opp.  p.  256 ;  Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  p.  196). 


86  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1602 

cloth^.  The  Indians  consented  and  went  with  him  to  the 
captain's  ship,  but  as  we  were  weighing  anchor  preparatory  to 
leaving  the  Indians  said  they  wish^  to  go  ahead  in  their  canoe, 
and  that  they  did  not  wish  to  go  aboard  the  ship,  fearing  that 
we  would  abduct  them,  and  the  general,  in  order  not  to  excite 
them,  said:  "Very  well." 

We  set  sail,  and  on  leaving  the  port  a  head-wind  struck 
us,  which  prevented  our  going  where  the  Indians  indicated ; 
therefore  we  stood  out  to  sea  and  the  Indians  returned  to  their 
pueblo.  This  attempt  was  given  up  because  we  did  not  have 
the  launch,  which  had  gone  to  reconnoitre  another  island,^ 
apparently  belonging  to  the  mainland,  and  because  the  ad- 
miral's ship  was  absent,  as  it  could  not  make  the  said  port, 
and  because  the  fog  was  so  very  dense  that  we  could  not  see 
oac^h  other,  and  also  because  there  seemed  to  be  many  islands, 
koyn,  and  shoals,  among  which,  in  such  weather,  the  pilots 
did  not  dare  take  the  flagship ;  and  so  we  continued  om-  voyage. 

The  next  day  the  admiral's  ship  and  frigate  came  up  with 
UB,  for  perhaps  God  willed  it  that  we  should  be  miited.  On 
being  asked  what  he  had  found  on  the  island,  Ensign  Melendez 
said  that  there  were  many  Indians,  who  had  told  him  by  signs 
that  upon  it  there  were  men  who  were  bearded  and  clothed 
like  ourselves.  Thinking  them  to  be  Spaniards,  he  sent  them 
a  note,  and  eight  Indians  came  to  him  in  a  canoe,  bearded  and 
clothed  in  skins  of  animals,  but  they  could  learn  nothing  more. 
Accordingly  the  general  ordered  that  we  should  continue  our 
voyage  without  further  delay,  because  our  men  were  all  becom- 
ing iU,  leaving  for  the  return  any  efforts  to  verify  what  the 
Indians  of  the  island  of  Samta  Catalina  had  told  us  by  signs, 
for,  as  we  could  not  understand  their  language,  all  was  con- 
fusion and  there  was  little  certainty  as  to  what  they  said. 

^  Apparently  the  island  in  San  Pedro  Bay  called  "Isla  vaja  de  buena  gente." 
This  may  have  been  El  Moro,  or  Dead  Man's  Island. 


1602]  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  87 


Chapter  13. 

The  Departure  from  the  Island  of  Santa  Catalma  and  the  Arrival 

at  the  Port  of  Monterrey. 

We  left  this  said  island  of  Sancta  Catalina  and  port  of  San 
Andres  on  Sunday,^  December  1st.  On  this  day,  as  has  been 
stated,  we  met  the  admiral's  ship  and  the  frigate,  and,  after 
the  general  had  conf^red  with  the  admiral  and  the  members 
of  the  council  as  to  what  should  be  done,  it  was  agreed  that 
we  should  continue  oiu*  voyage,  since  our  men  were  becoming 
01,  the  cold  increasing,  andv^ter  coming  on,  and  since  theil 
were  neither  comforts  nor  medicines  with  which  to  cure  the 
sick,  and,  if  we  should  delay,  the  voyage  could  not  be  com- 
pleted.* 

So  we  went  on  skirting  the  coast,  and  on  Monday,  the  2d 
of  the  said  month,  we  sighted  two  other  large  islands.  Pass- 
ing between  the  first  and  the  mainland,'  a  canoe  came  out  to 
us  with  two  Indian  fishermen,  who  had  a  great  quantity  of 
fish,  rowing  so  swiftly  that  they  seemed  to  fly.  They  came 
alongside  without  saying  a  word  to  us  and  went  twice  around 
us  with  so  great  speed  that  it  seemed  impossible ;  this  finished, 
they  came  aft,  bowing  their  heads  in  the  way  of  courtesy. 
The  general  ordered  that  they  be  given  a  cloth,  with  bread. 
They  received  it,  and  gave  in  return  the  fish  they  had,  without 
any  pay,  and  this  done  they  said  by  signs  that  they  wished  to 
go.  After  they  had  gone  five  Indians  came  in  another  canoe, 
80  well  constructed  and  built  that  since  Noah's  Ark  a  finer  and 

^  Evidently  San  Pedro  Bay,  called  on  the  charts  Ensenada  de  San  Andres. 
^ta  Monica  Bay  is  shown  just  above  it  as  "Gran  Ensenada."  Torquemada 
ttyS)  "After  taking  a  survey  of  several  parts  of  this  island,  the  squadron  left  it 
on  the  third  of  December,  1602."  Quoted  in  Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  p.  197. 
-^s  does  not  agree  with  the  official  diary. 

'  The  reference  seems  to  be  to  the  council  recorded  in  the  Libro  Diario  as 
o' November  29.    See  above,  p.  84,  note  1. 

'They  were  now  in  the  Santa  Barbara  channel.  Vizcaino's  chart  shows 
^sla  de  Santa  B&rbara  (Santa  Barbara  Island)  and  Isla  de  San  Nicol&s,  but  he 
uoes  not  mention  them  in  any  of  the  narratives.  Davidson  states  that  Vizcaino 
^  the  first  to  call  attention  to  the  parallelism  of  these  islands  with  the  continental 
<bofe  {Early  Voyages,  p.  200).  See  the  Pianos,  fols.  84,  85,  86,  and  Explicaci6n, 
futas  26,  27,  28. 


88  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1602 

lighter  vessel  with  timbers  better  made  has  not  been  seen. 
Foiu*  men  rowed,  with  an  old  man  in  the  centre,  [singing]^  as 
in  a  mitote  of  the  Indians  of  New  Spain,  and  the  others  re- 
sponding to  him.  Before  coming  alongside  they  stopped  and 
he  saluted  us  three  times,  making  many  ceremonious  gestures 
with  his  head  and  body,  and  ordering  the  Indians  to  row  aroimd. 
This  was  done  so  swiftly  that  in  a  moment  they  went  aroimd 
us  twice  and  immediately  came  aft.  Only  the  old  man  spoke, 
he  saying  by  signs  that  we  must  go  to  his  land,  where  they 
would  give  us  much  food  and  water,  for  there  was  a  river. 
He  gave  us  a  flask  of  it  which  he  had  brought,  and  a  willow 
basket  of  food,  a  sort  of  porridge  made  of  acorn  meal.  This 
Indian  made  himself  so  weU  understood  by  signs  that  he  lacked 
nothing  but  ability  to  speak  our  language.  He  came  to  say 
that  as  a  pledge  of  the  truth  of  what  he  said  one  of  us  should 
get  into  his  canoe  and  go  to  his  land,  and  that  he  would  re- 
main on  board  ship  with  us  as  a  hostage.  The  general,  in 
order  to  test  the  Indian's  good  faith,  ordered  a  soldier  to  get 
into  the  canoe,  and  at  once  the  Indian  came  aboard  our  ship 
with  great  satisfaction,  telling  the  others  who  were  in  the 
canoe  to  go  ashore  and  prepare  food  for  all  of  us. 

Meanwhile,  as  the  sun  was  already  setting,  the  admiral's 
ship  arrived  near  us,  whereupon  the  general  called  a  council  • 
of  the  admiral,  ensign,  and  pilots,  to  consider  what  should  be 
done,  since  for  our  voyage  the  wind  was  now  behind  us,  which 
had  not  been  the  case  since  we  had  left  Acapulco.  It  was  agreed 
that  the  Indians  should  depart,  being  given  to  understand  by 
signs  that  next  day  we  would  go  to  their  land ;  but  such  were 
the  efforts  of  this  Indian  to  get  us  to  go  to  it  that  as  a  greater 
inducement  he  said  he  would  give  to  each  one  of  us  ten  women 
to  sleep  with.  This  Indian  was  so  inteUigent  that  he  appeared 
to  be  not  a  barbarian  but  a  person  of  great  imderstanding. 
We  showed  him  lead,  tin,  and  plates  of  silver.  He  sound^ 
them  with  his  finger  and  said  that  the  silver  was  good  but  the 
others  not. 

This  Indian  left,  and  the  same  evening  the  northwest  wind 

^  There  is  evidently  some  omission  in  the  print  At  this  point  Torquemada 
has  "all  singing  in  their  language  as  the  Indians  of  New  Spain  sing  in  the  mUoie" 
(Monarchia  Indiana,  I.  713). 

*  This  council  is  not  recorded  in  the  Libro  Diario. 


m]  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  89 

freshened  so  well  for  us  that  we  sailed  more  than  fifteen  leagues, 
but  between  islands  and  with  no  little  anxiety  and  danger, 
since  we  knew  not  where  we  were  going;  and  next  morning 
we  found  ourselves  hemmed  in  between  islands  and  mainland. 
Tacking  back  and  forward  on  the  4th  of  the  said  month,  we 
were  struck  by  a  heavy  northwester,  with  a  high  sea,  and 
were  obliged  to  take  off  the  bonnets  and  run  with  lower  sails, 
so  that  we  became  separated  from  each  other. 

At  dawn  the  captain's  ship  was  near  an  island,  in  the  shel- 
ter of  which  it  was  calm.    A  canoe  came  out  with  two  Indians 
and  a  small  boy,  their  eyes  being  painted  with  antimony. 
They  Sfiked  us  to  go  to  their  land ;  however,  there  was  such  a 
heavy  sea  and  the  island  presented  so  many  shoals  that  we 
did  not  dare  go  to  it,  but  veered  out  to  sea,  where  we  found 
the  frigate.    We  made  the  usual  signals  to  it  and  it  came  to 
us.    When  it  came  alongside  it  was  agreed  that  we  should  go 
ahead  of  the  frigate  toward  the  island  to  see  if  there  was  any 
protection  in  which  to  take  shelter  from  the  wind.    We  did 
so,  and  on  our  going  there  the  admiral's  ship  appeared  and 
followed  US-    The  laimch  went  in  between  this  island  and 
another,  we  following  it;  but  it  appeared  to  the  chief  pilot 
and  pilots  that  it  was  not  best  to  follow  it,  for  many  shoals 
and  reefs  were  seen  and  the  night  was  coming  on,  with  a  high 
sea  and  wind,  and  that  we  should  run  the  nsk  of  being  lost. 
Therefore  the  general  gave  orders  to  go  outside,  the  frigate, 
which  had  already  gone  between  the  two  islands  mentioned, 
remaining. 

The  next  day  the  wind  went  down  and  we  skirted  the 
coast,  although  with  great  anxiety  lest  some  accident  had  be- 
fallen the  frigate,  which  remained  behind  and  did  not  appear. 
We  continued  our.  voyage,  with  a  favorable  wind,  until  the 
12th  of  the  said  month,  eve  of  the  feast  of  Santa  Lu5ia,^ 
when  the  frigate  overtook  us.    This  gave  great  pleasure, 

'  As  Davidson  remarics,  it  is  strange  that  Vizcaino  does  not  mention  Point 
^^OQoepci6n  in  his  narrative,  though  he  shows  it  on  his  chart  (EaHy  Voyages, 
P-  204).  The  Derrotero,  however,  does  mention  it,  stating  that  "La  Punta  de 
hliinpia  Conoess^ion  is  in  35^^  long,  and  this  point  is  low,  with  timber.  It 
forms  two  coasts ;  on  that  toward  the  east,  ten  leagues  from  said  point,  on  the 
setshofe,  is  a  very  large  pueblo  of  more  than  two  hundred  houses''  (Derrotero, 
p.  109). 


00  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [16Q2 

especially  because  the  ensign  and  the  pilot  said  that  they 
had  gone  into  the  interior  of  the  said  island  and  that  there 
was  a  pueblo^  there  with  more  than  two  hundred  large  houses, 
in  each  one  of  which  lived  more  than  forty  Indians ;  and  that 
in  the  midst  of  it  two  poles  were  nailed  together,  with  one 
above,  like  a  gallows.  More  than  twenty  canoes  came  along- 
side the  frigate,  and  because  they  were  all  alone  they  dared 
not  stay  there.  In  this  place  there  are  great  numbers  of 
Indians,  and  the  mainland  has  signs  of  being  thickly  popu- 
lated. It  is  fertile,  for  it  has  pine  groves  and  oaks,  and  a  fine 
climate,  for  although  it  gets  cold  it  is  not  so  cold  as  to  cause 
discomfort.* 

The  day  of  Santa  Lugia,'  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
a  southeast  wind  struck  us,  the  first  we  had  had  during  the 
voyage.  It  lasted  until  sunset  the  next  day,  when  we  reached 
a  place  in  37^  full.*  The  general  ordered  Ensign  Melendez 
to  go  ahead  to  explore  a  large  bay  and  see  if  there  were  any 
port,  for  this  country  was  the  most  important  of  the  explora- 
tion for  the  purposes  of  his  Majesty. 

This  was  done,  and  as  the  bay  was  foimd  to  be  large  and 
as  night  was  coming  on.  we  went  outside.  The  said  ensign 
entered  the  bay,  and  the  next  day,  the  16th  of  the  month,  the 
frigate  came  alongside  and  the  pilot  told  the  general  that  he 
had  found  a  good  port,  a  sketch  of  which  he  had  brought  back. 
The  general  held  a  council  ^  to  consider  what  should  be  done 

^  This  pueblo  is  shown  on  the  Pianos,  fol.  86.  San  Miguel  Island  (Cabri- 
llo's  Isla  de  la  Posesi6n)  is  given  on  Vizcaino's  chart  as  Isla  de  Baxos. 

'  The  reference  seems  to  be  to  the  coast  on  the  Canal  de  Santa  B&rbara. 

•  St  Lucy's  Day,  December  13.  The  coast  between  Point  Concepci6n  and 
the  Bay  of  Monterey  is  described  in  the  Derrotero,  p.  169. 

*  Monterey  harbor,  lat  36**  31',  now  discovered  for  the  first  time.  It  was 
so  named  in  honor  of  the  ruling  viceroy,  Gasp&r  de  Zdniga  y  Acevedo,  Conde  de 
Monterey.  Shown  on  Pianos,  fol.  88 ;  described  in  Explicaci6n,  visia  29 ;  Der^ 
rotero,  p.  169.  Davidson  says  that  Vizcaino  applied  the  name  only  to  the  south- 
east angle  of  the  bay,  where  the  city  of  Monterey  now  is  {Early  Voyages,  p.  214). 
The  Pianos,  fol.  88,  show  Puerto  de  Monterrey  swinging  round  to  a  headland 
about  opposite  Punta  de  Pinos,  and  then  another  large  bight  curving  dear  around 
to  Punta  de  Afio  Nuevo,  and  not  showing  the  convex  curve  of  the  coast  from 
Santa  Cruz  nearly  to  Point  Afio  Nuevo. 

*The  Libro  Diario  records  the  council  of  December  16.  The  day  before, 
Mel6ndez  and  Flores  had  been  sent  in  the  fragata  to  examine  the  Bay  of  Mon- 
terey ;  returning,  Flores  had  boarded  the  San  Diego  bearing  a  map  of  the  bay. 


1602]  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  91 

and  it  was  agreed  that  they  should  put  in  at  the  said  port, 
provide  themselves  with  water,  and  restore  the  men  and  the 
sick,  of  whom  there  were  many.  We  arrived  this  day  at  seven 
o'clock  in  the  evening  and  cast  anchor. 

Chapter  14. 

The  Arrival  at  the  Port  of  Monterey,  and  the  Decision  made  (here 
to  despatch  the  Admiral^ s  Ship  with  Reports  to  New  Spain ; 
and  to  continue  with  the  CapUvMs  Ship  and  the  Frigaie  to 
Cape  MendoQino. 

We  arrived,  as  has  been  said,  at  this  port  of  Monterey, 
on  the  16th  of  the  said  month  of  December,  at  seven  o'clock 
in  the  evening.  The  next  day  the  general  ordered  Ensign 
Alarcon  to  go  ashore,  with  orders  to  make  a  hut  where  mass 
could  be  said  and  to  see  if  there  was  water,  and  what  the 
country  was  like.  He  foimd  that  there  was  fresh  water,  and  a 
great  oak^  near  the  shore,  where  he  made  the  hut  and  arbor* 
to  say  mass.  The  general,  commissary,  admiral,  captains, 
ensign,  and  the  rest  of  the  men  landed  at  once ;  and  mass  hav- 
ing been  said  and  the  day  having  cleared,  there  having  been 
much  fog,  we  found  oiu-selves  to  be  in  the  best  port  that  could 
be  desired,  for  besides  being  sheltered  from  all  the  winds,  it 
has  many  pines  for  masts  and  yards,  and  live  oaks  and  white 
oaks,  and  water  in  great  quantity,  all  near  the  shore.^  The 
land  is  fertile,  with  a  climate  and  soil  like  those  of  Castile ; 
there  is  much  wild  game,  such  as  harts,  like  young  bulls,  deer, 
buffalo,  very  large  bears,  rabbits,  hares,  and  many  other  animals 

Since  it  seemed  promising  as  a  port  for  the  Philippine  ships,  and  as  it  appeared 
to  have  fresh  water,  for  lack  of  which  the  men  were  ill,  it  was  decided  to  go  in, 
explore,  and  seek  water.  There  was  one  dissenting  voice,  that  of  Alarc6n.  He 
•dviaed  going  on  to  the  bay  where  Cermeno  had  been  wrecked  (Drake's  Bay) 
>Dd  where  Bolafios  said  there  was  water,  he  having  been  with  Cermeno.  Vizcaino 
yielded  to  the  majority,  and  gave  orders  to  enter  Monterey  Bay  (Libro  Diario, 
pp.  128-129). 

^  Until  recently  an  oak  stood  in  Monterey  which,  according  to  tradition, 
^>s  the  tree  under  which  mass  was  said  in  1602.     The  spot  is  now  marked  by  a 

0098. 

'  Reccdo  for  ramada, 

'The  bay  b  well  protected  from  southeast  storms,  but  little  from  those 
^  the  northwest  Davidson  states  that  Vizcaino  greatly  overpraised  the 
l^ttbor,  and  thereby  misled  Costans6,  later  (^Early  Voyages,  p.  212). 


92  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1602 

and  many  game  birds,  such  as  geese,  partridges,  quaQ,  crane, 
ducks,  vultures,  and  many  other  kinds  of  birds  which  I  will 
not  mention  lest  it  be  wearisome.  The  land  is  thickly  popu- 
lated with  numberless  Indians,  of  whom  a  great  many  came 
several  times  to  our  camp.  They  appeared  to  be  a  gentle 
and  peaceable  people.  They  said  by  signs  that  inland  there 
are  many  settlements.  The  food  which  these  Indians  most 
commonly  eat,  besides  fish  and  crustaceans,  consists  of  acorns 
and  another  nut  larger  than  a  chestnut.  This  is  what  we 
were  able  to  understand  from  them. 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  we  had  so  many  sick,  that  the 
pilot  of  the  admiral's  ship  and  his  assistant  were  very  ill,  that 
there  was  a  shortage  of  sailors  for  going  forward,  and  that  the 
suppUes  were  becoming  exhausted  because  of  the  length  of 
time  we  had  spent  in  coming,  it  seemed  to  the  general  impossi- 
ble to  complete  the  exploration  this  time  without  a  new  sup- 
ply of  men  and  provisions ;  and  he  therefore  at  once  called  a 
conference  of  the  admiral  and  the  members  of  the  council  ^ 
to  consider  what  should  be  done  for  the  best  service  of  his 
Majesty.  It  was  decided  that  the  admiral's  ship  should  re- 
turn as  a  messenger  to  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain  with  a  copy 
of  the  records  of  the  discoveries  as  far  as  this  place,  carry  back 
those  who  were  the  most  ill,  ask  for  further  supplies  of  men 
and  provisions  in  order  to  complete  at  this  time  the  explora- 
tion of  the  remainder  of  the  coast  and  of  the  entrance  to  the 
Califomias,  designating  the  time  and  place  to  which  th^ 
were  to  be  sent ;  and  other  things  which  were  treated  of  in 
the  coimcil  and  were  written  to  the  said  senor  viceroy ;  and 

^  The  council  was  held  on  December  18.  In  it  Vizcaino  revealed  his  secret 
orders  to  explore  on  his  way  back,  if  there  was  time,  the  Gulf  of  California  to  37^» 
two  degrees  more  or  less,  and  to  report  on  the  pearl-fisheries  and  inhabitants. 
This  conference  was  the  most  solemn  of  all  held,  and  each  member  gave  his  opin- 
ion separately.  It  was  shown  that  already  eight  months  had  passed,  and  provi- 
sions had  been  brought  for  only  eleven.  Several  men  had  died.  Pilot  Juan  Pascual 
and  his  assistant  were  sick  in  bed,  and  in  all  forty  men  were  ill.  This  number 
included  some  of  the  helmsmen,  who  were  unable  to  steer  because  they  were 
paralyzed.  The  sTck  were  without  suitable  medicine  and  food.  The  Santo 
Tomds  was  unseaworthy.  Corb&n  was  continued  in  command  of  the  cdmirantet 
but  since  Pilot  Juan  Pascual  was  ill,  Manuel  Sessar  Cordero  was  sent  to  serve  as 
pilot.  The  capiiana  and  froffola  were  to  await  the  new  orders  on  the  return  at 
Puerto  de  la  Paz  (Libro  Diario,  p.  144). 


1603]  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  «3 

that  we^  with  the  captain's  ship  and  frigate,  should  go  on  to 
Cape  MendoginO;  and  farther  if  the  weather  should  permit. 

The  forgoing  having  been  agreed  upon  it  was  at  once 
put  into  execution.  The  admiral's  ship  was  unmediately  sup- 
plied with  wood  and  water ;  those  who  were  the  most  ill  went 
aboard  her ;  and  the  journals,  maps,  relations,  and  itineraries 
were  copied,  which  was  no  Uttle  work,  because  of  the  iQ  health 
of  the  cosmographer  and  the  scrivener,  but  it  was  accomplished 
with  all  possible  diligence,  as  was  also  the  taking  on  of  wood 
and  water,  because  the  men  were  very  ill.  The  admiral's 
ship  left  on  Sunday  night  at  8  o'clock,  the  29th  of  the  said 
month,  with  orders  to  make  haste. 

Chapter  15. 

The  Departure  from  the  Port  of  Monterey;  What  occurred  after 
the  Admiral's  Ship  had  been  despatched  with  Messages; 
and  the  Arrival  at  Cape  MendoQino. 

Simday,  the  29th  of  the  said  month,  the  admiral's  ship  set 
out  with  messages,  carrying  those  most  ill,  and  provided  with 
water,  wood,  and  what  was  necessary  to  reach  the  port  of 
Acapulco,  the  admiral  carrying  instructions  not  to  put  in  at 
any  port  until  he  reached  that  of  Acapulco ;  he  was  especially 
charged  with  the  care  of  the  sick,  and  with  other  things  which 
were  provided  in  the  said  instructions.  We  om-selves  re- 
mained, making  the  preparations  necessary  for  oiu*  voyage  to 
Cape  Mendogino.  The  men  worked  imder  great  difficulties  in 
taking  on  wood  and  water  because  of  the  extreme  cold,  which 
was  so  intense  that  Wednesday,  New  Year's  Day  of  1603, 
dawned  with  all  the  moimtains  covered  with  snow  and  re- 
sembling the  volcano  of  Mexico,^  and  that  the  hole  from 
which  we  were  taking  water  was  frozen  over  more  than  a 
palm  in  thickness,  and  the  bottles,  which  had  been  left  fuU 
over  night,  were  all  frozen  so  that  even  when  turned  upside- 
down  not  a  drop  ran  out.  So  urgent  was  our  situation  that 
necessity  compelled  us  all  to  act  with  energy,  especially  the 
general,  who  aided  in  carrying  the  bottles  and  in  the  other 
tasks,  with  the  good  support  of  Ensign  Alarcon  and  Captain 

1  P(^)ocatepetl,  popularly  called  in  the  neighborhood  "£1  Vuldin" — The 
Volcano. 


94  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  11603 

Peguero,  who,  although  ill,  aided,  while  the  pilots  spared  no 
efforts  to  forward  our  preparation,  so  that  by  Friday  night, 
the  3d  of  the  said  month,  ^  we  were  all  ready. 

This  day  the  general,  with  the  commissary  and  ten  arque^ 
busiers,  went  inland,  toward  the  southeast,  having  heard  of  a 
copious  stream  that  ran  into  the  sea  and  of  another  good  headr 
land,  and  in  order  better  to  see  the  lay  of  the  land  and  its 
people  and  animals.  He  proceeded  some  three  leagues  when 
he  discovered  another  good  port,  into  which  entered  a  copi- 
ous river*  descending  from  some  high,  snow-covered  moun- 
tains with  large  pines,  white  and  black  poplars,  and  willows. 
It  had  an  extended  river  bottom,  and  in  it  were  many  cattle 
as  large  as  cows  although  apparently  they  were  harts,  and  yet 
their  pelts  were  different,  for  their  wool  dragged  on  the  ground, 
and  each  horn  was  more  than  three  yards  long.*  An  effort 
was  made  to  kill  some  of  them  but  they  did  not  wait  long 
enough.  No  people  were  found  because,  on  account  of  the 
great  cold,  they  were  Uving  in  the  interior.  He  sent  Ensign 
Juan  Francisco  with  four  soldiers  to  a  rancheria  to  see  what 
was  there ;  he  found  it  to  be  depopulated,  and  returned. 

The  general  and  all  the  men  having  reached  the  flagship, 
at  nightfall  we  raised  all  but  one  anchor,  and  at  midnight, 
aided  by  the  land  breeze,  we  set  sail.*  On  leaving  the  harbor 
a  northeast  wind  came  up  favorably  for  our  voyage,  so  that 
at  dawn  we  were  more  than  ten  leagues  farther  on  and,  al- 
though the  wind  went  down,  aided  by  the  off-shore  breeze  we 
reached  the  bay^  where  was  lost  the  ship  San  Agustin,  of 
which  Sebastian  Melendez  Rodriguez  was  pilot;  however, 
although  the  chief  pilot  recognized  it,  we  did  not  stop  lest  we 

January,  1603. 

'  Cannel  River,  which  empties  into  Cannel  Bay  a  few  miles  to  the  south 
of  Monterey  Bay,  in  lat.  36®  34'  (Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  p.  212).  It  was  given 
this  name  by  the  Vizcaino  expedition. 

» Evidently  the  elk. 

*  January  3,  1603.    C/.  Father  Ascensi6n's  statement  (p.  120,  below). 

*  Drake's  Bay,  lat.  38®,  where  Sebasti&n  Mel6ndez  Rodriguez  Cermeiio 
was  wrecked  in  1595.  Davidson  states  that  Vizcaino  makes  no  reference  to 
Point  Ano  Nuevo  (Early  Voyages,  p.  214).  It  is  indeed  not  on  the  chart  as  repro- 
duced by  Bumey,  but  it  is  on  the  Carta  and  on  Pianos,  fol.  88,  which  is  reproduced 
in  Richman,  Calif omia  under  Spain  and  Mexico,  opp.  p.  23.  On  this  Piano  the 
island  southeast  of  Los  Frayles  is  called  Isleo  Hendido.  El  M<OTt>  de  los  Reyes  is 
of  course  Point  Reyes,  and  Puerto  de  Don  Gasp&r  is  Reyes  Bay,  or  Drake's  Bay. 


16031  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  95 

should  not  have  another  favorable  wind ;  ^  but  the  next  day 
an  exceedingly  strong  northwest  wind  struck  us,  which  obliged 
us  to  seek  shelter  in  it.  We  cast  anchor,  although  outside, 
with  the  intention  of  going  ashore  next  day,*  but  at  daybreak 
the  offshore  wind  struck  us  and  obliged  us  to  set  sail.  As  we 
were  sailing,  two  canoes,  with  an  Indian  in  each,  came  out  from 
the  bay  caUing  to  us  to  come  to  the  port,  and  saying  they  were 
awaiting  us.'  They  dared  not  come  to  the  ship,  and  conse- 
quently we  left  them,  in  order  not  to  lose  time.  For  it  was 
not  weU  to  lose  any,  since  the  men  were  very  ill,  the  cold  was 
increasing,  and  the  frigate  did  not  appear,  because  in  the  re- 
cent northwest  wind  it  had  parted  company. 

Aided  by  favoring  land  breezes,  we  skirted  the  coast  until 
the  12th  of  the  said  month,  when  the  moon  was  in  conjunction, 
and  we  foimd  ourselves  to  be  off  Cape  Mendo5ino,*  so  greatly 
desired  by  all,  for  it  was  reached  with  so  much  toil  and  diffi- 
culty. And  in  order  that  our  labors  should  be  more  highly 
esteemed,  God  willed  that  the  new  moon  of  January  should  be- 
gin with  so  furious  a  south  wind,  together  with  so  much  rain  and 
fog,  as  to  throw  us  into  great  doubt  whether  to  go  forward  or  to 
tum  back,  for  it  was  as  dark  in  the  daytime  as  at  night.  The 
seas  were  very  high,  so  that  we  could  neither  run  nor  lie  by  at 
sea.  All  the  men  had  fallen  sick,  so  that  there  were  only  two 
sailors  who  could  climb  to  the  maintopsail. 

In  view  of  the  great  straits  and  the  doubt  which  we  were  in, 

*  It  win  be  seen  from  the  note  next  below  that  according  to  the  diary  the 
viod  shifted  on  the  8th  and  not  on  the  7th. 

*  From  the  Libro  Diario  we  learn  that  on  January  9,  the  San  Diego  being 
m  39%  a  council  was  held.  According  to  the  record,  at  sunset  of  the  day  before 
1  strong  southwester  arose ;  all  night  they  had  sailed  with  the  lower  sails,  trying 
without  avail  to  make  headway,  because  the  men  were  too  ill  to  manage  the 
resaA.  It  was  decided,  therefore,  to  take  refuge  in  a  port  two  leagues  to  the 
leeward,  sheltered  from  the  north,  where  Bolanos  said  he  had  been  with  Cer- 
meik)  in  the  San  Agustin  (Libro  Diario,  pp.  139-140). 

*  The  text  is  corrupted  here. 

*Lat  40*27'.  The  Derrotero,  p.  170,  describes  Cape  Mendocino,  and 
locates  it  in  latitude  41  H%  or  53'  too  far  north.  See  Pianos,  fol.  91 ;  Explicaci6n, 
ndoM  32,  33.  The  bay  and  river  just  below  Cape  Mendocino  were  evidently 
inserted  in  the  Carta,  on  Pianos,  fol.  91,  and  in  the  diary,  on  the  basis  of  the  re- 
ports of  the  voyage  of  the  Tres  Reyes  and  not  of  the  San  Diego,  as  will  appear 
later  <nl  The  Derrotero  says  nothing  about  them  in  the  original  description 
of  the  Ci^  Mendocino  region.    See  Derrotero,  p.  170. 


96  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1603 

the  general  called  a  council  ^  of  the  captains,  the  pilots,  and 
their  assistants  to  consider  what  should  be  done  for  the  best 
interest  of  his  Majesty.  It  was  decided  that  it  would  not  be 
best  to  go  forward  as  there  were  no  men  for  it,  it  was  very  cold, 
the  rains  were  increasing  and  winter  coming  on  all  at  once,  and 
if  we  were  to  go  on  we  should  all  perish.  With  this  decision,  the 
general  ordered  that  when  the  weather  should  permit  we  should 
return  to  Cape  San  Lucas. 

The  next  day  the  wind  calmed  and  the  sim  shone,  so  that 
the  pilots  were  able  to  take  the  latitude,*  and  they  f  oimd  them- 
selves to  be  in  forty-one  degrees.  Although  it  had  been  decided 
that  we  should  turn  back,  a  wind  storm  came  up  from  the  south- 
east which  made  us  very  cold.  Worse  than  this,  on  the  day  of 
San  Anton,  the  17th  of  the  said  month,  at  eight  o'clock  at 
night,  when  lying  by  at  sea,  the  ship  was  struck  by  two  seaa 
wUch  made  it  pitch  so  much  that  it  was  thought  the  keel  was 
standing  on  end,  and  that  it  was  even  sinking.  The  pitching 
was  so  violent  that  it  threw  both  sick  and  well  from  their  beds 
and  the  general  from  his.  He  struck  upon  some  boxes  and 
broke  his  ribs  with  the  heavy  blow. 

This  trouble  continued  until  the  20th  of  the  said  month,  the 
day  of  San  Sebastian,  when  the  storm  abated  and  we  foimd  our- 
selves in  42  degrees,'  for  the  currents  and  seas  were  carrying  us 

^  This  was  on  the  13th,  the  San  Diego  being  in  41  ^^.  Vizcaino  stated  that 
he  had  orders  to  reach  Cape  Mendocino,  in  41°,  and,  in  case  the  weather  would 
permit  without  too  great  risk,  to  go  as  far  as  Cape  Blanco,  in  44° ;  arrived  there, 
if  the  coast  did  not  turn  east,  to  follow  it  one  hundred  leagues,  but  no  further. 
It  was  decided,  however,  that  it  was  perilous  to  continue,  since  there  were  not 
two  men  who  could  ascend  to  the  maintopsail,  winter  was  coming  on,  and  navi- 
gation of  the  coast  dangerous.  Orders  were  given,  therefore,  to  return  to  Puerto 
de  la  Paz,  there  to  await  new  orders  from  the  viceroy.  Nothing  was  said  of  the 
Tres  Reyes  in  the  council  (Libro  Diario,  pp.  140-142).  No  other  council  is  re- 
corded till  January  28,  at  Isla  de  Santa  Catalina. 

*  Davidson  concludes  that  the  lat.  41°  was  based  on  mere  ''repent,"  but  we 
learn  here  that  an  observation  was  actually  made  (Davidson,  Early  Voyages, 
p.  230). 

*  Of  the  voyage  of  the  San  Diego  after  leaving  Puerto  de  los  Reyes,  Torque- 
mada  says  that  it  sailed  slowly  northwest  in  search  of  the  Tres  Reyes,  and  on  Sun- 
day, the  12th,  sighted  some  high  mountains  (Davidson  says  King's  Peak),  and 
fourteen  leagues  farther.  Cape  Mendocino,  in  lat.  41°.  Next  day,  the  13th,  a 
heavy  southeast  wind  arose,  and  they  lay  to  till  the  19th,  by  which  time  they 
had  drifted  to  42°,  near  Cavo  Blanco  de  San  Sebastian  {Monarchia  Indiana^  I. 
718;  Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  pp.  231-233). 


leoai  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  97 

rapidly  to  the  Strait  of  Anian.  This  day  we  sighted  land  both 
on  the  cape  and  beyond,  covered  with  great  pine  forests.  There 
was  much  snow  covering  the  mountains,  making  them  look  like 
volcanoes,  and  reaching  down  to  the  sea. 

On  the  21st  of  the  month  God  sent  us  a  light  northwest 
wind,  which  had  been  so  imseasonable  for  us  in  going  but  was 
so  desirable  for  the  return,  and  which  brought  us  out  of  this 
trouble.  We  skirted  along  the  coast,  inspecting  again  what  we 
had  seen^  as  far  as  this  place. 

Chapter  16. 

The  Return  from  Cape  Mendogino,  the  Arrival  at  the  Islands  of 
Masailan,  and  what  occurred  on  the  Return. 

We  returned,  as  has  been  said,  from  Cape  Mendogino,  and 
from  another  beyond  to  which  was  given  the  name  Sain  Sebas- 
tian, on  the  21st  of  the  month  of  January.    The  northwest 
wind  aiding  us,  we  came  along  skirting  the  coast,  carefully  re- 
viewing it  all,  and  on  the  25th  of  the  said  month  we  had  come  as 
far  as  the  port  of  Monterrey,  where  the  Indians  signalled  us 
with  smoke.    We  did  not  enter  it  because  the  state  of  our  health 
was  so  bad  and  the  sick  were  clamoring,  although  there  was 
neither  assistance  nor  medicines  nor  food  to  give  them  except 
rotten  jerked  beef,  gruel,  biscuits,  and  beans  and  chick-peas 
spoiled  by  weevils.    The  mouths  of  all  were  sore,  and  their  gums 
were  swoUen  larger  than  their  teeth,  so  that  they  could  hardly 
drink  water,  and  the  ship  seemed  more  like  a  hospital  than  a 
ship  of  an  armada.    Affairs  were  in  such  a  condition  that  any- 
one who  had  ever  in  his  life  been  at  the  helm  steered,  climbed  to 
the  maintopsail,  and  did  the  other  tasks,  and  all  who  could 
^alk  assisted  at  the  hearth,  making  gruel  and  porridge  for  the 
sick.    Above  all,  we  were  greatly  distressed  because  the  frigate, 
the  Tres  Reyes,  did  not  appear,  for  we  feared  that  she  had  been 
lost  in  the  past  storm ;  but  our  need  was  so  great,  as  has  been 
said,  that  we  could  not  wait  for  her,  although  it  was  owr  inten- 
tion to  do  so  at  the  island  of  Santa  Catalina,^  where  we  arrived 

^  From  &  junta  held  January  28,  the  San  Diego  being  off  Santa  Catalina  Island 
in  lat  34®,  it  is  learned  that  on  the  return  several  days  were  spent  re-exploring 
inlets  not  completely  examined  on  the  way  up,  and  that  Captain  Ger6nimo, 
Bolanos,  and  his  assistant  pilot,  had  recommended  putting  in  at  Santa  Catalina 
lakod  to  await  the  Tres  Reyes,    But  since  the  men  were  too  ill  to  get  wood  and 


gg  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [160 

the  29th  of  the  said  month.  Although  many  canoes  of  Indiaiis 
came  with  fish  and  other  things^  inviting  us  to  go  to  than,  the 
general  did  not  dare  cast  anchor  among  them,  as  he  did  not 
have  men  strong  enough  to  raise  the  anchors,  and  as  the  sid^ 
were  dying  of  hunger. 

We  therefore  continued  our  voyage  for  the  island  of  Serros, 
and  so  great  was  our  need  of  wood  and  water  that  we  anchored 
there  February  6th  of  the  said  year ;  only  one  small  anchor  was 
cast;  with  the  idea  that  if  it  could  not  be  raised  it  could  ranain 
there  with  the  cable.  The  general  went  on  shore  with  six  mai, 
but  the  strongest  of  them  could  not  lift  a  bottle  of  water  from 
the  ground,  and  only  with  the  greatest  efforts  of  all  could  they 
take  on  twelve  quarters  of  water.  The  Indians  of  the  island 
came  down  to  the  beach  where  the  water  hole  was  made,  with 
their  bows  and  arrows,  painted  with  Vermillion,  and  playing 
flutes,  and  although  the  general  called  and  coaxed  them  and 
gave  them  hardtack,  they  would  not  accept  it  or  approach 
peaceably,  but,  as  before,  tried  to  hinder  and  prevent  the  taking 
of  water.  This  obliged  the  general  to  order  some  arquebus 
shots  fired,  though  in  the  air,  in  order  to  terrify  them ;  thereupon 
they  ran  away  up  the  mountain. 

The  next  day  the  general  ordered  Ensign  Pasqual  de  Alarcon 
to  go  with  the  men  to  get  wood  on  land.  He  did  so,  and  at 
midnight  on  the  8th  of  the  month  we  set  sail,  weighing  anchor 
with  the  greatest  efforts  of  all,  and  continued  our  voyage  with  a 
fresh  wind  behind  us,  skirting  the  coast,  until  the  11th  of  the 
month,  when  we  drew  near  Cape  San  Lucas  to  bring  away  the 
long-boat  which  we  had  left  there  on  the  outward  voyage,  as 
well  as  to  put  in  at  the  port  of  La  Paz  to  await  the  succor  we 
had  sent  to  the  viceroy  to  ask.    All  were  of  the  opinion^  that 

water,  or  even  to  weigh  anchor  once  it  was  cast,  it  was  concluded  that  no  time 
should  be  lost,  lest  all  might  perish  (Libro  Diario,  pp.  142-143). 

^  A  council  was  held  on  the  San  Diego  on  February  13,  off  Ci^  San  Lucas. 
The  questions  considered  were  whether  to  enter  the  Bay  of  San  Bemab6  to  get 
the  long-boat  and  await  the  fragata  and  then  go  to  Puerto  de  la  Paz  to  awut  new 
orders,  or  to  proceed  to  New  Spain  as  rapidly  as  possible.  All  were  agreed  that 
no  stop  should  be  made,  because  of  the  deplorable  condition  of  the  crew.  The 
two  caulkers  were  dead ;  over  forty-five  men  were  ill,  and  not  six  were  able-bodied ; 
the  scanty  provisions  were  foul.  It  was  decided  to  go  to  Mazatl&n  where  help 
could  be  had  from  the  villa  de  San  Sebasti&n  (Libro  Diario,  pp.  143-148).  This 
is  the  last  council  recorded. 


1603]  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  99 

we  should  not  put  in  at  the  said  bay  nor  go  to  the  port  of  La 
PaZ;  because  the  men  were  so  sick  and  exhausted  that  if  anchor 
were  cast  the  ship  would  not  be  able  to  leave  port.  Some  were 
of  the  opinion  that  we  should  cross  over  to  the  nearest  port  in 
New  Spain  to  reUeve  our  necessities,  and  others  that  we  should 
go  directly  to  Acapulco.  In  view  of  these  opinions  and  con- 
sidering oiu*  great  need,  and  as  the  sick  were  dying  of  hunger 
because  they  could  not  eat  what  was  on  board  the  ship  on  ac- 
count of  their  sore  mouths,  the  general  ordered  that  we  go  to 
the  islands  of  Masatlan. 

Crossing  the  entrance  of  the  Califomias,  we  arrived  there 
on  the  18th  of  the  said  month,  in  the  greatest  affiction  and 
travail  ever  experienced  by  Spaniards ;  for  the  sick  were  crying 
aloud,  while  those  who  were  able  to  walk  or  to  go  on  all  fours 
were  unable  to  manage  the  sails. 

We  cast  anchor  between  the  islands  and  the  mainland  and 
the  next  day  the  general  determined  to  go  to  the  mainland  with 
five  soldiers,  since  on  all  the  ship  there  were  no  others  able  to 
walk.  Without  knowing  the  way,  he  travelled  thirteen  leagues 
inland  through  mountains  and  rugged  places,  for  the  pueblo  of 
Masatlan,  but,  because  there  was  no  travelled  road,  and  because 
of  the  wide,  grassy  plains,  the  trail  was  obscured  and  he  fol- 
lowed the  one  leading  to  Culiacan.  On  the  way  his  supply  of 
food  gave  out  and  he  straightway  would  have  perished  of 
hunger  and  thirst  had  not  God  miraculously  provided  a  remedy 
in  the  form  of  a  pack-train  which  was  going  to  Culiacan  from 
Mexico.  The  muleteer  noticed  him  and  saw  how  he  had  lost 
his  way,  and  gave  him  wine  and  tortillas  and  bananas  and  riding 
anunaJs,  by  means  of  which  he  went  on  to  the  pueblo  of  Saca- 
rita,  subject  to  the  villa  of  San  Sebastian. 

Being  informed  of  the  necessity  which  had  forced  the  gen- 
eral to  go  there  to  succor  his  perishing  men,  the  alcalde  mayor, 
Martin  Ruis  de  Aguirre,  aided  him  generously  with  such  ^ts 
as  were  within  his  jurisdiction,  such  as  hens,  chickens,  kids, 
beef,  veal,  bread,  fruits,  and  vegetables.  These  the  general 
sent,  and  from  them  his  men  received  great  refreshment  and 
nourishment.  God,  like  a  father  of  mercy,  caused  to  be  pro- 
vided in  these  islands  a  small  fruit  like  agaves,  called  jiccoystlis. 
These,  because  of  their  strength,  when  eaten  by  the  men  who 
had  sore  mouths  caused  the  ulcers  to  slough  off  and  bleed  pro- 


100  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [16» 

f usely ;  but  such  was  the  eflScacy  of  the  fruit  that  within  six  days 
there  was  not  a  single  person  whose  mouth  was  not  healed.* 
Likewise,  his  Divine  Majesty  provided  that  the  paralyzed  and 
lame,  without  any  manner  of  curing,  without  medicines,  with 
only  the  fine  climate  and  food,  should  all  be  healed,  so  that 
within  the  eighteen  days  we  were  on  these  islands,  up  to  the 
9th  of  March,  when  we  set  sail,  all  became  well  and  were  able 
to  assist  in  handling  the  ship  and  at  the  hehn.  Not  to  be  tedi- 
ous, I  do  not  tell  of  the  hardships  which  the  general  endured  on 
land,  or  of  his  ruined  health,  or  of  his  outlay  of  money ;  or  of 
those  who  went  with  him,  namely,  Andres  Leal,  Juan  Guerra, 
Christoval  de  los  Reyes,  Gonzalo  Femandes,  and  Diego  Lopez, 
who  can  speak  as  eye-witnesses. 

As  has  been  said,  we  set  out  from  the  islands  for  AcapuIco, 
skirting  the  coast,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  10th  of  the  said 
month  were  ofif  Cape  Corrientes,  all  very  happy  because  the 
men  were  improving  and  becoming  well.  Continuing  the  voy- 
age, following  the  coast,  we  came  to  the  port  of  AcapuIco  and 
anchored  in  it  on  Friday,  the  21st  of  the  said  month,  with  great 
joy.  It  was  marred  however  by  the  news  that  met  us  of  the 
many  deaths  among  those  who  had  come  on  the  admiral's  ship 
with  messages.  For  lack  of  necessities  the  greater  part  of  the 
men  who  came  on  that  ship  died.  The  general  found  orders 
from  the  viceroy  that  the  men  should  be  paid  what  was  due 
them,  that  they  should  be  thanked  for  the  good  work  they  had 
done  on  this  voyage,  and  that  such  as  desired  to  enter  the  army 
or  navy  should  go  up  to  Mexico,  in  order  that  his  Lordship 
might  reward  them  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty.  The  men  re- 
ceived their  pay  with  great  satisfaction  and  the  general  took 
them  all  with  him  to  Mexico  at  his  own  expense. 

We  arrived  at  Mexico  on  Saturday,  the  18th  of  March*  of 

the  said  year,  and  went  to  Chapultepeque,'  where  his  Lordship 

was,  to  ki^  his  hands.    The  viceroy  welcomed  the  general  very 

wa^rmly  and  embraced  the  others,  thanking  them  by  word  of 

month,  and  showing  himself  very  grateful  for  the  good  work 

1  Since  Captain  Cook's  time,  lime-juice  has  been  used  for  such  eyigendwi, 

*  This  must  be  a  misprint  for  May. 

^  Chapultepec,  the  famous  crag  on  which  the  viceroy's  palace  was  located. 
>^  2^  now  the  site  of  the  principal  reiddence  of  the  presidents  of  Mexico,  and  of  a 
jj^t;i»ry  coUege. 


IflOSJ  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  101 

they  had  done  in  the  exploration.  Some  of  them  he  appointed 
as  captains  and  military  officers  for  the  aid  and  escort  of  the 
fleet  which  this  year  goes  from  San  Juan  de  Uliia  to  Castile  be- 
cause of  the  news  received  of  the  English  corsair.  Thus  ended 
this  exploration,  his  Lordship  sending  to  his  Majesty  a  copy  of 
the  record  of  aU  that  was  done  in  it,  in  order  that  in  view  of 
everything  he  may  provide  what  is  best  for  his  royal  service. 

Chapter  17. 

What  the  Frigate  discovered  after  it  separated  from  the  Captain^ s 

Ship. 

We  arrived,  as  has  been  said,  at  Mexico,  where  we  found  the 
boatswain,  Estevan  Lopez,  accompanied  by  the  pilot  of  the 
frigate,  the  Tres  Reyes.  He  said  that  during  the  hurricane  that 
struck  us  from  the  south-southwest  in  latitude  42^  they  sep- 
arated from  us  and  kept  running  on,  without  being  able  to 
stop,  as  far  as  latitude  43®,  at  Cape  Blanco.^  He  said  that 
frx)m  that  point  the  coast  ran  northeast,  and  the  cold  was  so 
great  that  they  thought  they  should  be  frozen,  and  they  were  in 
great  danger  of  being  lost.  Ensign  Martin  de  Aguilar,  their 
commander,  died,  and  also  the  pilot,  Antonio  Flores,  and  the 
said  boatswain  turned  back  in  search  of  the  captain's  ship.' 

^  Tliis  is  shown  on  Bumey's  chart  as  Cavo  Blanco  de  Aguilar,  distinct  from 
and  a  degree  above  Cavo  de  San  Sebasti&n. 

'The  Relaci6n  of  the  boatswain  of  the  Tres  Reyes  states  that  six  leagues 
beyond  "Puerto  de  los  Reyes,  which  above  they  call  Puerto  de  Don  Gaspar," 
they  found  a  "very,  very  large  river"  flowing  from  the  southeast.  This  was 
evidently  Tomales  Bay  (see  Davidson,  Early  Voyages,  p.  220).  It  is  shown  on 
the  chart  as  Rio  Grande  de  San  Sebasti&n.  Farther  on,  in  lat.  41°,  near  Cape 
Mendocino,  which  is  placed  at  41  H°,  they  found  a  very  large  bay  into  which 
entered  a  large  river  coming  from  the  north.  It  had  such  a  current  that  during 
a  whole  day  they  were  able  to  enter  it  only  two  leagues.  It  was  on  a  rise  and 
earned  logs.  Tlie  country  was  heavily  timbered  with  pine  and  oak  forests. 
From  this  river  to  Cape  Mendocino  the  direction  was  south.  From  the  river 
to  Cape  Blanco  in  lat.  43''  the  coast  ran  northeast  and  continued  in  the  same 
directioii  beyond,  though  it  was  scarcely  seen,  because  they  turned  back  there 
r'ReIaci6n  que  dio  el  Contramaestre,"  in  Derrotero,  p.  171).  Torquemada  states 
that  the  Tres  Reyes,  finding  herself  alone,  continued  north  looking  for  the  San 
Dwgo,  In  lat  41®  she  was  struck  by  a  southeast  wind,  and  took  shelter  near 
Cape  Mendocino  under  a  large  rocky  islet  (Davidson  thinks  this  was  Redding 
Bixk  in  41*  22',  Early  Voyages,  p.  232).    Continuing  close  to  the  shore,  on  January 


1Q2  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [ICOS 

In  latitude  39  }i^  he  discovered  a  copious  river,  and  an 
island  at  the  entrance  of  a  very  good  and  secure  port;  and  an- 
other large  bay  in  latitude  403^  ®,  into  which  another  large  river 
emptied.^  A  great  number  of  Indians  came  out  to  them  in 
canoes  made  of  pine  and  cedar  planks^  but  because  there  were 
so  many  people  they  did  not  dare  to  go  up  the  river  with  the 
launch,  although  the  Indians  invited  them  to  do  so,  giving 
them  many  fish^  game^  hazel  nuts^  chestnuts^  acorns,  and  other 
things  to  induce  them  to  go  with  them  up  the  river. 

As  he  said  that  there  were  many  Indians  there,  it  was  de- 
cided not  to  comply,  but  to  go  outside  instead.  And  they  re- 
turned along  the  coast,  entering  the  port  of  Monte  Rey,  that  of 
Los  Reyes,  the  islands  of  Samta  Catalina,  and  the  port  of  San 
Diego.  The  Indians  remembered  them  well,  for  though  but 
six  of  our  men  remained  in  the  said  frigate,  the  rest  having  died 
of  cold  and  sickness,  the  Indians  were  so  friendly  and  so  desirous 
of  our  friendship  and  so  grateful  for  the  kind  treatment  which 
they  had  received  that  they  not  only  did  them  no  harm,  but 
showed  them  all  the  kindness  possible. 

He  said  that  they  came  hugging  the  coast  all  the  way  and 
arrived  at  the  port  of  La  Navidad  on  the  26th  of  the  said  month 
of  February.  Having  no  men  with  whom  to  take  the  frigate  to 
Acapulco,  he  came  to  the  viceroy  in  this  city,  who  gave  him  an 
order  to  the  effect  that  the  alcalde  mayor  there  should  give  him 
what  was  necessary  for  his  voyage.  Thus,  thanks  to  God,  all 
the  ships  which  the  general  had  taken  had  returned  in  safety, 
with  no  loss  to  the  Real  ELacienda.  Thus  ended  this  explora- 
tion, the  viceroy  sending  a  copy  of  the  reports  to  his  Majesty  in 
order  that  he  may  provide  what  is  most  fitting  for  hi  royal 
service. 

Corrected  by  the  original  book  of  his  Majesty,  beginning 

19  they  were  at  Cape  Blanco,  in  43^,  whence  the  coast  begins  to  run  northwest 
Near  ibis  place  they  found  a  large  river,  which  they  could  not  enter.  Here  they 
turned  back.  It  looks  as  though  the  boatswain's  river,  just  below  Cape  Men- 
docino, had  been  elevated  by  Torquemada  to  43°. 

On  the  basis  of  Torquemada's  narrative,  which  gives  the  direction  of  the 
coast  incorrectly,  Davidson  (Early  Voyages,  p.  234)  concludes  that  the  Cabo 
Blanco  de  Aguilar  was  the  white  sand  dune  in  lat  42°  14',  and  that  the  river 
was  the  Rogue  River,  lat.  42°  25'. 

^  This  is  probably  intended  for  the  river  and  bay  in  41°  told  of  by  the  boat- 
swain and  shown  on  the  Carta  just  under  Cape  Mendocino. 


1603)  DIARY  OF  VIZCAINO  103 

at  the  sixty-fifth  folio  and  ending  at  the  eighty-fif th,  comprising 
twenty  written  folios,  which  are  sent  true  and  correct.  There 
were  present,  as  witnesses,  at  the  copying  and  correcting,  Juan 
Martin  Marques,  Antonio  Luis,  Andres  Leal.  In  testimony 
whereof  I  signed  and  affixed  my  accustomed  rubrics.  Done  in 
Mexico,  the  8th  day  of  the  month  of  December,  1603. 
In  testimony  of  the  truth, 

Diego  db  Santiago,  chief  scrivener. 


A  BRIEF  REPORT  OF  THE  DISCOVERY  IN  THE 

SOUTH  SEA,  BY  FRAY  ANTONIO  DE  LA 

ASCENSION,  1602-1603^ 

Memorial  of  Francisco  de  Arellano 

The  name  which  your  Lordship  has  so  established  by  your 
eminent  Christian  works  gives  me  com^age  to  request  your 
Lordship  to  glance  over  this  letter,  and  to  hold  and  acknowledge 
me  as  a  servant  of  your  Lordship's  house,  and  as  such  to  deign 
to  honor  and  reward  me.  From  the  memorial  and  the  papers 
which  will  appear  in  the  Council,  and  from  the  letter  which  has 
been  written  from  this  city  to  his  Majesty,  in  which  informa- 
tion  is  given  of  my  person,  according  to  what,  they  say,  they 
have  been  ordered  by  royal  decree,  your  Lordship  wfll  recognize 
the  obligation  which  constrains  me  to  serve  his  Majesty,  as  I 
have  always  had  very  great  desire  to  do  and,  whenever  occasion 
has  arisen,  have  tried  to  do.  Father  Fray  Antonio  de  la  Ascen- 
sion, of  the  Discalced  Order  of  Carmelites,  a  person  of  very 
great  virtue  and  holiness,  concerning  whom  that  Royal  Coimcil 
has  information,  and  who  took  part  in  the  discovery  of  the 
Calif  omias,  and  as  cosmographer  surveyed  them  and  made  that 
map  of  them  and  their  seas  and  wrote  a  narrative,  which  he 
sent,  has  given  me  a  full  account  of  this  discovery  and  of  how 
great  a  service  to  our  Lord  and  to  his  Majesty  it  would  be  if 
this  land  should  be  reduced  to  the  royal  crown,  on  account  of 
its  great  riches,  and  for  the  conversion  of  so  great  a  multi- 
tude of  Indians. 

Since  your  Lordship  is  so  eminent  a  Christian  and  so  zealous 

^  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Coleccidn  de  DocumerUos  IrUdiios,  VIII.  537-538 ; 
endorsed:  "This  report  has  been  taken  from  the  folio  volume  of  manuscript  in 
the  Biblioteca  Nacional  which  bears  the  signature  'J.  89/  and  contains  various 
papers  relating  to  the  Indies.  First  comes  the  holographic  memorial  of  Don 
Francisco  de  Arellano,  which  we  are  publishing,  and  next  the  report  in  the  form 
of  a  copy  which  seems  to  be  contemporary." 

104 


^^]  REPORT  OF  FATHER  ASCENSI6N  105 

W  the  honor  of  God  and  the  service  of  his  Majesty,  it  would 
be  fitting  that  your  Lordship  should  have  examined  the  papers 
^ch  Sebastian  Vizcaino  sent  to  the  Council  regarding  this 
exploration,  which  are  the  same  as  I  am  sending,  although 
[these  are]  more  brief.    As  it  is  eighteen  years  since  it  was 
made,  by  order  of  his  Majesty,  while  the  Count  of  Monterey 
was  viceroy  of  this  New  Spain,  it  may  be  that  your  Lordship 
has  not  heard  of  those  papers,  and  that,  for  this  reason,  there 
has  been  a  neglect  of  a  matter  so  important,  and  one  which 
might  afford  a  beginning  of  a  settlement  and  conquest  at  so  Ut- 
tle  cost,  since  his  Majesty  has  already^  .  .  .  [talked]  of  order- 
ing this  realm  explored  and  of  sending  discalced  Carmelites 
to  it  for  that  conversion. 

I  assure  your  Lordship  that  if  I  myself  were  in  somewhat 
easier  circumstances  I  would  promise  to  make  the  beginning  at 
my  own  expense  and  cost.    But  I  promise  what  I  can,  which  is 
my  person,  if  it  should  be  acceptable,  and  my  very  great  desire 
to  serve  his  Majesty,  to  whose  royal  feet  I  should  wish  to  con- 
vey the  conquered  realm  and  the  riches  which  are  said  to  be 
therein.    May  God  order  everything  to  his  greater  honor  and 
^ory,  and  preserve  your  Lordship  most  happy  years  with  the 
greatly  merited  lustre  which  your  Lordship  possesses  and  which 
Idesire. 

Don  Francisco  Ramirez  de  Arellano. 
Mexico,  December  21,  1620. 


i  Brief  Report^  in  which  is  given  Information  of  the  Discovery 
which  VHis  made  in  New  Spain,  in  the  South  Sea,  from  the 
Port  of  Acajndco  to  a  Point  beyond  Cape  Mendocino ;  corv- 
taining  an  Account  of  the  Riches,  the  Temperate  ClirruUe, 
and  the  Advantages  of  the  Realm  of  the  Califomias,  and 
setting  forth  how  his  Majesty  will  be  able  at  little  cost  to  pacify 
it  and  incorporate  it  into  his  Royal  Crown  and  cause  the 
Holy  Gospel  to  be  preached  in  it.    By  Father  Fray  Antonio 

^  Tbis  is  illegible. 

'Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Colecddn  de  Documentos  Iniditos,  Vlll.  539-574, 
orforaed:  "B.  N.  [i.  e,,  Biblioteca  NacionalJi  J.  89.  Found  among  other  manu- 
Kript  papers  that  treat  of  divers  matters,  in  a  small  folio  volume,  board  bind- 
inSi  at  fdio  21." 


106  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [lea 

de  la  Ascension,  a  Religious  of  the  Discalced  Order  of  Car- 
melites, who  took  part  in  it  and  as  Cosmographer  rnade  c 
map  of  it. 

I. 

In  the  past  year  of  1602,  by  order  of  our  very  Catholic  anc 
most  Christian  King,  Philip  III.,  king  of  Spain,  Don  Caspar  d^ 
Ziiniga  y  Acevedo,  Count  of  Monterey,  may  he  be  in  heaven 
being  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  two  small  ships  and  a  frigate  wew 
equipped  by  his  order  and  conmiand  in  the  port  of  Acapulco,' 
which  is  in  New  Spain,  on  the  coast  of  the  South  Sea.  They 
were  supplied  with  all  necessary  arms  and  provisions  for  a  voy- 
age of  one  year,^  the  time  it  was  thought  this  expedition  would 
last.  Sebastian  Vizcaino  went  as  captain  and  conmiander  oi 
the  soldiers  and  vessels  and  Captain  Toribio  Gomez  de  Corban 
went  as  admiral.  There  embarked  in  these  ships  and  the  frigate 
two  hundred  persons,'  more  or  less,  one  hundred  and  fifty  oi 
them  select  and  experienced  soldiers,  who  were  also  very  slulfu] 
sailors,  to  assist  in  whatever  might  present  itself  concerning 
affairs  at  sea  as  well  as  those  of  war  on  land,  and  to  escort  the 
general.  Several  famous  captains  and  the  ensign  who  had  done 
heroic  deeds  in  his  Majesty's  service  in  Flanders  and  Britain 
and  in  the  cruise  of  the  galleons  embarked  as  counsellors,  all 
well  accustomed  and  experienced  in  affairs  of  war  and  of  the  sea. 
They  were  Captain  Pascual  de  Alarcon,  Captain  Alonzo  Este- 
ban  Pequero,*  Ensign  Juan  Francisco  Sureano,*  Ensign  Juan  de 
Acevedo  Tejeda,  and  Ensign  Melendez.  And  for  steering  the 
ships  there  went  select  pilots,  very  vigilant  and  experienced, 
two  for  each  vessel.  Aiid  for  spiritual  matters  and  the  gui- 
dance of  souls,  three  religious,  priests  of  the  Discalced  Order  of 
Carmelites,  were  appointed;  they  were  Father  Andres  de  la 
Asimipcion,  who  went  as  commissary.  Father  Tomas  de  Aquino, 
and  I,  Father  Antonio  de  Ascension,  who  writes  this  report. 
They  were  sent  in  order  that  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty  the 
king  our  Lord,  and  of  his  religion,  and  of  the  Province  of  San 
Alberto  of  New  Spain,  immediate  possession  might  be  taken  of 

^  See  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  53,  above,  note  2. 

'  According  to  the  junta  held  in  the  Bay  of  Monterey  on  December  18,  the 
equipment  was  for  eleven  months.    See  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  92,  note  1. 
*  See  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  53,  note  1. 
^  Peguero  elsewhere.  *  Suriano  elaewheie. 


1602)  REPORT  OP  PATHER  ASCENSI6N  107 

the  realm  of  the  Calif  omias  which  was  to  be  discovered  and 
explored ;  in  order  that  thenceforward  they  might  take  charge 
of  the  conversion  and  instruction  of  all  the  heathen  Indians 
of  that  realm ;  and  in  order  that  on  the  voyage  they  might  ad- 
minister the  sacraments  to  those  who  were  in  the  ships.  Be- 
sides these,  the  viceroy  appointed  two  cosmographers,  to  survey 
and  map  all  the  coasts,  with  their  ports,  inlets,  rivers,  and  bays, 
with  their  latitudes  and  longitudes.  These  were  Captain 
Ger6nimo  Martin  Palacios  and  I,  ^  I  having  studied  this  art  and 
science  in  the  University  of  Salamanca,  where  I  was  bom  and 
reared,  and  where  I  studied  until  I  took  the  holy  habit  which  I 
unworthily  wear.  I  have  said  this  and  signed  here  my  name 
so  that  persons  who  may  read  this  brief  and  concise  report 
may  be  convinced  that  in  all  its  contents  I  am  telling  the  truth ; 
and  in  order  not  to  be  prolix  I  am  brief  in  everything,  with  a 
style  plain  and  simple,  as  will  be  seen  in  what  follows. 

II. 

This  armada  sailed  from  the  port  of  Acapulco  the  5th  day  of 
the  month  of  May,  of  the  said  year,  1602,  every  one,  before 
embarking,  having  confessed  and  received  conmiunion,  the  cap- 
tains as  well  as  the  soldiers  and  cabin-boys  of  the  two  vessels. 

The  order  which  the  viceroy  gave  them  was  to  explore  all  the 
coast  from  the  above-mentioned  port  of  Acapulco  to  the  Point 
of  Califomia,  and  ever3rthing  from  there  to  Cape  Mendocino ; 
and  on  retimiing,  if  there  should  be  time  and  opportunity,  to 
explore  the  Mediterranean  Sea  of  California.*  Pursuant  to 
tins  order,  the  armada  sailed  northwest,  coasting  all  along  the 
shore  and  land  of  New  Spain  as  far  as  the  islands  of  Magatlan 
and  thence  crossing  over  so  as  to  reach  the  Point  of  Califomia. 
It  is  fifty  leagues  across  the  sea  from  one  side  to  the  other. 

From  the  time  this  armada  sailed  from  the  port  of  Acapulco 
until  it  reached  Cape  Mendocino  there  were  always  strong  head- 
winds, because  almost  continually  the  northwest  wind  prevails 
on  all  this  coast ;  it  was  necessary,  therefore,  to  sail  with  bow- 

^In  his  oorrespondence  and  instructions  the  viceroy  says  nothing  about 
Pite  Aacensidn's  being  appointed  cosmographer.  See  Carrasco  y  Guisasola, 
DocumerUoi,  pp.  41-68. 

*  The  order  to  explore  the  gulf  was  in  the  secret  instructions.  See  p.  92,  above. 


108  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1602 

lines  hauled;  which  was  an  incredible  hindrance,  as  there  were 
days  when  it  was  not  able  to  gain  a  league's  headway.  Tacking 
to  the  sea  or  to  the  land,  one  way  or  the  other,  the  voyage  was 
made,  and  for  this  reason  the  outward  trip  was  very  prolonged, 
and  all  the  ports,  bays,  rivers,  and  inlets  of  the  entire  coast  were 
examined  very  minutely.  It  took  us  nine  months  from  the 
time  we  left  Acapulco  to  reach  Cape  Mendocino,  where  we 
arrived  on  the  20th^  day  of  the  month  of  January,  1603.  Cape 
Mendocino  is  in  latitude  42°  north,  and  we  went  even  farther, 
to  the  latitude  of  43°,  to  what  was  named  Cape  San  Sebastian, 
where  the  coast  turns  to  the  northeast,  and  where  the  en- 
trance to  the  Strait  of  Anian  seems  to  begin. 

III. 

This  exploration  was  made  with  very  great  care  and  vigi- 
lance and  cost  a  great  deal  of  labor  and  exertion  and  tedious 
fllness,  and  the  lives  of  many  who  took  part  in  it,  because  of 
undergoing  so  much  labor,  in  continual  pain  and  always 
struggling  against  the  wild  waves  which  the  sea  heaved  up 
and  against  the  winds  which  caused  them.  Moreover,  the 
provisions  became  so  stale  that  they  finally  had  no  virtue  or 
nutrition.  From  these  two  causes  there  ensued  a  sickness 
like  a  pest,  which  affected  every  one  and  was  extremely  pain- 
ful, so  that  more  than  forty-four^  persons  died  on  the  voyage. 
I  made  a  report  of  all  that  happened  on  this  voyage,  in  which 
is  related  at  length  ever3rthing  that  took  place  during  it  and 
what  was  seen  and  discovered  on  it,  and  upon  which  I  rely. 
This  armada  returned  to  Acapulco,  and  the  captain's  ship,  in 
which  I  came,'  entered  it  March  21  of  the  said  year,  1603. 

^The  author  is  careless  here,  and  confuses  Cape  Mendocino  with  Cape 
San  Sebastian.  They  arrived  at  the  former  place  on  the  12th,  and  at  the  latter, 
in  lat.  42^,  on  the  20th.  Cape  Blanco  was  given  in  the  official  records  as  in  43* 
(see  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  101).  The  latitude  of  Cape  Mendocino  was  variously 
given  as  4r,  41H^  and  42H^ 

'According  to  Torquemada  forty-eight  died,  including  Alf^rez  Juan  de 
Acevedo  Texada,  Alf^rez  Sebasti&n  Mel^ndez,  Alf^rez  Martin  de  Aguilar  Galeote, 
pilot  Antonio  Flores,  pilot  Baltasdr  de  Armas,  Sergeant  Miguel  de  Legar,  and 
Sergeant  Juan  del  Castillo  Bueno  (Monarchia  Indiana^  I.  724-725).  In  his  let- 
ter to  the  King,  dated  May  23,  1603,  Vizcaino  stated  that  forty-two  had  died. 

'  On  the  outward  voyage  he  was  on  the  almiranta  as  far  as  the  Bay  of  Mon- 
terey. 


1602]  REPORT  OF  FATHER  ASCENSI6N  109 

Thus  deven  months  were  spent  on  the  voyage  from  the  time 
of  sailing  until  port  was  made.  In  this  short  account  I  will 
speak  briefly  of  some  of  the  most  important  things  I  saw, 
learned,  and  observed  throughout  the  land  and  seacoast 
which  we  saw  and  explored. 

IV. 

This  realm  of  California  is  very  large  and  embraces  much 
territory,  nearly  aU  inhabited  by  numberless  people.    It  has 
a  good  climate,  is  very  fertile,  and  abounds  in  many  and  vari- 
ous kinds  of  trees,  the  most  of  them  like  those  in  Spain,  abun- 
dant pastiu'es  of  good  grazing  land,  and  a  great  number  of  differ- 
ent kinds  of  animals  and  birds.    The  sea  of  all  this  coast  is 
full  of  a  variety  of  savory  and  wholesome  fish,  which  I  will 
mention  later.    All  the  land  of  this  realm  is  in  the  temperate 
zone,  which  is  situated  in  the  northern  division,  and  the  cU- 
mates  2,  3,  4,  5,  6,  and  8^  pass  over  it.   It  has  the  exact  form 
and  shape  of  a  casket,  being  broad  at  the  top  and  narrow  at 
the  point.    It  is  this  latter  which  we  commonly  call  Punta  de  la 
California.     From  there  it  widens  out  to  Cape  Mendocino, 
which  we  will  describe  as  being  the  top  and  breadth  of  it. 
The  breadth  of  this  land  from  here  to  the  other  sea,  where  the 
Mediterranean  Sea  of  Calif omia  comes  and  connects  with  the 
sea  that  surrounds  and  encircles  Cape  Mendocino,  must  be 
about  one  hundred  leagues.^  In  this  part  this  realm  has  north 
of  it  the  Kingdom  of  Anian,  and  to  the  east  the  land  which  is 
continuous  with  the  realm  of  Quivira.     Between  these  two 
realms  extends  the  strait  of  Anian,  which  runs  to  the  North 
Sea,  having  joined  the  Oceanic  Sea  which  surrounds  Cape  Men- 
dodno  and  the  Mediterranean  Sea  of  Calif  omia,  both  of  which 
are  united  at  the  entrance  of  this  strait  which  I  call  Anian. 
Toward  the  west  is  the  realm  of  China,  and  toward  the  south 
all  the  realm  of  Japan.    The  most  modem  maps  show  that 
from  the  meridian  corresponding  to  the  Point  of  California 
to  the  meridian  corresponding  to  Cape  Mendocino  there  are 
sixty  degrees  of  longitude ;   so  that  if  we  give  sixteen  and  a 
half  leagues  to  each  degree,  according  to  the  reckoning  of 

1  Climate  in  the  old  astronomical  sense — so  many  degrees  of  latitude. 
'Tliis  passage  is  a  fair  statement  of  the  geographical  notions  concerning 
the  Northwest  after  Iturbi's  expedition. 


no  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1602 

cosmographers,  it  is  about  one  thousand  leagues  long;  but 
if  according  to  the  reckoning  of  mariners,  who  give  twenty- 
five  leagues  to  each  degree,  we  should  say  that  its  coast  and 
shore  is  more  than  fifteen  hundred  leagues  long  from  north- 
west to  southeast,  which  is  the  direction  all  this  realm  runs 
and  trends.  In  latitude,  or  breadth,  it  extends  from  the 
Tropic  of  Cancer,  that  is,  from  the  Point  of  California,  called 
Cape  San  Lucas,  which  is  under  that  tropic,  to  the  latitude 
of  50^,  the  highest  latitude  of  this  realm — ^which,  I  said,  is 
where  unite  the  two  seas  that  surround  this  realm. 

Thus  it  is  plain  that  this  realm  of  Calif  omia  is  a  land  sep- 
arate and  distinct  from  the  lands  of  New  Mexico  and  the  realm 
of  Quivira,  which  is  continuous  with  the  latter,  although  there 
is  a  long  distance  and  much  territory  between  the  one  realm 
and  the  other.  The  sea  between  these  two  realms,  which  is 
the  one  called  the  Mediterranean  Sea  of  California,  since  it 
is  between  lands  so  large  and  extended,  must  be  about  fifty 
leagues  wide.  In  the  middle  of  it  there  are  many  islands, 
some  small  and  others  larger ;  but  I  cannot  say  whether  they 
are  inhabited  or  not.  The  inhabitants  of  Cape  Mendocino 
are  so  opposite  and  remote  from  the  kingdom  of  Old  Castile  in 
our  Spain  that  it  is  midnight  in  the  noted  city  and  university 
of  Salamanca  when  it  is  noon  at  Cape  Mendocino,  and  vice 
versa:  so  that  they  are  the  antipodes  of  each  other,  being  op- 
posite each  other,  and  in  the  same  climate,  but  with  different 
and  diametrically  opposite  meridians.  Hence  it  follows  that 
they  must  possess  the  same  atmospheric  conditions  and  climate, 
having  the  same  winter,  summer,  and  autumn.  It  is  possible 
that  they  differ  in  some  conditions  and  temperatures,  because 
of  the  different  influences  of  the  vertical  stars  which  affect 
their  qualities. 

Those  who  are  acquainted  with  and  understand  the  sphere 
and  cosmography  will  have  no  doubt  of  this ;  but  in  order  to 
make  myself  better  imderstood  I  made  for  those  who  do  not 
understand  it  a  geographic  map  of  it  all,  which  I  have  with 
me ;  and  I  am  sending  a  copy  of  it  to  his  Majesty  and  to  his 
Royal  Council  of  the  Indies,  that  they  may  understand  the 
great  size  and  the  situation  of  this  great  realm.  And  I  believe 
it  will  be  indispensable  and  important,  in  order  that  the  pres- 
ent maps  of  the  world  may  be  compared  with  it  and  corrected, 


REPORT  OF  FATHER  ASCENSI6N  111 

because  many  of  the  things  which  are  depicted  in  them  relat- 
ing to  matters  of  this  realm  are  very  different  from  what  they 
actually  are.  This  is  not  to  be  wondered  at^  since  the  land 
and  seacoast  of  this  realm  have  never  been  viewed  or  explored 
80  exactly  and  designedly  as  on  this  expedition,  which  went 
solely  for  this  purpose. 

V. 

The  Cape  of  San  Lucas/  which  is  at  the  extremity  of  Cali- 
fomia,  whence  all  this  realm  begins  and  takes  its  name^  forms 
in  its  shelter  a  bay  called  San  Bemab^,  so  spacious  that  it  is 
a  good  bay  and  will  accommodate  many  ships,  although  it  is 
not  protected  on  all  sides.    This  bay,  or  cape,  of  San  Lucas 
is  under  the  Tropic  of  Cancer,  and  off  the  islands  of  Magatlan, 
which,  on  the  coast  of  New  Spain,  are  the  frontier  and  limit 
on  this  side  of  the  bishopric  of  Guadalajara  and  of  the  king- 
dom which  they  call  Nueva  Galicia.    It  is  fifty  leagues,  more 
or  less,  across  the  sea,  which  is  the  width  of  the  Mediterranean 
Sea  of  California  between  the  realm  of  California  and  that  of 
Galicia.    This  latter  joins  the  kingdom  of  New  Spain  and  ex- 
tends to  New  Mexico,  continuing  to  the  kingdom  of  Quivira, 
and  terminating  at  the  Strait  of  Anian,  as  has  already  been 
said.    Some  call  it  the  Mediterranean  because  it  flows  between 
these  two  large  realms;   others  call  it  the  Vermillion  Sea, 
ance  in  this  passage  the  water  looks  a  bright  reddish  color, 
perhaps  because  the  land  at  the  bottom  is  red,  or  it  may  be 
from  the  spawn  brought  here  by  the  river-fish  that  come  to 
swim  in  that  sea,  this  color  being  caused  by  the  blood;   for 
once  I  saw  that  the  water  at  the  port  of  Acapulco  was  of  this 
bright  reddish  color,  and  they  told  me  that  it  was  because  of 
the  fish  spawn.    On  the  old  maps  it  is  called  the  bay,  or  gulf, 
of  Ballenas,*  because  there,  as  on  all  the  coast  as  far  as  Cape 
Mendocino,  there  are  so  many  whales  that  they  cannot  be 
liumbered,  nor  would  it  be  believed  by  anybody  who  had  not 
seen  them.    And  because  until  now'  it  has  been  understood 
to  be  a  bay  or  large  gulf,  formed  there  by  the  sea,  and  not  a 
r^ular  and  continuous  sea,  which  it  is,  they  gave  it  this  name. 

*See  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  56,  above,  note  1.  *  Whales. 

'The  alluaiiNi  is  perhaps  to  the  results  of  the  Iturbi  and  Ofiate  expeditions. 


112  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [im 

In  this  passage  are  the  islands  called  the  Marias,  and  an- 
other small  one  called  San  Andres ;  and  through  all  this  sea 
there  are  many  other  islands.  Among  them,  facing  the  port 
formed  by  the  Tizon  River,^  which  flows  into  this  sea  from 
New  Mexico  in  latitude  35^,  is  the  island  of  Giganta,*  where 
lives  the  queen  of  the  neighboring  peoples.  In  this  sea,  on 
both  shores,  other  islands  also,  as  well  as  the  land  of  Califor- 
nia, have  many  oyster-beds,  which  produce  pearls,  many,  rich, 
and  large.  They  are  found  as  far  as  latitude  36®,  as  I  say  in 
the  last  chapter  of  the  report  which  I  made  of  this  discovery. 

VI. 

I  will  say  that  the  wealth  and  abundance  of  pearls  in  this 
sea  is  very  great,  a  thing  which  is  well  known  and  remarked 
upon  by  persons  who  have  coasted  along  the  sea;  and  they 
are,  indeed,  large  and  beautiful,  choice,  and  very  perfect. 
The  oysters  are  not  very  deep,  for  the  Indians  search  for  and 
bring  them  up.  This  is  not  to  make  use  of  the  pearls,  because 
they  do  not  understand  or  value  them,  but  only  to  eat  the 
fish  within.  In  order  to  open  the  oysters  and  more  easily 
extract  their  contents  they  put  them  in  the  fire,  whereupon 
they  open  and  the  pearls  are  burned  or  smoked.  When  found 
they  are  thrown  away,  as  if  they  were  stones  of  no  value. 

There  are  many  different  kinds  of  fish  in  this  sea,  lai^ 
and  small,  which  are  seen  to  go  in  shoals  or  schools.  As  th^ 
are  fish  known  in  other  seas,  I  will  here  name  some  of  those 
I  have  caught,  had  in  my  hands,  and  eaten,'  so  that  the  abun- 
dance, excellence,  and  wealth  of  that  sea  may  be  imderstood. 
There  are,  as  I  have  said,  multitudes  of  very  large  whales, 
and  a  great  quantity  of  sardines,  large  and  small,  slender  and 
thick,  which  are,  according  to  what  they  say,  the  common 
sustenance  of  the  whales,  and  may  be  it  is  for  this  reason  there 
are  so  many.  There  are  ruffles,  porgy,  sea-bass,  corrundas, 
small  sharks,  or  dog-fish,  sturgeon,  esmirigalas,  skate,  salmon, 
tunny,  ray,  chucoSy  sea-horse,  little  bass,  striped  tunny,  gilt- 

^  The  Colorado,  named  Rio  del  Tiz6n  (Firebrand)  by  the  Alaro6ii  expedi- 
tion in  1540. 

'  See  the  account  of  Onate's  journey  to  California,  p.  276. 
'  When  in  California  with  Vizcaino,  presumably. 


16Q21  REPORT  OF  FATHER  ASCENSI6N  113 

head;  sole,  mutton-fish,  porpoise,  newts,  tirgueros,  common 
oysters,  those  that  bear  pearls,  and  many  other  never  seen 
and  unknown.    And  there  are  octopus.    One  was  caught  so 
large  that  it  wrapped  itself  around  the  buoy-rope  or  luie  by 
which  the  buoy  was  fastened  to  the  anchor ;  although  it  was 
very  heavy,  as  it  had  a  finn  hold,  the  ship  raised  it  and  dragged 
it  behind.^    It  had  a  mouth  like  a  half-moon.    I  measured  it 
from  one  point  to  the  other,  crosswise,  and  it  was  a  vara  and 
three  quarters,  and  from  the  head  to  the  end  of  the  tail  it  was 
five  and  one  quarter  varas.    It  was  broad  and  flat  like  a 
mantle.    These  fish  are  of  fine  flavor,  palatable,  and  whole- 
some.   All  these  varieties  were  caught  every  year  by  casting 
the  net,  or  seine.    Sometimes  the  seine  was  so  fuU  that  it 
broke. 

vn. 

The  country  of  this  Cape  San  Lucas  is  very  fertile  and  health- 
ful, with  a  fine  climate  and  clear  sky.  It  has  good  level  land 
and  is  not  very  mountainous.  All  of  it  is  perfectly  adapted 
to  cultivation  and  to  keeping  and  raising  stock,  both  cattle 
and  sheep,  goats  and  swine.  There  is  plenty  of  wild  game  for 
hunting  and  fowling,  such  as  rabbits,  hare,  deer,  lions,  tigers, 
annadillos,  ringdoves,  quail,  and  many  ducks.  Of  trees,  there 
are  figs,  broccoU,  agaves,  mangroves,  mastick,  and,  near  the 
bea<5h,  a  grove  of  plum  trees. 

In  place  of  gum  or  resin,  they  exude  in  great  quantities 
very  good  and  fragrant  incense.  The  fruit  which  they  pro- 
duce is  very  dehcious,  as  I  have  been  told  by  those  who  have 
tried  it  on  other  occasions.  There  is  also  on  the  shore  of  this 
land  which  encircles  the  Bay  of  San  Bemab^,  where  I  saw  all 
the  things  mentioned,  a  lagoon  of  good  fresh  water,^  all  sur- 
rounded and  hedged  in  with  brambles.  On  the  other  side, 
^ear  the  rocks  and  the  beach,  there  is  a  httle  lagoon  of  salt 
^ater,  left  by  the  sea  in  high  winds,  which  was  covered,  all 
*found,  with  very  good  salt,  plentiful,  white,  and  of  a  good 
taste.  Here  also  are  many  robust  Indians,  of  good  disposi- 
tion, who  use  bows,  arrows,  and  darts  for  arms.  They  gave 
indications  of  being  bellicose  and  spirited;   for,  when  some 

^  Evidently  an  incident  of  the  Vizcaino  voyage. 
'  For  this  lagoon  see  the  Carta. 


114  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1602 

natives  came  to  see  us  at  this  port^  they  said  that  if  the  soldiers 
would  put  away  the  arquebuses  they  carried  they  would  also 
come  without  arms.  La3diig  them  aside,  they  seated  them- 
selves, saying  in  a  loud  voice  "Vtesi,"  that  is  to  say,  "Seat 
yourselves"  or  "be  seated,"  which  is  the  surest  and  most 
certain  sign  of  peace  in  use  among  them.  With  this  ceremony 
they  came  peaceably,  and  treated  us  with  friendliness  and 
civflity,  although  always  with  extreme  caution  and  suspicion, 
and  on  hearing  an  arquebus  discharged  they  inmiediatdy  ran 
away.  When  they  came,  they  always  brought  with  them 
such  little  things  as  they  had,  showing  themselves  to  be  a 
people  grateful  and  thankful  for  what  the  soldiers  and  religious 
gave  them. 

vm. 

It  is  at  this  port  that  his  Majesty  should  order  the  first 
settlement  of  Spaniards  to  be  made  when  he  sends  people  to 
pacify  the  country,  in  order  that  the  pacification  of  aU  this 
realm  and  the  preaching  of  the  Holy  Gospel  may  b^in  here. 
It  is  situated  near  and  convenient  for  trade  and  communi- 
cation with  New  Spain  and  Peru,  as  the  ships  to  New  Spain 
touch  at  this  place  when  they  come  from  Peru  by  the  new  mode 
of  navigation  now  in  use,  and  they  come  in  one  month.  Be- 
sides these,  it  has  other  advantages  for  sustaining  human  life, 
and  for  enabling  the  Spaniards  to  keep  their  trade  and  com- 
merce in  good  and  secure  communication,  because,  besides 
the  pearl-fisheries  near  by,  there  is,  on  the  south  coast,  a 
neighboring  land  which  we  call  Sierra  Pintada  or  del  Enfado.* 
It  has  many  minerals  of  various  kinds ;  and  one  can  go  by 
land  to  extract  them,  and  to  get  the  gold  and  silver  which  they 
may  contain.  Apparently  they  are  very  abundant,  according 
to  experience  and  trustworthy  information  upon  which  I  rely. 

It  is  the  best  place  that  could  be  found  in  the  world  for 
the  maintenance  and  mode  of  life  of  the  Discalced  CarmeUte 
religious  (who,  by  order  of  the  king,  our  lord,  have  charge  of 
the  conversion  of  this  realm),  and  for  their  abstemious  and 
penitent  life,  because  of  the  good  mild  climate  as  well  as  the 
great  abundance  of  many  kinds  of  good  fish,  as  is  stated  above. 
The  heat  of  the  climate  is  not  so  excessive  as  to  need  linen^ 

*  See  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  57,  above. 


1W2J  REPORT  OF  FATHER  ASCENSI6N  115 

nor  does  it  require  much  protection  against  the  cold,  so  that 
one  kind  of  clothing  can  be  worn  all  the  time.  Moreover, 
the  proximity  of  the  country  to  New  Spain  and  the  facility 
rf  navigation  from  one  realm  to  the  other  is  very  important 
for  providing  it  with  the  religious,  for  governing  them  by  one 
provincial,  and  for  conveying  some  and  bringing  back  others, 
according  as  the  necessity  of  the  religious  may  require ;  for, 
having  settlements  as  far  as  the  port  of  Navidad  where  they 
can  embark  if  they  do  not  wish  to  go  to  Acapulco,  in  a  month 
one  can  go  from  Mexico  to  the  Califomias  with  great  ease 
and  comfort. 

IX. 

After  remaining  in  this  port  and  bay  of  San  Bemab6  some 
days,  we  set  sail^  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  exploration 
of  Cape  Mendocino.      As  the  coast  runs  from  southeast  to 
northwest,  and  as  the  wind  is  continually  from  that  quarter, 
that  is,  northwest,  we  found  it  so  severe  and  strong  that  four 
times  against  our  will  it  forced  us  to  put  back  into  the  port 
from  which  we  sailed.    Finally,  at  the  end  of  some  days,  with 
bowlines  hauled,  we  made  our  way  and  arrived  at  the  port  of 
Magdalena,*  which  was  formerly  called  the  port  of  Santiago.' 
Here  the  Indians  received  us  peacefully  and,  as  an  acknowledg- 
ment of  submission,  offered  the  Spaniards  their  bows  and  ar- 
rows, very  nicely  wrought,  and  brought  some  incense  like  that 
we  had  prociu^  in  the  Bay  of  San  Bernab^,  a  sign  that  there 
are  here  a  great  number  of  these  trees  which  produce  it.    An 
ann  of  the  sea  enters  this  port,  unless  it  is  some  large  river 
which  disembogues  here  and  empties  into  the  sea.    But  it 
was  ascended  only  about  a  league,  being  left  for  exploration 
when  we  should  return  from  Cape  Mendocino.    Here  many 
Indians  came  out  to  us  in  their  canoes  and  showed  themselves 
ttendly  and  gentle. 

This  port  is  very  good  and  spacious,  and  has  two  mouths 
or  entrances.  By  one,  small  vessels  only  can  enter ;  by  the 
other  large  ones  can  enter,  as  it  has  good  soundings.    Here 

*They  set  sail  the  first  time  on  June  19,  finaUy  on  July  5.  See  Vizcaino's 
<iitty,  pp.  57,  68,  above. 

*See  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  59,  above,  note  1. 

'  By  Cabrillo  it  was  caUed  Port  of  San  Pedro.    See  p.  14,  note  4. 


116  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  &« 

and  all  along  this  coast  there  are  many  whales,  and,  if  it  is 
true  that  amber  comes  from  their  filth,  as  I  understandi  from 
what  I  saw  on  this  voyage,  there  must  be  much  amber  <hi  fUi 
coast ;  for  not  far  from  this  place,  though  farther  up  on  the 
same  coast,  we  found  another  port,  which  was  named  San 
Bartolomeo,  on  whose  shore  was  a  large  quantity  of  ambergns^^ 
in  cakes,  like  soft,  whitish  pitch.    We  did  not  recognise  it  as 
such,  and  for  this  reason  we  took  no  notice  of  it.    Afterward, 
when  giving  a  description  of  it  to  those  who  are  well  acquainted 
with  amber,  they  said  that  it  was  very  fine  ambergris.    Theie 
was  a  large  quantity  of  it  in  this  port.    Perhaps  God  oar 
Lord  allowed  none  of  those  who  went  there  to  know  this,  sinoe 
it  may  be  that  in  the  interest  of  going  to  obtain  it  his  Majesty 
will  send  ministers  with  the  design  of  converting  those  IndianSi 
for  according  to  the  signs  which  they  gave  it  will  be  eafify  to 
bring  them  into  our  Catholic  faith. 

X. 

We  went  forward,  making  the  exploration  carefully  and 
slowly,  because  head  winds  impeded  it.  Other  ports  and  is- 
lands were  discovered  along  the  coast,  and  all  along  it  there 
were  many  Indians,  who  signalled  us  with  smoke  columns 
and  other  signs ;  but,  in  order  to  reach  Cape  Mendocino,  eveiy- 
thing  was  left  to  be  examined  on  our  return.  Finally,  after 
much  labor  we  reached  the  port  of  San  Diego,*  which  is  very 
good  and  capacious  and  offers  many  veiy  good  advantages 
for  Spanish  settlement.  Here  the  ships  were  cleaned  and 
oiled  again,  the  place  being  quiet,  and  there  being  many 
friendly  and  affable  Indians  there.  They  use  bows  and  ar- 
rows and  appear  warlike  and  valiant,  since,  notwithstanding 
they  came  to  see  us  every  day,  they  always  treated  us  with 
so  great  a  distrust  that  they  never  had  complete  confidence 
in  us.  They  pronoimced  so  very  well  in  our  language  what 
they  heard  us  speak  that  anyone  hearing  them  and  not  seeing 
them  would  say  they  were  Spaniards.  Every  day  they  would 
come  in  order  that  we  might  give  them  some  of  the  fish  we 
caught  in  the  net,  and  they  would  go  away  quietly  after  they 
had  helped  to  haul  it  in. 

^  Port  of  San  6artolom6.    See  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  64,  above,  note  3. 
'  November  10,  1602.    See  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  80,  above,  note  1. 


REPORT  OF  FATHER  ASCENSI6N  117 

The  harbor  is  large  and  secure,  and  has  a  large  beach  within, 
fib  an  island  of  sand/  which  the  sea  covers  at  high  tide.  In 
the  sand  on  this  beach  there  is  a  great  quantity  of  yellow 
pyriteS;  all  full  of  holes,  a  sure  sign  that  in  the  neighboring 
mountains  and  adjacent  to  this  port  there  are  gold  mines; 
for  the  water,  when  it  rains,  brings  it  from  the  moimtains,  and 
the  whole  watershed  converges  here.  On  the  sandy  beach  which 
I  said  was  in  this  harbor  we  f  oimd  some  large  pieces,  like  adobe, 
brown  or  dark  red  in  color,  and  very  light  in  weight,  like  dried 
eowdung.  They  had  neither  a  good  nor  a  bad  odor,  and  they 
aie  said  to  be  amber.  If  this  is  so,  there  are  great  riches  and 
an  abundance  of  amber  here. 

There  are  many  different  kinds  of  fish,  of  very  good  taste 
and  flavor,  such  as  ray,  sesrhorse,  lobster,  crab,  guilarras,  sar- 
dine, turtle,  and  many  other  kinds.  There  is  much  wild  game 
for  hunting  and  fowling ;  and  there  are  many  large,  grassy 
pastures.  The  Indians  paint  themselves  white,  and  black,  and 
dark  London  blue.  This  color  comes  from  certain  very  heavy 
blue  stones,  which  they  grind  very  fine,  and,  dissolving  the 
powder  in  water,  make  a  stain,  with  which  they  daub  the  face 
and  make  on  it  lines  which  glisten  like  silver  ribbons.  These 
atones  seem  to  be  of  rich  silver  ore,  and  the  Indians  told  us 
by  signs  that  from  similar  stones  a  people  living  inland,  of 
fonn  and  figure  like  oiu*  Spaniards,^  bearded,  and  wearing 
collars  and  breeches,  and  other  fine  garments  like  ours,  secured 
slver  in  abimdance,  and  that  they  had  a  name  for  it  in  their 
own  language.  To  ascertain  whether  these  Indians  knew  silver, 
the  general  showed  them  some  silver  bowls  and  a  plate.  They 
took  it  in  their  hands  and  spim  it  aroimd,  and,  pleased  by  the 
sound,  said  it  was  good,  and  was  the  same  as  that  possessed 
and  valued  highly  by  the  people  of  whom  they  had  told  us. 
Tlai  he  put  in  their  hands  a  pewter  bowl,  but  when  they 
rtnick  it  the  soimd  did  not  please  them  and,  spitting,  they 
wanted  to  throw  it  into  the  sea.' 

The  people  of  whom  the  Indians  told  us  might  have  been 

^The  Peninsula.    See  Davidson,  Ekirly  Voyages,  p.  194. 

'The  Spaniards  of  the  Onate  Expedition  had  recently  entered  New  Mexico, 
and  the  Indians  perhaps  referred  to  their  activities. 

'  In  the  official  diary  this  incident  or  one  very  similar  is  related  as  occurring 
on  the  San  Buenaventura  coast.    See  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  88,  above. 


118  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1602 

foreigners;  Hollanders  or  English,  who  had  made  their  voyage 
by  the  Strait  of  Anian  and  might  be  settled  on  the  other  coast 
of  this  land;  facing  the  Mediterranean  Sea  of  California. 
Since  the  realm  is  narrow,  as  has  been  said,  it  may  be  that  the 
other  sea  is  near  that  place ;  for  the  Indians  offered  to  guide 
and  take  us  to  the  place  where  they  say  the  people  are 
settled.  If  this  is  so,  it  is  probable  they  have  large  interests 
and  profits  there,  since  their  voyage  is  so  long  and  difficult. 
Still,  it  is  true  that  by  passing  tlu*ough  the  Strait  of  Anian 
and  reaching  their  land  by  that  latitude,  their  voyage  is  only 
half  as  long  as  that  from  the  port  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua  to  Spain. 
This  will  be  clearly  seen  from  evidence  furnished  by  the  ^obe. 
In  this  case,  it  will  be  to  his  Majesty's  interest  to  endeavor  to 
assure  himself  of  the  fact :  first,  in  order  to  know  the  route, 
and  secondly,  in  order  to  expel  from  there  such  dangerous 
enemies,  lest  they  contaminate  the  Indians  with  their  sects 
and  Uberty  of  conscience,  by  which  great  harm  to  their  souls 
will  follow,  whereby  instructing  them  and  leading  them  in  the 
paths  of  the  true  law  of  God  will  be  made  very  difficult.  Be- 
sides this,  his  Majesty  will  be  able  to  secure  many  other  ad- 
vantages, as  I  shall  show  later. 

XI. 

After  we  left  the  Port  of  San  Diego  we  discovered  many 
islands  placed  in  a  line,  one  behind  another.^  Most  of  them 
were  inhabited  by  many  friendly  Indians,  who  have  trade 
and  commerce  with  those  of  the  mainland.  It  may  be  that 
they  are  vassals  of  a  petty  king  who  came  with  his  son  from 
the  mainland  in  a  canoe  with  eight  oarsmen,  to  see  us  and  to 
invite  us  to  go  to  his  land,  saying  that  he  would  entertain  us  and 
provide  us  with  anything  which  we  needed  and  he  possessed.* 
He  said  that  he  came  to  see  us  on  account  of  what  the  inhabi- 
tants of  these  islands  had  reported  to  him.  There  are  many 
people  in  this  land,  so  many  that  the  petty  king,  seeing  that 
there  were  no  women  on  the  ships,  offered  by  signs  to  give  to 
everyone  ten  women  apiece  if  they  would  all  go  to  his  land, 
which  shows  how  thickly  populated  it  all  is.    And  besides, 

^  Particularly  the  Santa  Barbara  Islands.   See  'Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  83,  above. 
'  See  Vizcaino's  diary,  ibid. 


1602]  REPORT  OF  FATHER  ASCENSI6n  119 

aD  along,  day  and  night,  they  made  many  bonfires,  the  sign 
in  use  among  them  to  call  people  to  their  land.  Since  there 
was  no  convenient  port  where  the  ships  could  be  secure  in 
the  country  whence  this  petty  king  came,  the  acceptance  of 
his  invitation  was  deferred  imtil  the  return  voyage. 

Thereupon  we  went  forward  with  our  voyage,  and  at  the 
end  of  some  days  arrived  at  a  fine  port,  which  was  named 
MonterrQT.i  It  is  in  latitude  37°,  in  the  same  climate  and 
latitude  as  Seville.  This  is  where  the  ships  coming  from  the 
Philippines  to  New  Spain  come  to  reconnoitre.  It  is  a  good 
harbor,  well  sheltered,  and  supplied  with  water,  wood,  and 
good  timber,  both  for  masts  and  ship  building,  such  as  pines, 
live  oaks,  and  great  white  oaks,  large  and  frondose,  and  many 
black  poplars  on  the  banks  of  a  river  that  near  by  enters  the 
sea  and  was  named  the  Carmelo.^  In  climate,  in  birds  and 
gtfne,  in  variety  of  animals  and  trees,  in  everything  it  is  essen- 
tially like  our  Old  Spain.  When  the  ships  from  China  arrive 
at  this  place  they  have  already  sailed  four  months  and  they 
come  in  need  of  repairs,  which  in  this  harbor  they  can  make 
very  well,  and  with  perfect  convenience ;  therefore  it  would 
be  a  very  good  thing  for  the  Spaniards  to  settle  this  port  for 
the  assistance  of  navigators,  and  to  imdertake  the  conversion 
to  our  Holy  Faith  of  those  Indians,  who  are  numerous,  docile, 
and  friendly.  And  from  here  they  might  trade  and  traflSc 
^th  the  people  of  China  and  Japan,  opportimity  for  that 
being  favorable  because  of  propinquity. 

The  land  of  this  coimtry  is  very  fertile  and  has  good  pas- 
tures and  forests,  and  fine  himting  and  fowling.  Among  the 
^^oimals  there  are  large,  fierce  bears,  and  other  animals  called 
db,  from  which  they  make  elk-leather  jackets,'  and  others 
of  the  size  of  young  bulls,*  shaped  and  formed  like  deer,  with 
thick,  large  horns.  There  were  many  Castilian  roses  here. 
There  are  pretty  ponds  of  fresh  water.  The  mountains  near 
this  port  were  covered  with  snow,  and  that  was  on  Christmas 
^y.  On  the  beach  was  a  dead  whale,  and  at  night  some 
bears  came  to  feed  on  it. 

There  are  many  fish  here,  and  a  great  variety  of  mollusks 
among  the  rocks ;  among  them  there  were  certain  barnacles, 

>  Deoember  16.  •  See  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  91,  above.  •  Cinrew. 

*See  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  91.    Possibly  the  antelope. 


120  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1608 

or  large  shells,  fastened  to  the  lowest  part  of  the  rocks.  The 
Indians  hunt  for  them  to  extract  from  them  their  contents  to 
eat.  These  shells  are  very  bright,  of  fine  mother-of-pearl.^  All 
along  this  coast,  there  is  a  great  abundance  of  sea-wolves  or 
dogs,*  of  the  size  of  a  yearling  calf.  They  sleep  on  the  water, 
and  sometimes  go  ashore  to  take  the  sun;  and  there  th^ 
place  their  sentinel  in  order  to  be  secure  from  enemies.  The 
Indians  clothe  themselves  in  the  skins  of  these  animals,  which 
are  healthful,  fine,  beautiful,  and  convenient.  Finally,  I  will 
say  that  this  is  a  good  and  commodious  port,  and  might  be 
settled,  but  this  should  be  done  in  the  way  which  I  shall  set 
forth  hereafter. 

XII. 

We  set  sail  from  here  after  dispatching  the  admiral's  ship 
to  New  Spain  with  the  news  of  what  had  been  discovered  and 
with  the  sick  who  were  imfit  for  service.  Among  them  returned 
Father  Tomds  de  Aquino,  one  of  the  three  religious  who  were 
going  in  this  fleet,  because  he  had  been  ill  many  days,  and  in 
order  that  the  sick  might  have  someone  to  confess  them  should 
God  desire  to  relieve  them  of  this  life.  Our  departure  in  quest 
of  Cape  Mendocino  was  made  on  the  first  Simday  after  Epipb- 
any,'  of  the  year  1603.  On  the  coast  we  not«l  the  port  of 
San  Francisco,*  where  in  times  past  there  was  lost  a  ship 
from  China  which  was  coming  with  orders  to  explore  this 
coast.  I  believe  that  much  of  the  wax  and  porcelain  which 
the  vessel  carried  is  there  to-day.  And  we  arrived  at  Cape 
Mendocino^  in  latitude  42^,  which  is  the  highest  latitude  at 
which  the  China  ships  sight  land.  Here,  because  of  the  se- 
verity of  winter  in  this  climate,  and  of  the  cold,  and  the  stiff- 
ness of  the  rigging,  and  because  almost  all  the  crew  were  iU,  the 
sails  were  lowered.  The  captain's  ship  got  into  the  trough 
of  the  sea,  and,  as  it  could  not  be  steered,  the  currents  that 

^  Clearly  the  abalone. 

*  Probably  the  sea  lion  instead  of  the  seal  proper. 

*  January  5.  See  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  94.  The  day  of  sailing  is  given  there 
as  Friday,  January  3. 

*  Drake's  Bay,  called  San  Francisco  by  the  Cermefio  expedition.  See 
Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  94. 

*  January  12,  according  to  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  95. 


1003]  REPORT  OF  FATHER  ASCENSI6N  121 

run  to  the  Strait  of  Anian  whose  entrance  begins  here,  carried 
it  little  by  Uttle  toward  land.  In  eight  days  we  had  ascended 
more  than  one  d^ree  of  latitude,  which  was  up  to  43^,  in  sight 
of  a  cape  that  was  named  San  Sebastian.^  Near  it  empties 
a  liver  that  was  called  Santa  Inez.'  No  one  landed  here,  as 
all  the  crew  were  very  iQ,  only  six  persons  being  able  to  walk. 
Here  the  coast  and  land  turns  to  the  northeast,  and  here  is 
the  head  and  end  of  the  realm  and  mainland  of  Califomia 
and  the  entrance  to  the  Strait  of  Anian.  If  on  this  occasion 
there  had  been  on  the  captain's  ship  even  fourteen  sound  men, 
without  any  doubt  we  should  have  ventured  to  explore  and 
pass  throu^  this  Strait  of  Anian,  since  all  were  of  good  cour- 
age to  do  this.  But  the  general  lack  of  health  and  of  men 
who  could  manage  the  sails  and  steer  the  ship  obliged  us  to 
turn  about  toward  New  Spain,  to  report  what  had  been  dis- 
covered and  seen,  and  lest  the  whole  crew  should  die  if  we  re- 
mained longer  in  that  latitude.' 

With  this  decision  and  agreement  the  return  voyage  was 

begun.    It  was  made  by  coasting  along  shore  with  favorable 

winds,  exploring  all  the  ports,  bays,  and  inlets  that  we  had 

sighted  on  our  outward  voyage.*    As  the  northwest  wind  is 

80  usual  and  continual  on  this  coast,  one  can  easily  come  from 

Cape  Mendocino  to  the  port  of  Acapulco  in  one  month,  if  the 

pilot  knows  how  to  choose  the  correct  routes  at  the  proper 

times,  as  I  set  them  down  in  an  itinerary  which  I  made  for 

this  voyage.    The  course  which  we  took  on  our  return  was 

along  the  coast,  and  so  near  it  that  everything  on  it  was 

seen  with  great  clearness  and  distinctness.^    The  Indians,  as 

they  saw  us  pass  at  a  distance,  sent  up  columns  of  smoke  and 

other  signals  to  attract  us ;  and  wherever  we  landed  they  gave 

iidications  of  their  good  natures  and  intelligence,  hence  it  ap- 

^  Father  Ascensi6n  b  again  careless  with  his  latitudes.  Cape  San  Sebastian 
WIS  estimated  as  at  or  near  42°  and  Cape  Blanco,  reached  by  the  Tres  Reyes, 
tt43«.    See  Vizcaino's  diary,  pp,  95,  96,  101. 

'By  the  Vizcaino  diary  and  the  Pianos  this  river,  not  named,  was  placed 
^'^  Cape  Mendocino.    See  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  102,  note. 

s  See  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  96,  note  1,  for  an  account  of  the  junta  which  de- 
cHed  to  return. 

*See  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  97,  note  1,  for  a  statement  regarding  the  ezplora- 
tioD  made  on  the  return. 

*  Yet  they  missed  San  Francisco  Bay. 


122  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1603 

peared  to  us  all  that  they  might  easily  and  with  very  little 
labor  be  taught  our  Holy  Catholic  faith,  and  that  they  would 
receive  it  well  and  lovingly.  But  this  should  be  done  with 
great  prudence  and  in  the  manner  that  our  Master  and  Re- 
deemer, Jesus  Christ,  taught  us  in  his  Holy  Gospel. 

As  to  how  persons  should  be  sent  to  new  lands  for  the  con- 
version of  the  heathen  Indians,  I  wrote  a  brief  treatise,  which 
I  sent  to  the  king,  our  lord,  Philip  III.  In  it  I  discuss  what 
ought  to  be  done  that  the  people  may  be  converted  and  that 
his  Majesty  may  with  just  title  become  the  lawful  emperor 
and  lord  of  their  lands;  and  to  this  I  refer  the  reader. 
Nevertheless,  as  there  I  have  treated  of  the  general  instruc- 
tion for  all,  here,  for  the  sake  of  greater  clearness,  I  will  set 
forth  briefly  what  his  Majesty  can  and  ought  to  do  for  the 
conversion  of  the  Indians  of  this  great  realm  of  the  Calif omias 
in  particular,  and  to  pacify  their  lands  and  become  lord  over 
them  with  good  consdence,  as  wiU  be  seen  by  beginning  with 
number  23^  below  of  this  little  treatise. 

Finally,  retiuning  to  our  voyage,  I  will  say  that  we  returned 
to  the  port  of  Acapulco  on  March  22,^  of  the  year  1603,  hav- 
ing passed  through  great  labor  and  severe  illness,  of  which 
died  the  number  of  people  that  I  mentioned  at  the  b^inning ; 
and  I  made  a  full  report  of  all  that  happened  on  the  voyage, 
and  a  map  of  the  situation  of  this  realm. 

xin. 

The  Method  to  he  observed  in  Subduing  and  Settling 

the  Realm  of  Califomias.^ 

All  this  realm  of  the  Calif  omias  can  be  pacified  and  settled, 
and  by  this  means  and  by  the  preaching  of  the  Holy  Gospel 
its  natives  can  be  led  to  the  fold  of  oiu*  Holy  Mother,  the 
Roman  CathoUc  Church,  and  converted  to  oiu*  Holy  Catholic 
Faith.  Now,  in  order  that  this  may  become  an  accomplished 
fact,  and  that  his  Majesty  may  effect  it  at  a  moderate  ex- 

^  A  mistake  for  13. 

*  On  page  108  he  gives  the  date  as  March  21,  as  does  the  Vizcaino  diary,  p.  100. 

*  The  following  is  an  excellent  outline  of  an  ideal  missionary  "padficatioii" 
of  a  new  Spanish  frontier. 


1603]  REPORT  OF  FATHER  ASCENSI6N  123 

pense,  that  which  must  be  commanded,  ordered,  and  provided 
is  as  follows : 

There  should  be  prepared  and  equipped  in  the  port  of  Aca- 
pulco  two  small  vessels  of  two  hundred  tons  burden,  and  a 
frigate,  with  boats  and  skiffs  for  their  service ;  and  they  should 
be  abimdantly  supplied  with  stores  and  mimitions  of  war,  as 
wdl  as  with  food,  rigging,  canvas,  and  everything  that  may 
seem  necessary  for  settling  in  infidel  and  heathen  lands. 

While  these  things  are  being  provided  and  prepared,  there 
should  be  raised  in  Mexico  as  many  as  two  himdred  soldiers, 
care  being  taken  that  they  should  be  good  seamen,  and  also 
that  they  be  old  soldiers,  expert  and  experienced  as  well  in 
amis  as  in  seamanship,  in  order  that  all,  imiformly  and  with- 
out distinction,  may  aid  in  everything  as  occasion  may  offer. 
And  let  care  be  taken  that  they  be  good  and  honorable  men 
in  order  that  on  the  journey  both  on  sea  and  land  there  may 
be  peace,  imion,  and  brotherhood  among  all.  Plenty  of  men 
of  these  parts  and  talents  will  very  easily  be  found  in  Mex- 
ico if  his  Majesty  will  increase  their  pay  in  proportion  as  the 
double  service  they  have  to  render  demands,  and  if  their  pay 
and  allowance  be  given  them  pimctually  when  due. 

The  duty  of  raising  this  troop  should  be  assigned  to  one  or 
two  captains,  good  Christians  and  God-fearing  men,  and  per- 
sons of  merit,  who  have  served  his  Majesty  faithfully  on  other 
occasions,  in  war  on  land  as  well  as  in  the  fleets  at  sea.  To 
them  should  be  entrusted  the  appointment  of  officers  to  ac- 
couapany  them,  who  should  be  persons  they  are  satisfied  will 
perform  their  service  in  a  Christian  and  careful  manner, 
^d  men  of  experience,  who  know  how  to  fulfill  the  offices 
committed  to  them,  for  on  these  officers  depend  the  good  order 
*^cl  discipline  of  the  soldiers.  This  expedition  must  be  en- 
ti\isted  to  a  person  of  courage  and  talents,  of  long  experience, 
^d  accustomed  to  such  charges,  in  order  that  he  may  know 
l^ow  to  treat  all  with  love  and  dignity,  and  each  one  individu- 
ally as  his  character  deserves.  Let  care  be  taken  that  such 
a  person  be  God-fearing,  scrupulous  in  his  conscience,  and 
zealous  in  the  service  of  his  Majesty  and  in  the  things  relat- 
ing to  the  conversion  of  these  souls.  To  a  person  of  these 
qualities  can  be  given  the  office  of  general  of  the  armada,  to 
whom  all,  both  captains  and  soldiers,  will  be  subject,  and 


124  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1603 

whom  they  will  obey  in  everything,  and  whose  orders  they 
will  follow. 

To  the  general,  captains,  soldiers,  and  all  who  go  on  this 
expedition,  must  be  given  express  order  and  command  that 
they  shall  hold  themselves  in  strict  obedience  and  subjection 
to  the  religious  who  are  in  their  company,  and  that  without 
their  order,  counsel,  and  advice,  war  may  not  be  made,  or  the 
heathen  Indians  be  otherwise  molested,  even  if  they  should 
give  occasion,  in  order  that  by  this  means  matters  may  be 
conducted  with  peace  and  Christianity,  and  with  love  and 
quiet,  which  is  the  method  to  be  used  in  the  pacification  of 
that  realm,  and  in  the  preaching  of  the  Holy  Gospel,  to  which 
end  and  aim  these  expenses  and  preparations  are  directed. 
Not  to  do  this,  but  the  contrary,  will  be  to  waste  everything, 
to  lose  time,  and  to  render  the  expenditure  ineffectual,  as  has 
been  found  by  experience  many  times  in  this  New  Spain,  in 
other  conquests  and  pacifications  of  new  lands,  whereby  God 
our  Lord  has  been  more  injured  than  served. 

XIV. 

The  religious  who  should  go  on  this  expedition  are  the 
Discalced  of  Our  Lady  of  Carmel,  the  ones  to  whom  are  in- 
trusted by  his  Majesty  the  conversion,  instruction,  and  teach- 
ing of  the  Indians  of  this  realm  of  the  Califomias.  On  this 
fii^  entrance  there  should  be  six  religious,  four  priests  and  two 
lay  brothers ;  and  it  will  be  requested  of  the  superiors  of  this 
order,  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty,  that  those  whom  they  as- 
sign and  appoint  for  this  voyage  be  persons  such  as  the  occa- 
sion and  enterprise  demand,  holy,  affable,  full  of  love  and 
wisdom,  that  they  may  know  how  to  coimsel,  guide  and  direct 
these  souls,  and  to  deal  with  such  cases  as  may  present  them- 
selves conformably  with  soimd  Catholic  doctrine. 

By  observing  the  indulgences  and  benefits  which  the  Su- 
preme Pontiffs  have  granted  in  favor  of  new  conversions,  for 
their  greater  increase,  these  holy  friars,  with  their  piety,  mod- 
esty, simplicity,  and  religious  graciousness,  will  succeed  in  win- 
ning the  wills  and  hearts  of  both  general  and  captains,  as  well 
as  of  all  the  soldiers,  in  order  thereby  to  lead  them  in  the  holy 
path  of  virtue;   and  may  they  with  loving  arguments  per- 


ie08I  BEPORT  OF  FATHER  ASCENSI6N  125 

suade  and  admonish  all,  before  embarking^  to  confess  their 
siDS  and  receive  the  most  holy  sacrament  of  the  Eucharist, 
with  all  the  devotion  and  incUnation  possible,  offering  their 
souls  and  lives  to  the  service  of  his  divine  Majesty,  asking  of 
him  success  for  their  voyage  and  expedition.  By  doing  this, 
with  the  proper  spirit  and  devotion,  the  religious  will  make 
themselves  lords  over  the  hearts  and  wills  of  all,  and  will  have 
authority  over  all  to  keep  them  in  peace,  love,  and  imity; 
and  if  i>erchance  there  should  be  any  dissension  among  them, 
they  vnH  calm  it  at  once  with  discretion,  and  thus  animosities, 
vexations,  and  enmities,  and  the  mutinies,  insurrections,  and 
disobedience  to  superiors  which  ordinarily  occm*  on  such 
enterprises,  will  be  avoided. 

These  religious  will  be  provided  with  everything  neces- 
sary for  their  voyage,  such  as  vessels  for  saying  mass  and 
administering  the  sacraments,  books  and  vestments  and,  in 
particular,  something  in  the  way  of  delicacies  that  th^ 
may  have  wherewith  to  give  to  the  sick  if  there  should  be 
any.  Likewise,  there  should  be  taken  on  board  at  the  cost 
of  his  Majesty  a  quantity  of  trifles,  Flemish  trinkets,  such 
as  beads  of  colored  glass,  artificial  garnets,  hawks'  bells,  mir- 
tm,  knives,  cheap  scissors,  Parisian  tops,  and  some  articles  of 
clothing. 

These  things  should  be  divided  among  the  religious  and 
soldiers,  so  that  in  places  where  they  may  go  on  shore  or 
where  they  may  choose  sites  for  settlements  in  the  lands  of 
the  heathen,  they  may  distribute  them,  with  signs  of  love 
and  good  wfll,  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty,  in  order  that  with 
these  pleasing  gifts  the  heathen  Indians  may  come  to  feel  love 
and  affection  for  the  Christians,  and  may  realize  that  they  are 
coming  to  their  lands  to  give  them  of  that  which  they  bring, 
&nd  not  to  take  away  their  possessions,  and  may  understand 
that  they  are  seeking  the  good  of  their  souls.  Tliis  is  a  mea- 
sure of  great  importance,  to  the  end  that  the  Indians  may  be- 
come quiet,  humane,  and  peaceable,  and  obey  the  Spaniards 
without  opposition  or  repugnance,  and  receive  with  plea- 
sure those  who  go  to  preach  to  them  the  Holy  Gospel  and  the 
mysteries  of  our  Holy  Catholic  faith ;  to  the  end,  moreover, 
that  the  Indians  may  be  grateful  and  thankful,  and,  in  recom- 
pense and  pay  for  what  is  given  them,  may  assist  with  what- 


126  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1603 

ever  of  value  they  may  have  in  their  land,  things  to  eat  88  well 
as  other  articles,  as  they  did  with  ns. 

With  this  preparation,  the  soldiers  and  religious  should 
embark  in  the  ships  provided,  no  woman  going  or  embarking 
with  them,  to  avoid  offenses  to  God  and  dissensions  between 
one  another.  With  the  ocean  currents  that  run  toward  the 
entrance  of  Califomia,  even  if  winds  favorable  to  navigation 
should  fail,  one  can  within  a  month  at  the  most  succeed  in 
landing  in  the  Bay  of  San  Bemab^,  which  is  at  Cape  San  Lucas 
and  the  extremity  of  Califomia,  the  point  best  fitted  for  the 
first  settlement. 


XV. 

After  a  landing  is  made  in  the  Bay  of  San  Bemab^,  effort 
should  be  made  at  once  to  establish  the  camp  in  the  place  that 
seems  most  convenient ;  and  it  should  be  of  such  a  style  and 
plan  as  that  some  of  the  houses  may  serve  as  a  guard  and  pro- 
tection to  the  others.  First  of  all  a  church  should  be  built, 
in  order  that  there  the  priests  may  celebrate  mass  every  day ; 
and  it  would  be  very  holy  and  well  if  inmiediately  on  en- 
trance into  this  realm  the  general  with  his  captains  and  all 
the  soldiers  should  confess  and  receive  the  sacrament,  for  this 
would  be  a  very  good  beginning  for  making  the  entrance  in 
proper  form,  and  for  following  out,  with  the  aid  and  favor  of 
our  Redeemer  and  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  that  which  is  attempted, 
namely,  the  pacification  of  the  realm  and  the  conversion  of 
its  inhabitants  to  our  holy  Catholic  faith. 

As  to  the  location  of  a  stronghold  to  serve  as  a  castle 
and  watch-tower  and  as  a  defense  in  adverse  chances,  it 
should  be  a  strong  location,  high  and  commanding ;  and  if  a 
secure  passage  could  be  made  from  it  to  the  sea  it  would 
be  very  advantageous  aa  a  means  of  receiving  aid  or  of  send- 
ing for  aid  by  sea  in  case  any  necessity  should  arise.  The 
Portuguese  have  generally  done  this  way  in  the  places  where 
they  have  established  themselves  in  India,  and  the  observance 
of  this  stratagem  and  precaution  has  succeeded  very  well  with 
them.  This  castle  and  stronghold  should  be  stocked  with 
artillery  carried  there  for  that  purpose,  together  with  other 
defenses  customary  in  such  fortresses;   and  in  it  should  be 


1603J  BEPORT  OF  FATHER  ASCENSI6N  127 

kept  the  arms  and  supplies.  Above  it  there  should  be  a 
watch-tower  in  which  there  should  be  continually  a  guard 
or  sentinel;  in  order  that  all  coming  and  going  to  the  camp 
may  be  carefully  watched;  for  when  in  lands  of  heathen 
Indians,  although  they  may  have  declared  themselves  friendly 
Mid  peaceable,  they  must  not  be  trusted  much ;  rather,  one 
must  live  with  them  and  among  them  with  great  circum- 
spection, vigilance,  and  watchfiQness,  and  be  gracious  and 
kindly,  with  wisdom  and  prudence,  showing  them  love  and 
all  good  treatment,  regaling  and  giving  them  gratis  of  the 
trifles  which,  at  his  Majesty's  expense,  may  have  been  taken 
for  the  purpose  of  coaxing  and  winning  them. 

Besides  these  buildings,  a  trading  house  should  be  erected, 
whither  the  Indians  may  repair  to  barter  with  the  Spaniards 
for  whatever  they  may  desire,  and  in  order  that  they  may 
trade  and  bargain  among  themselves ;  for  thereby  their  com- 
munication with  us  will  be  greatly  facilitated  and  love  and 
friendship  thus  engendered. 

From  this  place,  with  the  ships,  frigate,  and  other  ves- 
sels, they  can  send  to  the  land  of  Culiacan,^  which  is  a  set- 
tlement of  Christians,  or  to  the  islands  of  Macatlan,*  or  to 
the  pueblo  of  La  Navidad,'  to  bring  from  there  whatever  may 
seem  necessary  both  for  the  settlement  of  the  land  and  for 
sustenance,  such  as  cows,  sheep,  goats,  mares,  and  hogs, 
which  in  two  or  four  days  at  the  most  can  be  sent  alive  from 
one  side  to  the  other,  as  the  sea  l3dng  between  is  about  fifty 
leagues  in  width,  and  is  safe  and  smooth.  These  animals 
will  grow  and  multiply  as  well  in  this  land,  since  it  is  suit- 
able for  that  pmpose  and  is  fertile.  Likewise  it  will  be  pos- 
sible to  cultivate  fields  of  wheat  and  maize,  and  to  plant 
vines  and  gardens,  in  order  that  sustenance  may  be  had 
from  within  and  it  may  not  be  necessary  to  carry  it  from 
without.  The  Lidians  can  be  taught  and  instructed  to  do 
the  same,  and  will  take  everything  well,  seeing  it  redound 
to  their  advantage. 

*  See  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  65,  above,  note  6. 

*  Mazatlan.    See  Vizcaino's  diary,  p.  55,  note  4. 

*  See  Cabrillo  diary,  p.  13,  note  1. 


128  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1608 

XVI. 

Besides  what  is  said  above^  the  Spaniards  in  this  place 
will  be  able  to  establish  fisheries  for  pearls  and  other  fish, 
of  which  there  is  abundance,  to  send  to  New  Spain,  to  sell 
in  Mexico.  Very  good  salt-works  can  be  established;  like- 
wise they  can  work  mines,  of  which  there  are  some  near  by, 
as  I  have  said  in  number  VIII.^  These  things  being  settl^ 
with  the  peace,  love  and  good  will  of  the  natives,  the  religious 
will  give  their  attention  to  their  ministry,  and  make  a  begin- 
ning and  commencement  of  converting  the  Indians,  in  the 
way  which  may  seem  best  to  them,  founding  with  great  pru- 
dence and  gentleness  the  new  Christian  church  to  be  planted 
there. 

And  it  would  be  well  to  bring  from  New  Spain  Indian  min- 
strels, with  their  instruments  and  trumpets,  that  the  divine 
services  may  be  celebrated  with  solemnity  and  pomp,  and  to 
teach  the  Indians  of  the  land  to  sing  and  play.  LQ^ewise  it 
would  be  well  and  proper  to  choose  from  among  the  Indians 
some  of  the  brightest,  selecting  among  the  young  men  and 
boys  such  as  appear  the  most  docile,  talented  and  capable; 
and  they  should  be  taught  and  instructed  in  the  Christian 
doctrine  and  to  read  the  Spanish  primers,  in  order  that  along 
with  the  reading  they  may  learn  the  Spanish  language,  and 
that  they  may  learn  to  write  and  sing,  and  to  play  all  the 
musical  instruments ;'  because  a  good  foimdation  makes  the 
edifice  firm,  and  according  as  care  is  given  in  this  matter  to 
the  beginnings,  so  will  the  middle  parts  and  the  ends  be  good. 

It  is  a  very  easy  matter,  by  this  method,  to  teach  the 
children  our  language,  and  they,  as  they  grow  up,  will  teach 
it  to  their  companions  and  to  their  children  and  families, 
and  in  a  few  years  all  will  know  the  Spanish  language, 
which  will  be  a  very  great  boon ;  for  they  will  not  lack  min- 
isters  to  teach,  guide,  and  direct  them  in  the  path  leading 
to  heaven  and  to  their  salvation.  From  here  they  can  con- 
tinue the  planting  of  settlements  of  Christians  and  of  the 
Indians  who  may  be  scattered  through  the  mountains,  draw- 

^  The  reference  b  to  Sierra  Pintada  or  del  Enfado.    See  p.  114. 
*For  instruction  given  Indians  in  Spanish  missions,  see  Father  Zephyrin 
Engelhardt,  Misnons  and  Missionaries  of  California,  I.  99-102,  123-125. 


1603]  REPORT  OF  FATHER  ASCENSI6N  129 

iDg  them  to  the  settlements  with  love,  suavity,  and  gentle- 
ness; taking  care  that  the  Christian  soldiers  do  not  disperse 
theinselves  so  much  that  the  guard  will  be  diminished  and 
iDq)aired,  so  that,  if  the  Indians,  instigated  by  the  evil  one, 
(riiould  tiy  to  effect  some  uprising  or  to  rebel  against  the 
^Muiiards,  there  may  be  someone  who  can  make  resistance, 
and  hold  them  in  line,  and  even  punish  their  insolence  if  the 
€886  demands  it. 

xvn. 

In  number  VlJi.  I  told  how  with  very  little  trouble  it 

would  be  possible  to  explore  a  certain  land  that  is  near  here, 

(HI  the  coast  of  the  South  Sea,  called  the  land  of  Enfado, 

or  Pintada.    I  say  that  I  believe  that  it  has  very  rich  silver 

(ttes.    This  can  be  explored  by  land,  for  it  is  near,  and  it 

mi^t  be  developed  if  the  ores  proved  to  be  of  high  grade 

and  easQy  work^ ;  and  should  they  be  rich  and  profitable, 

the  expense  which  may  have  been  entailed  by  building  this 

fleet  and  bringing  it  to  this  coimtry  might  be  reimbiu-sed 

from  the  fifths  of  the  silver  and  pearls  secured  belonging 

to  his  Majesty.    And  this,  once  established,  will  necessarily 

bring  great  profits  to  his  Majesty  and  to  his  royal  patrimony, 

Uid  great  increase  to  his  estate,  with  which  there  can  be  sent 

to  this  realm  whatever  number  of  people  may  seem  to  be 

Necessary  to  pacify  and  settle  it,  and  the  ministers  necessary 

for  the  conversion  and  instruction  of  the  natives. 

Before  making  the  second  settlement,  it  is  well  that  with 
"the  two  ships  all  the  Mediterranean  Sea  of  California  be  ex- 
plored, examining  everything   on  the  coast    running    from 
Odiacan  to  Quivira,  as  far  as  the  Strait  of  Anian,  to  see  what 
^ers,  ports  and  inlets  there  are  on  it ;  as  well  as  along  the 
^5oast  encircling  the  realm  of  California,^  imtil  Cape  Mendo- 
^0  is  turned,  with  all  the  rivers,  ports,  bays,  and  straits 
^hich  there  may  be  in  its  whole  extent;    and  to  learn  on 
the  way  where  and  how  are  settled  the  strangers  which  the 
Indians  said  were  in  the  realm  near  there  and  in  their  lands, 
w  I  have  mentioned  above  in  number  X.,'  and,  also,  to  try 

^  That  is,  the  eastern  coast  of  the  island  of  California. 
•See  p.  117. 


130  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1603 

to  acquire  knowledge  and  information  of  what  the  country 
contains. 

By  making  this  exploration  with  proper  care  and  dih- 
gence  it  will  be  learned  at  once  what  there  is  along  the  sea 
and  its  coasts,  and  what  people  and  wealth  the  region  con- 
tains; and  in  what  places  settlements  of  Spaniards  can  be 
made,  from  which  the  religious  may  go  to  preach  the  Holy 
Gospel  and  convert  souls  to  our  holy  Catholic  faith.  It  will 
be  learned,  likewise,  in  what  place  and  region  is  situated 
the  Tizon  River,  which  comes  from  New  Mexico,  how  it  is 
situated,  what  advantages  it  possesses,  and  what  the  distance 
is  from  there  to  the  Spanish  pueblos;^  for  if  it  is  as  they 
say,  and  as  I  mentioned  in  the  last  chapter  of  the  report 
which  I  made  of  this  exploration,  his  Majesty  could  order  it 
settled,  so  that  by  this  route  supplies  might  be  taken  to  the 
people  of  that  realm.  And  from  the  settlements  could  be 
brought  to  them  the  necessary  live  stock  and  supplies,  both 
for  settling  the  coast  and  for  sustenance.  For  it  is  said  that 
it  is  no  more  than  fifty  leagues  from  one  place  to  the  other. 

Personally,  I  think  it  will  be  very  well  that  the  pacifica- 
tion of  the  realm  of  New  Mexico  should  begin  at  the  port 
of  Tizon  River,  since  it  is  said  that  the  best  and  richest  settle- 
ments are  on  that  border;  for  near  there  are  the  Lake  of 
Gold,^  and  the  pueblos  of  the  Crowned  King  (Rey  Coro- 
nado),  and  many  people.  For  the  preservation  of  the  set- 
tlement on  the  Tizon  River  it  will  be  very  important  that 
opposite  it,  in  the  realm  and  on  the  coast  of  California,  an- 
other Spanish  settlement  be  made,  that  they  may  commimi- 
cate  and  trade  one  with  another,  and  lend  aid  in  case  of  need. 
Thereby  each  will  stimulate  the  other  to  discover  new  lands 
and  riches,  and  all  may  enjoy  very  good  pearl  fisheries  and 
mineral  wealth,  those  of  New  Mexico  enjoying  the  wealth 
from  the  Lake  of  Gold,  and  those  of  the  Califomias  that 
from  some  rich  mountains  which  are  on  that  border  or  near 
it  and  have  an  abimdance  of  rich  silver  ore.  Both  of  these 
God  created  for  the  service  of  man,  as  lures,  I  think,  so  that 
in  the  interest  of  these  temporal  things  the  king,  our  lord, 

^  Of  New  Mexico. 

>  For  reference  to  the  Laguna  de  Qro,  see  the  documents  of  the  Espejo  and 
Onate  expeditions,  pp.  156,  184,  186. 


1«3J  REPORT  OF  FATHER  ASCENSI6N  131 

might  send  his  vassals  to  discover  and  enjoy  them,  and,  in 
tb^  company,  friars  and  ministers  of  the  Gospel  to  imder- 
take  the  conversion  of  those  natives. 


xvm. 

Of  the  reports  brought  back  by  those  who  may  go  on 
the  ships  for  this  exploration,  both  of  what  they  may  have 
seen  and  what  they  may  have  heard  and  learned,  one  may 
be  given  to  his  Majesty  and  his  Royal  Coimcil  of  the  Indies, 
that  he  may  provide  and  order  what  is  most  fitting  to  his 
royal  service  and  to  the  aggrandizement  of  his  royal  crown. 
I  think  it  would  be  a  matter  of  great  importance  to  all  these 
western  nations  of  his  Majesty  if  the  navigation  of  the  Strait 
of  Anian  should  be  discovered  for  Spain,  as  well  as  the  rich 
city  of  Quivira,  and  the  position  of  the  realm  of  Anian,  which 
is  understood  to  be  continuous  with  the  realms  of  China. 
This  will  be  discovering  here  another  new  world,  to  the  end 
that  in  all  of  it  may  be  preached  the  Holy  Gospel,  and  the 
conversion  undertaken  of  the  many  souls  throughout  its 
whole  extent  who  live  without  religion  or  knowledge  of  the 
true  God  or  of  his  most  sacred  law.  Since  all  have  been 
ransomed  by  the  most  precious  blood  of  Our  Redeemer  and 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  it  is  a  very  great  pity  that  they  should 
be  condemned  for  want  of  this  light  and  the  knowledge  of 
the  truth.  May  His  most  Holy  Majesty,  for  He  created  them 
and  died  for  them,  grant  that  to  so  many  and  various  nations 
of  lands  so  remote  and  as  yet  undiscovered,  knowledge  be 
pven  of  His  most  holy  law,  that  they  may  receive  and  be- 
lieve it,  and  that  by  means  of  holy  baptism  their  souls  may 
be  saved,  and  that  they  may  enjoy  it. 

As  this  realm  of  the  Califomias  becomes  pacified  and  its 
J^ves  become  converted  to  our  holy  Catholic  faith,  the 
Spaniards  can  go  on  settling  other  districts  and  places  suitable 
for  effecting  the  conversion  of  souls,  and  affording  them  profits 
^d  advantages ;  for  if  the  Spaniard  does  not  see  any  advan- 
tage he  will  not  be  moved  to  do  good,  and  these  souls  will 
perish  without  remedy  if  it  is  understood  that  no  profit  will 
be  drawn  from  going  there.  But  if  they  are  lured  by  self- 
interest  they  will  go  on  discovering  new  lands  every  day,  so 


132  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1603 

much,  indeed,  that  it  will  be  necessary  to  keep  them  in  check 
lest  the  forces  be  weakened,  as  I  have  already  observed  above. 
If  it  should  seem  best  to  his  Majesty,  he  can  command  that 
his  Spaniards  go  by  land  to  settle,  some  at  the  port  of  San 
Di^o,  of  which  I  have  treated  in  number  X.,  and  others  at 
the  port  of  Monterey,  of  which  I  have  treated  in  number  XI. ; 
for  to  endeavor  to  go  by  sea  to  settle  there  will  be  a  very  great 
and  difficult  task,  on  accoimt  of  the  head-winds  that  prevail 
along  that  coast,  and  because  of  the  great  difficulty  of  sailing 
there,  as  I  have  seen  and  experienced.^ 

XEX. 

As  time  and  occasion  o£Fer  themselves  for  dealing  with  the 
Indians,  the  Spaniards  will  have  opportunity  to  learn  how  to 
treat  them  and  how  to  conduct  themselves  toward  them,  and 
on  what  occasions  and  for  what  causes  they  may  make  war 
upon  them,  or  aid  the  friendly  Indians  against  their  enemies 
and  opponents.  Of  this  I  treated  at  length  in  a  tract  which  I 
composed  in  regard  to  these  things,  entitled,  "  CJonceming  the 
method  to  be  observed  in  preaching  the  Holy  Gospel  to  the 
heathen  Indians,"  which  is  in  a  precediog  part  of  this  note- 
book. There  I  state  that  it  is  not  meet  that  any  war  should 
be  made  upon  the  Indians  without  the  counsel  and  consent 
of  the  religious  whom  the  general,  captains,  and  soldiers  ac- 
company, in  order  that  everything  may  be  done  with  devo- 
tion and  a  Christian  and  pious  heart,  and  the  gospel  preached 
with  peace,  suavity,  quietude,  love,  and  sweetness,  as  our 
Master  and  Redeemer  Jesus  Christ  commands  us,  of  which 
I  treated  in  paragraph  VII. 

It  is  well  foimded  in  reason  and  justice  that,  since  the  king 
makes  this  expedition  at  his  own  expense,  no  other  than  his 
own  Spanish  subjects  should  undertake  it,  for  they  are  earn- 
ing their  wages,  and  they  run  like  faithful  vassals  to  fulfill  the 
orders  and  mandates  given  them,  not  departing  in  the  least  from 
them,  as  is  the  practice  of  Spanish  soldiery  everywhere ;  and 
for  this  and  other  reasons,  which  I  have  set  forth  in  the  treatise 
mentioned,  paragraph  V.,  it  is  well  that  his  Majesty  should 

^This  suggestion  forecasts  the  method  of  settling  California  pursued  by 
the  PortoliL  and  Anza  expeditions,  of  1769  and  1775. 


BEPORT  OF  FATHER  ASCENSI6N  133 

make  these  pacifications  at  his  own  expense,  and  that  he  should 
oornmit  them  to  no  one  else.  And  in  order  that  the  soldiers 
may  go  with  subjection  and  obedience  to  their  superiors,  the 
Spaniards  who  may  be  sent  by  his  Majesty  on  this  expedition 
for  the  pacification  and  settlement  of  this  region  should  be 
warned  that  they  go  not  to  win  land  or  vassals  for  themselves, 
but  for  the  monarchs  of  Castile,  who  send  them ;  for  it  is  not 
right  that  his  Majesty  should  make  rewards  of  pueblos,  or  of 
Indians  who  axe  being  pacified  and  converted  to  our  holy 
faith,  to  any  Spaniard,  however  great  services  he  may  have 
rendered  his  Majesty  in  these  realms.^  For  his  Majesty  will 
not  be  able  to  do  so  with  a  good  conscience,  and  it  will  cause 
the  total  ruin  and  destruction  of  all  the  Indians,  as  happened 
in  the  begmning,  when  aU  these  realms  of  New  Spain  were 
conquered,  and  as  was  experienced  in  the  Windward  Islands 
and  on  the  Tierra  Pirme,  as  the  Bishop  of  Chiapa,  Don  Fray 
Bartolom^  de  las  Casas,  relates  and  discusses  at  very  great 
length  in  a  treatise^  written  in  regard  to  this  point,  namely, 
that  it  is  not  fitting  to  give  the  Indians  in  encomienda  to  the 
Spaniards.  He  proves  it  with  great  erudition,  and  I  refer  to 
it  in  the  treatise  cited  in  paragraph  XII. 


Our  very  Catholic  and  most  Christian  King  Philip,  king  of 
Spain  and  supreme  emperor  of  the  Western  Indies,  by  reason 
of  the  sovereign  rule  he  exercises  over  them,  is  obliged  in  con- 
science and  in  justice,  and  by  human  and  divine  law,  to  pro- 
cure the  conversion  of  all  the  Indians  of  the  Western  Indies, 
the  obligation  being  the  greater  toward  those  realms  already 
known  and  discovered,  as  is  now  this  realm  of  the  Calif omias, 
which  has  been  treated  of  here ;  since  it  is  already  known  and 
discovered,  and  the  people  in  it  are  known,  and  since  it  is 
known  how  apt  and  inclined  they  are  to  receive  our  holy 

*  Father  A8oeiisi6ii  makes  it  plain  here  as  elsewhere  that  he  favors  the 
^'pemacy  of  the  religious  in  the  pacification.  He  clearly  does  not  favor  pro- 
pnetaiy  entrada$  like  that  of  Onate,  nor  encomiendas,  which  were  granted  in  New 
Menoo. 

'  The  reference  is  to  Bishop  Bartolom6  de  las  Casas's  Brevissima  Rdacion  de 
ia  Kttn^feUm  de  la$  Indiat  (SeviUe,  1552). 


134  CALIFORNIA:  VIZCAINO  EXPEDITION  [1603 

Catholic  faith.  And  here  I  have  discussed  the  manner  by 
which  his  Majesty  will  be  able  at  very  little  cost  to  send  peo- 
ple to  pacify  this  realm  and  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  the  na- 
tives, to  convert  them  to  our  holy  faith. 

This  obligation  of  his  Majesty  to  hasten  to  the  conversion 
of  these  souls,  devotiog  to  it  all  care,  solicitude,  and  diligence, 
even  if  it  be  at  a  great  expense  to  his  royal  estate,  is  treated  of 
by  the  Bishop  of  Chiapa,  Don  Fray  Bartolom^  de  las  Casas,  in 
a  book^  entitled  "A  Treatise  proving  the  sovereign  empire  and 
universal  principate  which  the  monarchs  of  Castile  and  Leon 
hold  over  the  Indies,"  to  which  I  refer  in  the  treatise  cited, 
paragraph  I.  This  being  granted,  I  do  not  know  what  secu- 
rity his  Majesty  can  have  in  his  conscience  for  delajdng  so  long 
to  send  ministers  of  the  Gospel  to  this  realm  of  the  Calif  omias. 
By  coming  to  their  aid,  conscience  will  be  satisfied  and  obligar 
tion  fulfilled.  It  can  be  done  with  ease  and  little  cost,  and 
the  result  will  be  the  winning  of  so  many  souls  for  God,  while 
to  his  Majesty  will  follow  increased  rewards  in  heaven,  and 
on  earth  the  lordship  over  a  new  world  and  infinite  riches. 
May  God  our  Lord  dispose  his  mind  so  to  lend  aid  as  will 
please  Him  best.    Amen. 

Written  in  the  convent  of  San  Sebastian,  of  the  Order  of 
Discalced  Carmelites,  in  the  City  of  Mexico,  on  the  12th  of 
October  of  the  year  1620.  And  to  give  it  greater  credence  I 
signed  it  with  my  name. 

Fray  Antonio  de  la  Ascension. 

^  The  reference  is  evidently  to  Las  Casas's  TreyrUe  Pnypondonu  may  juri- 
dioaa,  etc  (Seville,  1552). 


II.    EXPLORATION  AND  SETTLEMENT 
IN  NEW  MEXICO  AND  IN  ADJA- 
CENT REGIONS,  1581-1605 

1.    THE  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION,  1581 


INTRODUCTION 

The  renewed  activities  on  the  PaclGic  coast  at  the  turn 
of  the  century,  as  exemplified  by  the  two  expeditions  of 
Vizcaino,  were  preceded  and  stimulated  by  a  new  advance 
Uito  the  northern  interior.  Coronado's  expedition  into  New 
Mexico  had  proved  disappointing  and  for  nearly  four  decades 
iio  further  explorations  were  made  in  the  region,  according  to 
^e  present  state  of  our  knowledge.  Nevertheless,  during  that 
^^e  the  frontier  of  settlement  was  pushed  rapidly  northward, 
^nd  a  new  line  of  approach  to  New  Mexico  was  opened  by 
Way  of  the  great  central  plateau.  In  the  forward  moving 
Column  were  explorers,  missionaries,  miners,  and  cattlemen. 
Zacatecas  was  foimded  in  1548,  Diu'ango  in  1563,  and  with  the 
opening  of  the  mines  of  Santa  Barbara,  Parral,  San  Bartolom^, 
^3nd  other  places  in  their  vicinity,  before  1580,  the  frontier  of 
settlement  reached  the  head  of  the  Conchos  River.  It  was 
^his  stream  which  furnished  the  new  avenue  of  approach  to 
New  Mexico. 

The  military  frontier  had  proceeded  even  further,  for,  in 

P^ii^t  of  marauding  Indians,  as  well  as  in  search  of  mines 

^d  slaves,  the  frontier  garrisons  had  made  many  forays  to 

^e  interior  beyond  Santa  Bdrbara.    In  this  way  they  had 

^^ard  new  reports  of  the  Pueblo  region,  which  had  never  been 

^^i^otten.    About  1579  an  Indian  captured  during  one  of 

tliese  raids  told  at  Santa  Bdrbara  of  a  country  to  the  north 

where  there  were  large  settlements  of  people  who  raised  cotton 

for  clothing,  and  had  a  plentiful  food  supply.    Upon  hear- 

137 


138  NEW  MEXICO:    RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION 

ing  this  report;  Fray  Agustfn  Rodriguez,  a  Franciscan  lay 
brother,  stationed  at  San  Bartolom^,  began  to  plan  with  some 
of  the  soldiers  to  make  an  expedition  to  the  region  thus  de- 
scribed. Fray  Agustin  went  to  Mexico  to  get  permission  from 
the  viceroy,  and  the  outcome  was  the  expedition  narrated  in 
the  documents  which  follow. 

The  party  comprised  three  friars,  nine  soldiers,  and  some 
sixteen  Indian  servants.  Fray  Agustin  Rodriguez,  the  or- 
ganizer of  the  enterprise,  was  a  native  of  Niebla,  Spain.  Fray 
Francisco  L6pez,  who  went  as  superior  to  the  missionaries, 
was  an  Andalusian.  The  third  friar,  Juan  de  Santa  Maria, 
was  a  Catalan,  versed  in  astrology.  The  commander  of  the 
soldiers  was  Francisco  Sdiichez,  commonly  called  Chamuscado. 
The  career  and  calling  of  Hernando  Gallegos,  one  of  the  fol- 
lowers of  Sdnchez,  were  typical  of  that  far  northern  frontier 
and  significant  of  the  interests  in  whose  behalf  the  frontier 
was  being  extended.  He  was  a  native  of  Spain,  had  spent 
eight  years  in  Mexico  as  a  prospector  and  soldier,  and  was 
among  those  who  had  made  expeditions  beyond  the  mines 
gainst  the  Indians. 

Leaving  Santa  Barbara  on  Jime  5, 1581,  the  party  of  about 
twenty-eight  persons  passed  down  the  Conchos  River  to  the 
Rio  Grande.  Following  that  stream  for  many  leagues  throu^ 
a  settled  country  and  then  for  nineteen  or  twenty  days  throu^ 
a  desert,  they  reached  the  first  pueblos  in  the  region  of  Socorro, 
From  there  they  continued  up  the  river,  fifty  leagues  accord- 
ing to  one  witness,  passing  numerous  pueblos  on  the  way,  to 
the  Tigua  towns  about  Bernalillo.  Against  the  advice  of  the 
rest,  Father  Santa  Maria  now  set  out  alone  to  report  the  dis- 
coveries in  Mexico  but  was  killed  within  a  few  days  by  the 
Maguas  Indians.  The  rest  of  the  party  visited  the  salinas 
east  of  the  Manzano  Mountains,  and  the  buffalo  plains  beyond 


INTRODUCTION  139 

the  PecoB.  West  of  the  river  they  visited  Acoma  and  Zufii. 
Leaving  the  other  missionaries  at  Puaray^  near  the  present 
Bemaliflo,  the  soldiers  returned  to  Nueva  Vizcaya. 

The  expedition  had  important  consequences.  The  re- 
ports made  by  Bustamante  and  Gallegos  in  Mexico  in  May, 
1582,  greatly  interested  the  viceroy,  and  he  thought  at  once 
of  sending  out  another  expedition,  to  aid  the  missionaries  if 
ihey  were  still  alive,  and  to  explore  in  any  case.  News  re- 
ceived later  that  Father  L6pez  had  been  killed  at  Puaray 
somewhat  changed  his  plans  but  did  not  lessen  his  interest. 
Rodrfgo  del  Rio  de  Losa,  lieutenant-captain-general  of  Nueva 
GaKcia,  of  whom  the  viceroy  sought  advice,  now  recommended 
to  expedition  of  three  hundred  men,  equipped  to  overawe  the 
Datives,  settle  New  Mexico,  explore  and  occupy  the  country 
beyond  Quivira,  and  build  two  vessels  on  the  northern  strait 
if  it  should  be  reached.  The  men  were  to  serve  without  pay, 
but  were  to  be  rewarded  with  titles  of  nobility,  encomiendas, 
badendas,  and  exemption  from  taxation.  Truly  the  journey 
of  Father  Rodriguez  had  stirred  up  large  ideas.  When  the 
^tter  was  reported  to  the  king  he  immediately  ordered  a 
contract  made  for  the  proposed  undertaking. 

The  principal  published  sources  of  information  regarding 

4e  Rodriguez  expedition  are  those  printed  hereinafter.     In 

Edition,  there  is  a  declaration  by  Hernando  Gallegos,  made 

*^ore  the  viceroy  on  May  16,  1582,  at  the  time  when  Bus- 

**^iiante  gave  his  testimony.    It  is  so  nearly  identical  with 

^t  of  Bustamante  that  it  is  not  included  here,  but  all  essen- 

*^  variations  are  indicated  in  the  foot-notes  to  Bustamante's 

statement.    All  of  these  documents  are  published  in  Spanish 

^   Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Colecddn  de  DocumerUos  InMitos, 

^^^.  80-150,  under  the  title  "Testimonio  dado  en  M6jico 

^l>re  d  descubrimiento  de  doscientas  l^uas  adelante,  de  las 


140  NEW  MEXICO:  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION 

minas  de  Santa  Bdrbola,  Gobemacidn  de  Diego  de  Ibarra; 
cuyo  descubrimiento  se  hizo  en  virtud  de  cierta  licencia  que 
pidid  Fr.  Agustfn  Rodriguez  y  otros  religiosos  franciscos: 
AcompaQan  Relaciones  de  este  descubrimiento  y  otros  docu- 
mentos  (Anos  de  1582  y  1683)."  This  collection  covers  both 
the  Rodriguez  and  the  Espejo  expeditions.  The  originals  are 
in  the  Archivo  de  Indias  at  Seville,  Patronato,  est.  1,  caj.  1. 
Two  documents  in  the  collection  (pp.  137-146)  not  reproduced 
here  axe  the  opinions  of  Rodrigo  del  Rfo  referred  to  above. 
The  ''Relacion  Breve''  of  Escalante  and  Barrando  (the  same  as 
Barrado)  is  also  printed  in  Spanish  in  the  Cartas  de  Indias 
(pp.  230-233),  published  at  Madrid  in  1877  by  the  Ministerio 
de  Fomento  of  Spain.  So  far  as  the  editor  is  informed,  none 
of  these  documents  have  hitherto  been  published  in  English. 
Some  additional  information  regarding  the  Rodrfguez  expedi- 
tion is  contained  in  the  documents  of  the  Espejo  joiuney  (see 
post).  Bancroft,  in  his  Arizorui  and  New  Mexico  (pp.  79-80), 
gives  extensive  notes  concerning  accounts  of  the  expedition 
in  the  older  Spanish  works. 

Two  manuscript  accounts  of  the  greatest  importance  have 
recently  come  to  light  and  will  add  much  to  our  present  knowl- 
edge of  the  Rodr^ez  expedition.  They  are:  (1)  Heman 
Gallegos,  "Relacion  y  concudfo  de  el  viage  y  subseso  que 
Francisco  Sanchez  Chamuscado  con  ocho  soldados  sus  com- 
paneros  hizo  en  el  descubrimiento  del  Nuevo  Mexico  en  Jxmio 
de  1581"  (Archivo  General  de  Indias,  Patronato,  1-1-3/22). 
Gallegos  was  a  member  of  the  Rodrfguez  party.  In  his  de- 
claration {Col.  Doc,  In&d.,  XV.  88-95)  he  states  that  he  has 
"made  a  book,  written  by  his  hand,  wherein  he  gives  an 
account  of  all  this  journey  which  he  has  made,  and  which  he 
has  delivered  to  His  Excellency."  The  "Relacion"  noted 
above  is  doubtless  the  same.     (2)  Baltasdr  de  Obreg6n,  "  Cro- 


INTRODUCTION  141 

nica  comentario  6  rdaciones  de  los  descubrimientos  antiguos 
y  modemos  de  N.E.  y  del  Nuevo  Mexico, "  1584  (Archivo 
General  de  Indias,  Patronato,  1-1-3/22).  Obr^6n  had  been 
a  member  of  the  Ibarra  exploring  expedition,  and  had  secured 
first-hand  information  regarding  the  Rodr^ez  and  Espejo  ex* 
peditions.  The  purpose  of  his  Relation  was  to  offer  his  ser- 
vices for  further  exploration  and  conquest  in  New  Mexico.^ 

^  G^nes  of  these  two  manuscripts  are  in  the  Edward  £.  Ayer  Cdlection  in 
the  Newberry  Library,  Chicago,  and  have  been  used  by  the  editor. 


DECLARATION  OF  PEDRO  DE  BUSTAMANTE, 

15821 

In  the  Qty  of  Mexico,  New  Spain,  on  the  16th  day  of 
the  month  of  May,  1582,  his  Excellency  Seiior  Don  Lorenso 
Snarez  de  Mendoza,  Count  of  Coruna,  viceroy,  governor  and 
captain-general  for  his  Majesty  in  this  New  Spain,  and  presi- 
dent of  the  Royal  Audiencia  which  is  located  there,  etc.,  said 
that,  having  been  informed  by  Fray  Agustfn  Rodriguez,  of 
the  order  of  San  Francisco,  and  other  religious  of  that  order, 
that  they  desired  to  go  to  preach  the  gospel  beyond  the  mines 
of  Santa  Bdrbola*  and  the  government  of  Diego  de  Ibarra', 
in  a  certain  new  land  which  they  heard  must  be  a  place  where 
they  could  obtain  very  fruitful  results,  he  gave  them  permis- 
sion in  the  name  of  his  Majesty  to  go  to  discover  said  land 
and  the  people  who  might  be  in  it ;  and  that  for  the  safety 
of  their  persons,  and  in  order  that  thereby  they  might  be 
able  to  preach  the  gospel,  he  granted  that  as  many  as  twenty 
men  might  go  with  them,  ^d  it  appears  that,  conforming 
to  said  permit,  these  religious  and  eight^  of  the  said  men 

^  Pacheco  and  C&rdenas,  Cd.  Doc,  Inid.,  XV.  80-88. 

'  Santa  Barbara  is  a  mining  town  in  Chihuahua,  near  the  southern  boundary 
of  the  state.  It  was  founded  about  1563  by  Rodrigo  del  Rio  de  Losa,  under  the 
direction  of  Francisco  de  n>arra,  founder  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  (Bancroft,  Nofth 
Mexican  States,  I.  106). 

'  Diego  de  n>arra  was  evidently  the  successor  of  Francisco  de  Ibarra.  In 
1576  the  Licenciate  Ibarra  was  sent  from  Spain  to  take  the  place  of  his  brother, 
Francisco,  as  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.  On  October,  1576,  the  viceroy  wrote 
to  the  king:  "Dize  V.M.  quen  lugar  de  Francisco  de  Ybarra,  govemador  que 
fu6  de  la  Nueva  Vizcaya,  a  hecho  V.M.  merced  de  proveer  al  licendado  Ibarra, 
su  hermano,  y  que  vendria  en  esta  flota."  (Cartas  de  Inditu,  p.  325 ;  see  also  Ban- 
croft, North  Mexican  States,  I.  112). 

*  Evidently  there  were  eight  men  besides  the  leader,  Francisco  S&nches 
Chamuscado.  The  ''Relaci6n  Breve  y  Verdadera,"  by  Escalante  and  Barrado 
(Barrando),  translated  hereinafter,  gives  the  number  as  nine,  and  Bancroft  was 
able  to  find  the  names  of  nine.    See  pp.  138,  168. 

142 


1581-1582]         DECLARATION  OP  BUSTAMANTE  143 

set  forth ;  and  yesterday,  the  15th  of  the  present  month, 
there  came  to  this  city  two  of  the  men  who  accompanied 
the  said  religious,  who  report  that  they  discovered  and  ex- 
plored, two  himdred  leagues  beyond  the  said  mines  of  Santa 
Bfrbola,  which  are  withm  the  government  of  Diego  de  Ibarra, 
a  land  thickly  settled  with  pueblos  of  Indians  who  wear  clothes 
and  who  live  in  a  civilized  way  like  the  people  of  this  New 
Spain,  and  that  they  had  learnt  that  beyond  was  much  more 
fcmd,  settled  by  many  pueblos  of  civilized  people.  In  order 
to  learn  the  facts  in  the  case,  he  ordered  taken  the  sworn 
testimony  of  these  two  men,  who,  as  has  been  said,  have 
come  out  and  come  to  this  city ;  all  of  which  was  done  in 
the  following  manner : 

At  once  oath  was  administered  to  and  sworn  in  due  form, 
in  the  name  of  God  and  Holy  Mary,  and  with  a  sign  of  the 
cross,  by  Pedro  de  Bustamante,  who  is  one  of  the  said  two 
nien  who  came  to  this  city.  Under  this  oath  he  promised  to 
tell  the  truth,  and  after  he  had  taken  it  the  following  questions 
were  asked  him : 

He  was  asked  his  name  and  his  birthplace,  and  he  replied 
that  his  name  was  Pedro  de  Bustamante,  and  that  he  was 
a  native  of  a  pueblo  called  Carancejas,  of  La  Montana  del 
Valle  de  Cavezon,  near  the  Villa  de  Santillana. 

He  was  asked  how  long  since  he  had  come  to  this  New 
Spain,  and  he  replied  that  it  was  some  ten  years,  more  or 
less. 

He  was  asked  what  had  been  his  occupation  since  coming 
to  this  New  Spain,  and  he  said  that  the  first  three  years  he 
q)ent  in  prospecting  for  mines,  and  that  the  remaining  seven 
he  had  been  a  soldier  serving  his  Majesty  in  the  government 
of  Di^o  de  Ibarra. 

He  was  asked  if  he  was  one  of  the  eight  soldiers  who  had 
accompanied  Fray  Agustfn  Rodriguez,  of  the  Order  of  San 
Francisco,  and  the  other  religious^  who  went  with  him ;  and 
who  had  solicited  his  services  for  the  said  journey;  and 
with  what  object  and  purpose  he  had  gone.  He  answered 
^t  it  was  true  that  he  was  one  of  those  who  accompanied 
^  said  religious,  and  that  what  particularly  influenced  him 
to  make  the  journey  with  them  was  his  desire  to  serve  our 

^  The  names  of  the  other  friars  are  given  on  p.  138. 


144        NEW  MEXICO:  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION    [1581-1582 

Lord  and  his  Majesty ;  that  no  one  persuaded  him  to  do  so, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  with  the  desire  ak-eady  stated,  he  and 
the  said  religious  had  planned  for  more  than  two  years  to 
go  on  the  journey,  and  that  he  had  tried  to  enlist  the  otheis 
who  went. 

He  was  asked,  since  he  said  that  for  more  than  two  years 
he  was  talking  of  and  planning  to  make  the  joum^,  what 
information  he  had  of  the  coimtry  leading  him  to  believe 
that  it  was  worth  while;  and  he  replied  that  the  reason 
why  they  planned  the  journey  was  because  an  Indian^  had 
told  him  that  beyond  the  government  of  Diego  de  Ibarra 
there  was  a  certain  settlement  of  Indians  who  had  cotton,  and 
made  cloth  with  which  they  clothed  themselves;  and  that 
besides  he  was  influenced  by  hearing  of  the  account  given 
by  Alvar  Nunez  Cabeza  de  Baca,*  in  a  book  which  he  wrote 
regarding  a  journey  that  he  made  coming  from  Florida  to  this 
New  Spain. 

Being  asked  what  authority  he  and  the  rest  who  went 
with  him  had  for  making  the  journey ;  and  how  they  provided 
themselves  with  arms,  horses,  and  the  other  necessary  equip- 
ment which  they  carried  to  make  it,  and  what  servants 
they  had,  he  said  that  the  journey  having  been  decided  and 
agreed  upon  between  the  witness,  his  companions,  and  the 
rdigious,  they  equipped  and  provided  theniiselves  with  arms 
for  their  persons,  that  is,  coats  of  mail,  arquebuses,  armored 
horses,  and  an  Indian  servant  apiece,  while  the  friars  took 
seven  Indians  from  the  mines  of  Santa  Bdrbola,  amongst 
whom  was  a  half-breed. 

Being  asked  what  route  they  took,  having  set  out  from 
the  mines  of  Santa  Bdrbola  and  the  journey  having  been 

^  Gallegos  says  that  he  "had  made,  together  with  leaders  and  captains  named 
{or  this  purpose,  many  journeys  into  the  interior  beyond  Santa  B6rbola  in  pur- 
suit of  thieving  Indians/'  and  that  through  an  Indian  captured  in  an  expedition 
he  had  learned  of  the  country  beyond.  He  states  also  that  for  two  years  he  had 
discussed  the  matter  with  Fray  Agustln  and  Francisco  S&nchez  (Chamuscado), 
and  that  together  they  had  persuaded  the  others  to  go.  Thus  it  b  not  quite  dear 
who  played  the  leading  part  in  organizing  the  party  (Declaration  of  Henumdo 
Gallegos,  in  Cd,  Doc.  IrUd.,  XV.  88-89). 

*  Gallegos  puts  it  somewhat  differently,  saying  that  they  were  guided  (gtdai^ 
dose)  by  the  relation  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca.  He  perhaps  means  that  they  were 
guided  by  it  in  forming  their  opinion  (ibid.,  p.  89). 


1581-1582]         DECLARATION  OF  BUSTAMANTE  14S 

begun,  and  through  what  pueblos  and  provinces  they  passed, 
he  replied  that  on  the  6th  of  June^  of  last  year,  1581,  he, 
his  companions,  and  the  religious  set  out  from  the  valley 
of  San  Gr^orio,'  of  the  jurisdiction  of  Santa  Bdrbola,  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  and  went  down  the  same  valley  imtii  they  came  to 
the  river  called  CJoncha,'  where  they  foimd  a  little  settle- 
ment of  the  wild^  Indiaiis,  who  were  naked  and  lived  on 
roots  and  other  things  foimd  in  the  fields;  and  following 
down  the  river,  they  came  to  another  to  which  they  gave  the 
name  of  the  Guadalquivir, '^  because  it  was  large  and  carried 
an  abundance  of  water.  On  this  river  they  foimd  other 
Indians  of  different  nation  and  tongue  from  those  of  the 
Concha,  although  they  too  are  naked  like  the  latter.  These 
and  the  others  received  them  peacefully,  and  willingly  of- 
fered them  of  what  they  had,  and  when  inquiry  was  made 
of  them  as  to  whether  tiiere  were  more  settlements  beyond, 
they  said  yes,  and  that  they  were  a  people  naked  like  them- 
selves, and  hostile  to  and  at  war  with  them. 

And  so  they  continued  up  the  same  river  for  twenty 
days,*  through  eighty  leagues  of  iminhabited  coimtry,  imtfl 
they  came  to  a  settlement  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of 
the  province  of  Sant  Felipe.^    There  they  foimd  a  permanent 

^It  win  be  seen  by  comparing  these  documents  that  the  expedition  left 

^sitta  Barbara  on  the  5th,  and  San  Gregorio  on  the  6th.  See  past,  p.  154.  Bancroft 

*Qd  those  who  fdlow  him  give  the  6th  as  the  date  (^  leaving  San  Bartolom6 

(Bancroft,  ilruvma  and  i\r0ioif«a»oo,  p.  76;  TmXx^^,  Leading  Facta  of  New  Mexir 

<«»n  Eittary,  I.  256). 

*San  Gregorio  is  in  the  valley  of  a  small  stream  running  northeastward 
^^^m  Santa  B&rbara  to  the  Rio  Florido,  the  main  southern  branch  of  the  Conchos 
'^'ver.  The  route  evidently  was  directly  northeastward  to  the  neighborhood 
^  the  present  Jimenez. 

*Tlie  Conchos  River.  It  heads  in  southern  Chihuahua  and  flows  north- 
^^Qtwaid  into  the  Rio  Grande  at  Qjinaga,  Chihuahua. 

^Chiekimeoa,  at  first  applied  to  a  single  wild  tribe  of  Indians  of  central 
''^Cexico,  came  to  be  a  generic  term  for  the  wild  tribes,  as  opposed  to  the  settled 
^t)d  more  civilized  tribes. 

*  In  honiOT,  of  course,  of  the  Guadalquivir  River  of  Spain. 

*  The  account  of  Eacalante  and  Barrado  (Barrando)  given  later,  says  nine- 
teen days.    Gallegos  says  twenty  days. 

'Bancroft  located  San  Felipe  in  the  Socorro  region,  which  Coronado  had 
visited  (Arimna  and  New  Mexico,  pp.  76,  77) ;  Twitchell  identifies  it,  a  little  more 
enctly,  with  San  Mardal,  the  Piro  village  named  TVe-narqu61,  visited  by  Coro- 
nado's  men,  in  1542  {Leading  Facts  of  New  Mexican  History,  I.  256). 


146        NEW  MEXICO:  BODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION    [1581-1682 

pueblo  with  houses  two  stories  high  and  of  good  appearance, 
built  of  mud  walls  and  white  inside,  the  people  being  dressed 
in  cotton  manias  with  shirts  of  the  same.  Th^  learned  that 
away  from  the  river  on  both  sides  there  were  many  other 
pueblos  of  Indians  of  the  same  nation,  who  also  received 
them  peacefully  and  gave  them  of  what  they  had,  namely, 
maize,  gourds,  beans,  chickens,  and  other  things,  which  is 
what  they  live  upon.  Inquiry  being  made  as  to  whether 
there  were  more  settlements  of  people,  by  signs  the  natives 
replied  in  the  aflSrmative. 

With  this  information  they  passed  on  up  the  i^Same  river, 
and  foimd  many  pueblos  along  the  road  they  travelled,  as 
weU  as  others  off  to  the  sides,  which  were  to  be  seen  from 
the  road;  and  they  came  to  another  nation  of  Indians  of 
different  tongue  and  dress,  where  they  were  also  received 
peacefully  and  ^adly  by  the  Indians,  who  kissed  the  hands 
of  the  religious.  These  Indians  are  also  clothed^  and  have 
three-story  houses,  whitewashed  and  painted  inside;  and 
they  plant  many  fields  of  maize,  beans,  and  goiuxis,  and 
raise  many  chickens. 

From  there  they  passed  on  to  another  nation,'  dwelling 
further  up  the  same  river.  These  were  the  finest  people  of 
all  they  had  met,  possessing  better  pueblos  and  houses,  and 
were  the  ones  who  treated  them  best,  giving  them  the  most 
generously  of  whatever  they  had.  They  have  weU-built 
houses  of  four  and  five  stories,'  with  corridors  and  rooms 
twenty-four  feet  long  and  thirteen  feet  wide,  whitewashed 
and  painted.  They  have  very  good  plazas,  and  leading  from 
one  to  the  other  there  are  streets  along  which  they  pass  in 
good  order.  Like  the  others,  they  have  a  good  supply  of 
provisions.  Two  or  three  leagues  distant  are  other  pueblos 
of  the  same  nation,  and  consisting  of  three  or  four  himdred 

^  Gallegos  says  "dressed  in  cotton  cloth  and  shirts." 

*  Probably  the  Puaray  mentioned  farther  along  in  the  narrative.  Puaniy 
was  the  principal  pueblo  of  the  province  of  Tiguex  in  Coronado's  time.  Its  ruins 
have  been  located  by  Bandelier  opposite  Bernalillo  (A.  F.  Bandelier,  Final  Report, 
n.  226;  Hodge,  Handbook  of  American  Indiana,  II.  313).  For  new  light  on  the 
location  of  Puaray,  see  Charles  W.  Hackett,  "The  Location  of  the  TiguA 
Pueblos  of  Alameda,  Puaray,  and  Sandfa  in  1680-1681,"  in  Old  Sania  Fi,  TL 
381-391. 

*  Gallegos  says  "four,  five,  and  six  stories." 


1S5S1-1582]         DECLARATION  OF  BUSTAMANTE  147 

lioiises,  built  in  the  same  fashion.    They  dress  in  cotton  like 
thte  forgoing  nations. 

He  said  that  up  to  this  point  they  had  always  been  trav- 
elling north.    Leaving  the  river  one  day's  journey  and  con- 
tiLniuing  north,  they  saw  a  large  pueblo  of  four  or  five  hun- 
dred dwellings,  more  or  less.    On  reaching  it  they  saw  that 
the  houses  of  the  Indians  were  of  four  or  five  stories,  and  they 
named  it  Tlascala,^  because  it  was  so  large.    They  were  re- 
ceived peacefully  there,  as  they  had  been  in  the  other  pueblos. 
There  they  were  informed  by  the  natives  themselves  that  there 
was  a  very  large  settlement  of  Indians  ten  days'  journey  in 
the  same  northerly  direction  which  they  were  following ;  but 
because  of  a  lack  of  shoes  for  the  horses  and  of  clotlung  for 
himself  and  the  rest  of  the  men,  they  did  not  dare  to  go  far- 
ther, but  returned  over  the  same  road  by  which  they  had 
gone.    From  one  of  the  pueblos  which  they  had  passed  through 
and  had  named  Castildavid,  they  crossed  the  river  to  the 
south,*  following  along  a  small  river*  which  joined  the  other, 
and  went  to  see  three  pueblos  of  which  they  had  heard.    The 
fiist  two  of  them  had  as  many  as  two  himdred  dwellings  and 
the  other  as  many  as  seventy.*    Li  this  last  pueblo  they 
learned  of  eleven  others,  further  up  the  river,  of  a  different 
nation  and  tongue  from  these.    To  the  valley  where  the  three 
pueblos  were  they  gave  the  name  of  Valleviciosa.*^    They  did 
not  go  to  see  them  [the  eleven]  because  they  wished  to  go  to 
find  the  cows  which  they  had  been  informed  existed  in  large 
numbers  some  thirty  leagues  distant,  more  or  less. 

Accordingly,  they  went  in  search  of  them,  travelling  the 
said  thirty  leagues  in  a  roimdabout  course,  because  the  guide 

'This  may  have  been  northwest  of  Bernalillo,  in  the  Xemes  River  valley, 
^'illegos  says:  "They  named  it  Tlaxcala  because  of  its  size  and  because  it  re- 
Kmbled  the  dty  of  Tlaxcala"  {Col.  Doc.  InSd.,  XV.  92).  The  allusion  is  to  Tlas- 
ciia,  an  important  dty  in  Mexico  east  of  the  capital.  During  the  conquest  it 
8&ve  stubborn  resistance  to  Cortes,  but  later  became  a  firm  ally  of  the  Spaniards. 

'"South"  here  probably  means  "west." 

'This  was  probably  the  J^mez  River. 

^GaUegos  says  "about  seventy  or  eighty." 

'Gallegos  b  directly  in  conflict  with  Bustamante  here,  stating  that  "Valle 
Vidoaa"  was  the  name  given  to  the  valley  of  the  deven  pueblos  of  which  they 
^  heard,  instead  of  that  of  the  three  where  they  were  {Col.  Doc.  InSd., 
XV.  W). 


148        NEW  MEXICO:  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION    [1681-1682 

who  conducted  them  took  them  that  way,  which  appeared 
different  from  the  route  described  to  them  by  the  natives,  for 
if  they  had  gone  by  a  direct  road  they  would  have  arrived 
more  quickly.  Reaching  some  plains  and  water-holes,  which 
they  gave  the  name  Los  Llanos  de  San  Francisco  and  Aguas 
Zarcas,  they  saw  many  herds  of  cows  that  come  there  to  dnnk. 
They  go  in  herds  of  two  and  three  himdred ;  they  are  hump- 
backed, shaggy,  small-homed,  thick  set,  and  low  of  body. 
There  they  f oimd  a  rancherfa  of  naked  Indians  of  a  different 
nation  from  those  they  had  left  behind,  going  to  kill  catUe 
for  their  food.  They  carried  their  provisions  of  maize  and 
dates^  loaded  on  dogs  which  they  raise  for  this  purpose. 
This  witness  and  his  companions  kflled  with  their  arquebuses 
as  many  as  forty  cattle,  made  jerked  beef,  and  returned  to 
the  settlement  whence  they  had  set  out. 

From  there  they  returned  down  the  river  through  the  same 
coimtry  they  had  traversed,  imtil  they  came  to  a  pueblo  called 
Puaray.*  Here  they  heard  of  a  certain  valley  and  settlement 
of  a  different  tongue,  called  Valle  de  Caml,  south  of  the  river.* 
On  hearing  this  news  they  went  forth  and  reached  the  said 
valley,  where  they  f oimd  six  pueblos  of  thirty,  forty,  and  even 
one  himdred  houses,  with  many  Indians  clothed  in  the  same 

^  The  word  b  ddtil,  which  means  the  fruit  of  the  common  date  pahn. 

*  See  note  2,  p.  146,  above.  According  to  Gallegos's  "Relacion"  and  Obreg^'s 
"Cronica,"  Father  Santa  Marfa  set  out  from  the  Province  of  San  Felipe  alone 
and  against  advice  to  tell  in  Mexico  the  news  of  the  discoveries.  He  was  killed 
shortly  afterward  by  wandering  people  of  the  Sierra  Morena,  but  the  others  did 
not  hear  of  his  death  till  they  returned  from  the  buffalo  plains.  On  September 
28  they  left  Pueblo  de  Malpartida  to  go  to  the  buffalo;  on  October  10  they 
reached  Valle  de  San  Francisco,  and  on  the  19th  set  out  to  return.  Reaching 
the  Rio  Grande  they  set  up  camp  at  Pueblo  de  Piedra  y  Taques,  where  they  de- 
manded provisions  with  threats  of  force.  They  now  heard  of  Father  Santa 
Maria's  death,  but  tried  to  conceal  it,  lest  they  be  considered  vulnerable.  An 
Indian  attack  was  threatened,  and  they  moved  to  Pueblo  de  Mai  Puesto,  where 
the  Indians  killed  three  of  their  horses.  Three  Indians  were  captured  and  sen- 
tenced by  Chamuscado  to  be  hanged,  but  the  missionaries  interfered.  During 
the  remainder  of  their  explorations  the  party  was  constantly  in  danger.  When 
the  soldiers  set  out  to  return  they  left  horses,  goats,  merchandise,  and  wnaments 
with  the  missionaries  at  Puaray.  It  was  for  these  things,  says  Obregdn,  that  the 
Indians  killed  them. 

*  "South"  here  means  "west"  Gallegos  ifidiKWii)  mentions  both  AoomA 
and  Zufii  as  pueblos  visited. 


U81-1582]         DECLARATION  OF  BUSTAMANTE  149 

maimer  as  the  others,^  the  houses  bemg  of  two  and  three 
stories  and  built  of  stone.  While  there  they  told  them  of  the 
VaDe  de  Asay,*  where  there  were  five  large  pueblos  with  many 
people.  According  to  the  signs  which  the  Indians  made, 
they  understood  that  two  of  the  pueblos  were  very  large, 
and  that  in  all  of  them  large  quantities  of  cotton  were  raised, 
more  than  in  any  other  place  which  they  had  seen. 

But,  owing  to  a  snowfall,'  they  could  not  go  forward  and 
were  forced  to  return  to  the  said  pueblo  of  Puaray,  whence 
they  had  set  out.  Learning  there  of  some  salines  lying  four- 
teen leagues  from  the  said  pueblo,  they  went  to  see  them  and 
found  that  they  were  behmd  a  mountain  range  which  they 
named  Sierra  Morena.^  They  are  the  best  that  have  been 
discovered  up  to  the  present,  and  extend,  in  the  opinion  of 
this  witness  and  the  rest,  five  leagues.  They  provided  them- 
selves with  what  they  needed,  and  of  it  brought  to  his  Excel- 
lency the  quantity  which  he  has  seen.*^  Near  these  salines 
were  seen  many  other  pueblos,  which  they  visited.  They 
had  the  same  appearance  as  the  others.  The  natives  informed 
them  of  three  other  pueblos,  which  they  represented  as  being* 
near  these  salines  and  very  large. 

From  here  they  returned  to  the  pueblo  of  Puaray,  where 
they  had  left  the  religious,  the  horses,  and  the  rest  of  the 
things  which  they  possessed,  and  from  this  pueblo  they  re- 
turned along  the  same  route  by  which  they  had  gone.  In 
the  said  pueblo  the  religious  remained  with  the  Indian  ser- 
vants whom  they  had  taken,  among  them  being  a  half-breed.^ 
This  witness  and  the  rest  of  the  soldiers  returned  with  their 
leader  to  Santa  B^bola,  whence  they  had  set  out  with  the  com- 

^GaUegos  says  "dressed  in  shirts,  cotton  blankets,  and  hide  shoes  with 
«*»"  {Ca.  Doc.  IfM,,  XV.  93). 

^Gallegos  says  "Osay."  Bandelier  was  of  the  opinion,  and  I  concur  in  it, 
th«t  Camf  was  Zuiii  {Find  RepoH,  11.  228).  In  that  case  Osay,  or  Asay,  might 
'^ve  been  Qraibi,  one  of  the  Moqui  pueblos. 

'  Gall^os  adds  that  it  was  now  December. 

*The  Sierra  Morena  was  evidently  the  Manzano  Mountains,  east  of  which 
^  extensive  salines  (Bandelier,  Final  Report,  II.  253-254). 

'Gallegos  says  the  viceroy  was  pleased  with  the  samples  (Col.  Doc.  Inid., 
XV.  94). 

'  Bidurificaban. 

'  GaUegos  tells  us  that  his  name  was  Juan  Bautista  (Cd.  Doc.  ItM.,  XV.  94). 


DECLARATION  OF  HERNANDO  BARRADO, 

1582.1 

After  the  foregoing,  in  the  said  city  of  Mexico,  on  the 
20th  day  of  the  month  of  October,  1582,  the  said  Sefior  Viceroy 
stated  that  whereas  he  was  informed  that  the  Indians  who 
^ere  discovered  in  this  new  land  had  killed  the  religious  who 
had  remained  with  them  to  teach  and  instruct  them  in  matters 
I>ertaining  to  the  holy  Catholic  faith,  in  order  that  his  Majesty 
ttiight  be  informed  of  everything  he  ordered  that  new  testi- 
itxony  relative  thereto  be  obtained ;  and  to  this  end  oath  was 
Administered  in  legal  form  to  Hernando  Barrado,  a  Spaniard 
^ixo,  it  is  said,  went  to  the  new  land  with  the  other  soldiers 
^ho  went  to  it.  He  took  the  oath  in  the  name  of  God  our 
Lord  and  of  Holy  Mary  His  Mother,  making  the  sign  of  the 
cross  with  his  ri^t  hand,  under  charge  of  which  he  promised 
to  tell  the  truth. 

And  being  asked  in  regard  to  the  forgoing,  this  witness 

said  that  what  he  knows  of  the  matter  is  that  he  is  one  of  the 

^ight  soldiers  who  went  into  the  interior  with  the  leader, 

Francisco  Sanchez  Chamuscado,  in  company  with  Fray  Agua- 

iixx  Rodr^ez,  of  the  order  of  San  Francisco,  and  two  other 

religious ;  that  they  succeeded  in  seeing  all  the  settlements  of 

tlie  Indians  which  are  referred  to  in  the  declaration  of  the  two 

soldiers,*  his  companions,  which  has  been  shown  to  him ;  and 

that  he  knows  that  what  they  said  and  declared  about  the 

ii^tter  is  the  truth,  and  so  happened,  because  he  was  a  witness 

to  it  aU. 

At  the  time  when  this  witness  went  into  the  interior,  he 
t^k  in  his  service  an  Indian  named  Geronimo,  of  the  Concho 
^tion,  from  near  Santa  B&*bola,  of  the  kingdom  of  Nueva 

^  Yacheco  and  QLrdenas,  Cd.  Doc.  Infd.,  XV.  95-^7. 
^  Ibe  referenoe  is  to  the  declarations  by  Bustamante  and  Gallegos.    See 
»•  ^1^,  142-149. 

'  161 


152        NEW  MEXICO:  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION    [1681-lia2 

\^caya,  and  when  they  agreed  with  the  said  leader  and  the 
other  companions  to  return  to  this  New  Spain  to  report  what 
they  had  seen  and  discovered,  the  said  Indian,  with  two  others, 
called  Francisco  and  Andr^,  and  a  mestizo  and  some  Indian 
boys,  remained  volimtarily  with  the  religious  in  the  settle- 
ment which  they  call  Puaray.  And  after  having  returned  to 
Santa  B^bola,  of  the  said  kingdom  of  Nueva  Galicia  [sic], 
this  witness  being  in  the  convent  of  the  said  pueblo,  some 
three  months  ago,  he  saw  there  the  said  Francisco,  one  of  the 
Indians  who  had  remained  with  the  religious.  Being  sur- 
prised at  this,  he  spoke  to  him,  and  asked  him  how  he  hap- 
pened to  be  there,  and  to  have  returned  from  the  new  land 
where  he  had  left  him.  He  replied  that  the  Indians  of  that 
land  of  Puaray  had  killed  Fray  Francisco  Lopez,  the  guardian, 
and  that  he  had  seen  him  buried.  On  telling  Fray  Agustfn, 
his  companion,  of  it,  they  became  excited,  and  without  waiting 
to  see  more  he  and  the  other  two  Indians,  Andr^  and  Ger6- 
nimo,  came  away,  through  the  C!oncho  country,  coming  roimd- 
about  by  almost  the  same  route  as  they  had  gone.  When 
they  came  away  they  heard  many  outcries  and  a  tumult  in 
the  pueblo,  wherefore  he  believed  that  they  had  killed^  the 
rest  of  the  religious  and  the  Indian  boys  who  remained  there 
and  had  been  imable  to  come  with  them.  The  one  of  his 
companions  called  Andr^  had  been  killed  by  certain  Indiana 
in  a  settlement  which  they  came  upon  between  those  of  the 
Concho  nation  and  the  Tatarabueyes,'  and  only  the  Indian 
Geronimo,  who  had  been  a  servant  of  this  witness,  had  escaped 
with  him. 

And  this  witness,  coming  afterwards  through  the  mines 
of  Zacatecas,  came  across  the  said  Indian  Geronimo,  who  was 
being  brought  to  this  city  by  the  other  soldiers,  companions  of 
this  witness ;  and  he  talked  with  him,  and  learned  the  same 
as  what  the  other  Indian,  Francisco,  had  told  him.  From  the 
said  mines  they  all  came  together  to  this  city  of  Mexico,  and 
the  said  Indian  saw  his  Excellency  and  spoke  with  him.    A 

^  For  the  different  versions  of  the  death  of  the  missionaries,  see  Bancroft, 
Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  p.  79,  note  7;  Bandelier,  Final  Report,  U.  227-228. 
See  also  p.  148,  note  2,  and  p.  168,  note  3. 

*  The  Patarabu^es,  or  Jumanos,  who  lived  on  the  Bio  Grande  near  the 
junction  with  the  Conchos  River.    See  p.  172,  below. 


1581-1S82]  DECLARATION  OF  BARRADO  153 


few  da^rs  ago  he  disappeared,  and  the  witness  has  not  seen 

\)]in  axi.ce,  but  he  understands  that  he  has  returned  to  his  own 

country.    He  sayB  that  this  is  the  truth  by  the  oath  he  has 

takea  ;    and  he  affirmed,  ratified,  and  signed  it.    He  said   he 

was  more  than  fifty  years  old. — ^Hernando  Barrado.    Before 

me,  JxjAN  DB  CJuEVA.    Copied  and  compared  with  the  original 

wtech  is  in  my  possession.    Joan  de  Cueva.    There  is  a 

rubric. 


BRIEF  AND  TRUE  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  EXPLORATION 

OF  NEW  MEXICO,  1583^ 

Brief  and  true  Account  of  the  Exploration  of  New  MexicOy  kAm* 
we  Nine^  Companions  eocphred,  when  we  went  from  Scarda 
Bdlbola  in  company  with  three  Religious  of  die  Order  qf 
Saint  Francis. 

We,  the  said  nine  companions^  set  out  from  Santa  Bfl- 
bola  to  imdertake  om*  journey,  our  sole  object  being  to  serve 
God  our  Lord  and  his  Majesty,  by  establishing  the  Holy 
Gospel  wherever  we  might  find  a  suitable  place  and  wherever 
the  Divine  Majesty  m^t  guide  us.  We  left  on  the  5th  of 
Jime,'  1581,  and  travdled  thirty-one  days*  from  the  time 
when  we  departed  from  Santa  Bdlbola  through  a  country  of 
naked  barbarian  people.  They  are  very  poor  and  have  noth- 
ing to  eat  except  roots  and  prickly  pears.  Continuing  our 
journey  from  here,  we  left  this  people  and  travefled  nine- 
teen^ days  with  great  hardship  and  disappointments,  and 
without  being  able  to  see  any  people  or  any  living  thing. 
At  the  end  of  that  time,  on  the  eve  of  the  feast  of  the  As- 
sumption of  Our  Lady,*  oiu*  Lord  was  pleased  to  show  us  a 
naked  Indian.  We  asked  him  by  signs  where  maize  could 
be  foimd,  and  he  rephed  that  one  day's  journey  from  there 
we  should  find  it  in  plenty.  This  information  was  obtained 
by  showing  him  two  or  three  kernels  of  maize.  He  said  there 
was  a  great  quantity,  and  told  us  that  the  natives  were  dressed 

>  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc.  ItM.,  XV.  146-150. 

*  This  is  one  of  the  evidences  that  there  were  eight  men  besides  the  leader, 
PVancisco  S&nchez  Chamuscado.    See  p.  142,  note  4. 

*  The  other  documents  give  June  6  as  the  date  of  leaving  Valle  de  San 
Gregorio.  Some  secondary  authorities  have  failed  to  note  the  full  evidence  of 
the  documents  on  this  point. 

*  This  passage  is  our  source  for  the  time  spent  in  reaching  the  Rio  Grande. 

*  Bustamante  and  Gallegos  say  twenty.    See  p.  145. 

*  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  Agosto,  day  of  the  Assumption  of  the  Blessed  Virgiii 
Mary,  August  15. 

154 


158M582]    NARRATIVE  OF  ESCALANTE  AND  BARRADO    155 

in  clothing  the  color  of  our  shirts,  and  that  they  had  houses. 
AS  this  was  by  gestures  and  by  signs  which  he  made  upon 
the  ground. 

This  pleased  us  greatly,  for  already  we  were  in  need  of 
provisions,  and  we  kept  the  Indian  for  three  days,  so  that 
he  might  take  us  where  he  said.    He  did  so  and  we  found  alt 
to  be  true  as  he  had  stated,  for  on  August  21^  we  discov- 
ered a  pueblo  of  forty-five  houses  of  two  and  three  stories.' 
We  also  found  great  fields  of  maize,  beans,  and  gourds,  whereat 
I    we  gave  thanks  to  bin*  Lord  for  having  provided  us  with  sup- 
I    plies.    We  all  entered  into  the  said  pueblo,  well  equipped, 
ready  for  war  in  case  it  should  be  necessary.    That,  however, 
vm  not  our  intention,  for  we  were  guided  only  by  peace  and 
love,  and  by  a  desire  to  bring  the  natives  to  the  fold  of  our 
holy  Catholic  faith.    In  our  midst  we  took  three  religious, 
beuing  crosses  in  their  hands  and  aroimd  their  necks.    Thus 
^we  entered  into  the  pueblo,  but  we  f oimd  no  one  there,'  for 
tliey  had  not  dared  to  wait  for  us,  not  knowing  what  we 
^^re,  as  our  entrance  was  made  upon  armored  horses.    Seeing 
this,  we  immediately  left  the  pueblo,  travelling  through  fielcfi 
of  maize  for  about  half  a  league,  when  we  discovered  five 
'Jiore  pueblos.    In  the  open  we  pitched  our  camp  and  agreed 
Dot  to  go  on  until  we  had  won  over  those  natives  and  made 
friends  of  them.    At  the  end  of  two  days  a  cacique  came  with 
three  Indians  to  see  who  we  were,  and  by  signs  we  saluted 
one  another.    They  came  near  to  us  and  we  gave  them  iron 
'^^k's  bells,  plajdng  cards,  and  other  trinkets,  and  thus 
^J^^ade  them  friends.    They  went  and  summoned  the  rest  of 
tt^e  people,  who  came  in  great  numbers  to  see  us,  saying  to 
^^ch  other  that  we  were  children  of  the  Sim.    They  gave  us 
iK^aize,  beans,  gomxis,  cotton  mantas  (blankets),  and  tanned 
^^whides.    We  remained  four  days  in  their  midst,  and  in 
*^t  space  of  time  we  learned  from  them,  through  signs,  that 
t>eyond  as  well  as  to  the  sides  there  were  great  numbers  of 
pueblos. 

^Bancroft  calls  attention  to  the  discrepancy  here  in  dates  {Arizona  and  New 
^exieo,  p.  77,  note  4). 

*See  7,  p.  145,  above. 

'Note  a  discrepancy  between  this  and  Bustamante's  account  of  the  re- 
oq)ti(m.    See  p.  146. 


A 


156       NEW  MEXICO:  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION     (1681-1682 

From  there  we  travelled  up  stream  for  fifty  leagues,^  and 
along  the  river  and  to  the  sid^  within  the  di^ta^  of  about 
a  day's  journey,  we  discovered,  saw,  and  passed  sixty-one 
pueblos,  all  peopled  with  clothed  natives.  These  puebloe 
are  in  good  sites  and  on  good  and  level  land.  The  housee 
are  close  together  and  the  plazas  and  streets  all  well  arranged. 
They  have  turkeys,  which  they  raise.  It  seemed  to  us  all 
that  the  sixty-one  pueblos  which  we  saw  and  visited  must 
contain  more  than  one  himdred  and  thirty  thousand  nativeSj 
all  of  whom  wore  clothes. 

In  the  said  province  there  were  more  than  as  many  more 
pueblos,  equal  to  the  largest,  which  we  did  not  see,  as  we 
dared  not  go  to  them.  Much  cotton  is  raised  there.  Fathei 
Fray  Bernaldino  Beltran,  of  the  Order  of  St.  Francis,  who 
went  in  after  us,  recently,  ten  months  ago,  with  Antonio 
Despejo^  and  fifteen  soldiers,  brought  the  news  that  he  had 
discovered  five  pueblos  in  the  said  province  containing'  more 
than  fifty  thousand  souls.  They  gave  them  two  thousand 
cotton  manias.  Soon  afterwards  they  discovered  eleven  more 
pueblos,  of  many  people,  as  they  report.  They  informed 
them  of  a  very  \axge  lake,^  with  many  settlements  and  people, 
where  the  people  travel  in  canoes,  carrying  in  the  prows  lai^ge 
balls  of  brass  color.  They  report  that  Antonio  Despejo  wiSi 
eight  companions  is  going  in  search  of  this  lake.  Of  all  this 
Father  Fray  Bamaldino  Beltran  will  give  complete  and  de- 
tailed information. 

We,  the  said  nine  companions  and  the  three  fathers,  dis- 
covered also,  about  thirty  leagues  to  one  side  of  said  pueblos, 
an  immense  number  of  humpbacked  cows,  which  have  on  their 
shoulders  humps  a  cubit  high.  These  cows  are  foimd  over 
a  continuous  space  of  more  than  two  himdred  leagues  in 
length  ;*^  the  width  we  do  not  know.    They  are  not  very  wild 

^  This  seems  to  be  an  estimate  of  the  whde  distance  traveUed  up  the  river 
within  the  settled  district. 

*  Antonio  de  Espejo.  Beltrdn  went  with  Espejo  but  returned  before  him. 
Espejo  had  not  yet  returned  when  this  relation  was  written.    See  post,  p.  192. 

*  Moqui.    See  p.  186. 

« The  Laguna  de  Qro.    See  pp.  130,  184,  186. 

*  This  information  must  have  come  from  the  Coronado  expedition,  or  from 
reports  given  by  the  natives  d  New  Mexico,  for  Chamuscado's  men  did  not  aee 
two  hundred  leagues  of  buffalo  plains. 


1581-15821    NARRATIVE  OF  ESCALANTE  AND  BARRADO    157 

cattle,  and  they  run  but  little.  Their  meat  is  better  than 
that  of  this  countiy,  and  the  cattle  are  larger  than  those  of 
thiscountiy. 

We  also  discovered  in  the  said  countiy  eleven^  mine 
prospects,  all  having  great  veins  of  silver.  From  three  of 
them  ore  was  brou^t  to  this  city  and  given  to  his  Excel- 
lency. He  sent  it  to  the  assayer  of  the  mint  to  be  assayed ; 
he  assayed  them  and  f oimd  one  of  the  samples  to  be  half  sil- 
ver; another  contained  twenty  marks  per  quintal,  and  the 
third  five  marks.  For  all  this  I  refer  you  to  the  assayer  for 
verification,  for  I  repeat  only  what  he  stated. 

We  also  discoveml  in  the  said  settlement  a  very  rich  sa- 
line containing  a  great  quantity  of  granulated  salt  of  good 
quality.  Of  it  a  sample  was  brought  to  his  Excellency.  The 
saline  measures  five  leagues  aroimd.^ 

After  stating  the  above  I  will  add  that  we  are  ready  and 
equipped,  if  his  Majesty  will  give  us  permission,  to  go  and 
settle  and  save  so  many  souls  which  the  devil  holds  captive, 
by  teaching  and  instructing  them  berbo  ad  berbo,*  as  we  say 
here. 

There  are  reports  of  much  more  wherein  God  our  Lord 
may  be  served  and  the  royal  crown  increased,  as  r^ards  both 
vaffials  and  royal  fifths,  for  after  the  Spaniards  have  once 
entered  into  the  said  land,  besides  the  mines  which  we  have 
already  discovered  they  will  seek  and  discover  many  more, 
for  the  land  aboimds  in  them,  as  also  in  forests,  pastures,  and 
water.  It  is  a  land  whose  climate  is  a  little  cold,  although 
iMrt  excessively  so.  Its  temperature  is  like  that  of  Castile. 
And  if  it  is  not  settled  soon  those  souls  who  are  there  will 
be  m  danger,  and  the  royal  crown  of  his  Majesty  will  suffer 
peat  injury,  as  is  patent. — ^Phelipe  de  Escalante.  Her- 
nando Babrando.  By  order  of  the  Illustrious  Archbishop 
^  Mexico,  I  ordered  this  accoimt  copied  from  the  original, 
^th  which  it  agrees,  Mexico,  OctobCT  26,  1583.*  Joan  db 
Ahanda.    There  is  a  rubric. 

*  Bustamante  and  Gallegos  say  five.    See  p.  150. 
'Bustamante  and  Gallegos  say  five  leagues  in  extent.    See  p.  149. 
•Woid  (or  word. 

'Ilie  date  of  the  declaration  fell  between  the  return  of  BeltrlLn  and  this 
date  given  here. 


d 


REPORT  OF  THE  VICEROY  TO  THE  KING,   1583* 

His  Very  Catholic  and  Royal  Majesty : 

In  November  of  last  year,  1580,  a  friar  named  Pray  Agus- 
tin  Rodriguez,  of  the  Order  of  San  Francisco,  came  to  me  and 
told  me  that  he  desh^d  to  go  to  the  interior  to  preach  the 
Holy  Gospel  beyond  the  mines  of  Santa  Bdrbola,  which  are  in 
Nueva  Vizcaya;  and  seeing  his  great  zeal,  and  that  it  was 
reported  that  along  the  Conchas  River  were  people  where 
this  good  purpose  might  be  effected,  I  granted  him  pennis- 
sion  to  do  so,  and  to  take  with  him  other  religious,  and  as 
many  as  twenty  men  who  might  volimtarily  widi  to  go  with 
him,  to  protect  them  and  as  company ;  and  that  th^  might 
take  some  things  for  barter ;  and  that  the  one  whom  the  friar 
should  name  should  go  as  leader,^  whom  the  others  should 
obey,  that  they  might  not  cause  disorder.  I  did  not  give 
permission  for  more  men  to  go,  because  your  Majesty  had 
issued  instructions  that  no  entries  or  new  discoveries  should 
be  made  without  express  permission  from  your  Majesty. 

They  entered  with  as  many  as  eight  men,'  who  desu^  to 
go  with  them ;  and  it  appears  that  they  went  along  discover- 
ing some  pueblos  in  a  good  coimtry,  fertile,  and  having  a 
food  supply,  the  people  having  better  dress  and  appearance 
than  those  of  the  Conchas  River.  Fray  Agustin  Rodriguez 
decided  to  remain  in  one  of  them  with  a  companion,  and 
that  the  eight  men  shoidd  come  to  report  what  imtil  then 
had  been  seen  and  discovered.  I  have  had  their  depositions 
taken  and  am  sending*  them  herewith,  attested,  so  that  your 
Majesty  may  see  them.  And  Rodrigo  del  Rio  de  Losa,  lieu- 
tenant-captain-general  in  the  province  of  Nueva  Galicia,  a 
man  well  informed  and  of  much  experience  in  expeditions, 

>  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  IrUd.,  XV.  97-100. 
*  This  is  evidence  that  the  purpose  of  the  expedition  was  primarily  rdigiou& 
» See  p.  142,  note  4. 

^  The  text  says  envid,  which  is  clearly  a  misprint  for  entio, 

158 


^^1-16821  BEPORT  OF  THE  VICEROY  159 

^^^ecause  he  was  in  Florida  with  Don  Tristan  de  Arellano^ 
^Jid  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  with  Francisco  de  Ibarra,  being  here  at 
^he  time,  I  consulted  with  him  as  to  what  he  thought  was 
^toecessary  in  order  to  send  men  to  learn  about  the  friars  and 
^  endeavor  to  obtain  information  about  all  the  country,  and, 
])articularly,  that  they  might  report  of  it  here ;  and  he  gave 
me  the  statement  wMch  I  send^  herewith,  signed  by  himself.' 
While  this  was  taking  place  there  arriv^  a  soldier  with 
one  of  the  Indians  who  had  remained  with  the  friars,  who  said 
that  they  had  killed  one  of  them  in  his  presence,  and  that  as 
he  was  fleeing  hither  that  they  might  not  kill  him  he  heard 
cries  and  shouts  in  the  pueblo,  by  which  he  understood  that 
thqr  must  be  killing  the  other  friar.    And  I  having  consulted 
with  the  said  Rodrigo  del  Rio,  concerning  this  event  also,  and 
concerning  what  would  be  necessary  to  make  a  military  expe- 
dition, both  as  to  the  number  of  men  and  the  supplies,  if  your 
Majesty  should  deign  so  to  order  it,  he  made  a  full  report, 
which  is  the  one  accompanying  this,  signed  by  himself,  so  that 
your  Majesty  may  order  it  examined. 

From  what  can  be  gathered  from  the  accoimt  given  by 
these  men,  that  coimtry  is  densely  populated  and  fertile; 
although  they  say  they  saw  signs  of  mines,  among  the  Indians 
no  signs  of  gold  or  silver  are  found,  or  evidence  that  any  metal 
has  bieen  taken  out.  Your  Majesty  will  conmiand  the  whole 
niatter  to  be  investigated,  and  will  order  what  best  suits  your 
royal  service,  for  in  the  meantime  nothing  more  will  be  done 
in  the  affair.  May  God  preserve  the  Very  Catholic  Royal 
person  of  your  Majesty  and  increase  your  kingdoms  and  do- 
Diains,  as  we  the  servants  of  your  Majesty  desire. 

Mexico,  November  1,  1582.  His  very  CathoKc  Royal 
Majesty.  Your  Majesty's  servant  kisses  your  Majesty's 
loyal  hands.    The  Count  of  Coruna.    Rubric. 

[Endorsement.]  On  the  cover  is  the  following:  "New 
Spain.  To  his  Majesty,  1582.  The  viceroy,  the  Count  of 
Corufia,  November  1.    Examined.    Give  this,  with  the  papers 

*  See  Lowery,  Spanish  Settlements  within  the  Present  Limits  of  the  United 
States,  1513-1561,  pp.  357-374. 

'  Enn6,  clearly  a  misprint  for  envio, 

'Dd  RIo's  statements  are  printed  in  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col,  Doc. 
IM,,  XV.  137-146. 


160        NEW  MEXICO:  RODRIGUEZ  EXPEDITION    [1581-15825 

referred  to,  to  a  relator.    There  are  two  rubrics.    Issue  am 
c6dula  addressed  to  the  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  or  to  the  per — 
son  who  in  his  place  may  be  governing,  so  that,  with  respects 
to  the  exploration  concerned  in  this  letter  and  in  the  declara- 
tion and  reports  which  he  sends  with  it,  he  may  make  there  8 
contract^  with  the  person  whom  he  may  think  best  fitted  for 
it,  in  conformity  with  the  ordinances  relative  to  the  matter, 
so  that  the  expedition  may  be  made  without  any  expenditure 
whatsoever  from  the  treasury  of  his  Majesty ;  and  when  the 
contract  is  made,  before  any  of  the  conditions  therein  agreed 
upon  are  put  into  effect,  let  it  be  forwarded  to  the  Council, 
so  that,  it  having  been  examined,  what  is  best  may  be  pro- 
vided  for.    Madrid,   March   29,    1583.    Licentiate   Banos. 
Two  rubrics.    Before  me,  Francisco  db  Ledesma.    Rubric." 

^  The  contract  was  finally  made  with  Juan  de  Ofiate.    See  poH^  p.  201. 


NEW  MEXICO 
2.  THE   ESPEJO   EXPEDITION,  1582-1583 


INTRODUCTION 

While  the  viceroy  was  discussing  an  expedition  to  New 
''Mexico,  more  effective  measures  were  being  taken  by  the 
-^Vanciscan  order  and  a  private  citizen.    On  learning  through 
^^e  returning  soldiers  that  the  friars  who  went  with  Chamus- 
^^ado  had  been  left  alone  in  New  Mexico^  the  Franciscans 
beared  for  the  safety  of  their  brethren  and  at  once  considered 
"t^he  organization  of  a  rescue  party.    To  lead  it.  Fray  Bemal- 
<3ino  Beltr&n,  of  the  monastery  of  Durango,  volimteered. 
Bearing  of  the  project,  Antonio  de  Espejo,  a  wealthy  citizen 
of  Mexico,  who  was  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  at  the  time,  offered  to 
equip  and  lead  some  soldiers  as  an  escort,  and  to  pay  the  ex- 
penses of  Father  Beltrdn.     Through  the  efforts  of  the  friar 
a  license  was  secured  from  Captain  Juan  Ontiveras,  alcalde 
'ffiayar  of  Cuatro  Ci^negas,  a  settlement  seventy  leagues  east 
of  Santa  B^bara,  then  in  Nueva  Vizcaya,  but  now  in  Coahuila. 
Enlisting  fourteen  or  fifteen  soldiers,  on  November  10, 
1582,  the  expedition  was  begun  at  San  6artolom6,  a  place 
^^^e  leagues  east  of  Santa  Barbara.    Besides  Father  Beltr^, 
Eepejo,  the  soldiers,  and  servants,  there  were  several  other 
persons  in  the  party,  as  is  shown  by  the  documents.^    They 

^Tlie  above  aoooimt  is  based  on  the  statement  by  Espejo,  who  does  not 

Snre  all  the  facts.    The  exact  process  by  which  the  license  was  secured  is  not 

^^^ir.    The  departure  was  attended  by  trouble  and  a  conflict  of  interests.    When 

^^  ptrty  set  out  on  November  10  it  consisted  of  Espejo,  twelve  other  soldiers, 

^^  Pedro  de  Heredia,  and  Fray  Bemaldino  Beltrdn,  servants,  and  interpreters. 

At  that  time  Father  Heredia  was  evidently  the  superior  of  the  missionaries  of  the 

P^  and  no  captain  had  been  appointed.    The  juaticia  of  Santa  B&rbara  for- 

■^  their  departure,  but  Father  Heredia  exhibited  a  license  from  Juan  de  Ibarra, 

'^tinife  de  gcAemadof  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  permitting  all  who  wished  to  go  with 

luDi.   Hie  first  ni^t  they  were  overtaken  in  camp  by  one  Fray  Luis  with  an 

163 


164  NEW  MEXICO:  ESPEJO  EXPEDITION 

were  equipped  with  one  hundred  and  fifteen  horses  and  mules. 
The  start  was  made  three  or  fom*  months  after  news  of  the 
death  of  Father  L6pez  reached  Santa  Barbara  and  it  can  hardly 
be  supposed  that  the  report  was  unknown  to  Father  Beltr^ 
and  Espejo.  Perhaps  they  hoped  to  find  one  at  least  of  the 
friars  still  alive.  No  doubt  Espejo  at  least  was  curious  to 
see  the  country  and  regarded  the  journey  as  an  opportimity 
for  exploration. 

The  route  followed  was  that  of  the  Rodriguez  party,  but 
the  records  tell  us  more  of  what  they  saw  than  do  those  of 
the  earlier  journey.  Passing  down  the  Rio  Conchos,  they  went 
through  the  tribes  of  the  Conchos,  Pazaguantes,  and  Tobosos. 
On  the  Rio  Grande,  at  the  junction  and  for  twelve  dajrs  above, 
they  passed  through  Jumano  villages.  Above  the  Jumano 
country,  and  apparently  before  reaching  the  river  bend  near 
El  Paso,  they  encountered  two  tribes  who  lived  in  rancherfas. 
They  were  probably  the  tribes  later  known  as  the  Sumas  and 
the  Mansos.  Next  they  travelled  fifteen  days,  or  eighty 
leagues,  through  an  unsettled  region.  It  was  evidently  the 
same  imsettled  stretch  of  eighty  leagues  reported  by  the 
Rodriguez  party.  Going  twelve  leagues  further,  passing  a 
rancherfa  on  the  way,  they  entered  the  pueblo  region.  After 
passing  for  two  days  through  a  province  in  which  they  visited 
ten  pueblos,  seeing  others  at  the  right  and  left,  they  reached 

order  from  his  cuatodio  requiring  Father  Heredia  to  return,  because  FVay  Lois, 
Fray  Juan  Bautista,  and  Fray  Francisco  de  San  Miguel  were  equipped  for  the 
journey.  The  soldiers  insbted  that  Heredia  should  continue,  since  some  <^  them 
would  be  ruined  by  the  expense  of  the  outfit  if  the  enterprise  were  abandoned. 
He  replied  in  writing  that  he  would  proceed.  Fray  Luis  went  back  to  San  Gre- 
gorio  to  get  his  companions,  and  while  there  engaged  in  a  quarrel  with  Father 
Heredia,  who  also  returned.  In  the  midst  of  it  Heredia  got  a  message  from  Ibarra 
asking  him  to  await  for  ten  or  twelve  days  his  coming  with  a  license  from  Heredia's 
ciutodio.  Thereupon  Heredia  sent  word  to  the  party  to  go  ahead  slowly  and 
that  he  would  overtake  them.  Meanwhile  Miguel  S4nchez  Valendano  had  re- 
turned to  Valle  de  San  Bartolom6  and  got  his  wife,  Casilda  de  Amaya,  and  three 
sons,  L6zaro,  Pedro,  and  Juan,  of  whom  the  last  two  were  aged  three  and  one- 
half  years,  and  twenty  months,  respectively  (Lux&n,  ErUrada), 


INTRODUCTION  166 

tbe  borders  of  the  province  of  the  Tiguas,  and  learned  that 
Fathers  L6pez  and  Rodriguez  had  been  killed  at  Puaray. 

The  avowed  purpose  of  the  expedition  had  now  been  ac- 
complished;  but  Espejo,  seconded  by  Father  Beltr^,  decided 
to  e}q)lore  the  country  before  returning.  Going  two  days  east 
with  two  companions^  to  the  province  of  the  MaguaS;  adja- 
cent to  the  buffalo  country,  Espejo  learned  that  there  Father 
Santa  Maria  had  been  killed  before  Chamuscado  left  New 
Mexico. 

Returning  to  the  Tiguas,  the  whole  party  went  six  leagues 
to  the  Quired;  and  then  visited  Sia,  fourteen  leagues  to  the 
northwest,  and  the  E^meges  (Jemez),  six  leagues  f mother  north- 
TOst.  Turning  southwest,  they  now  went  to  Acoma,  and 
tlience  to  Zufii.  At  this  point  Father  Beltr&n  and  about  half 
oi  the  party  decided  to  return  to  Nueva  Vizcaya.  But  Espejo 
and  nine  companions  set  out  northward  in  search  of  a  lake  of 
sold  said  to  be  in  that  direction.  He  did  not  find  the  lake, 
but  he  visited  the  province  of  Mohoce  (Moqui),  and  was 
Siven  there  a  present  of  four  thousand  cotton  blankets  {marir 
*fl«).  Sending  these  back  to  Zuni  by  five  men,  with  the  re- 
straining four  Espejo  went  west  in  search  of  mines  of  which 
he  had  heard.  After  travelling  forty-five  leagues  he  found 
them  in  western  Arizona,  and  secured  rich  ores.  Returning 
to  Zufii  by  a  shorter  and  better  route,  he  found  Father  Bel- 
^  and  his  companions  still  there. 

His  party  being  increased  by  another  of  Espejo's  men, 
pRiy  BelthUi  now  returned  to  San  Bartolom^ ;  but  Espejo, 
W  on  further  explorations,  turned  east  again  and  ascended 
^  Bio  Grande  to  the  Quires.  Going  east  from  there  six 
I^es,  he  visited  the  Ubates,  and  foimd  mineral  prospects 
^tear  by.  One  day  from  the  Ubates  he  visited  the  Tanos 
pueblos,  who  would  neither  admit  him  nor  give  him  food. 
In  view  of  this  hostility  and  of  the  smallness  of  his  party, 
£^jo  now  set  out  for  home,  but  by  a  different  route  from 


166  NEW  MEXICO:  ESPEJO  EXPEDITION 

that  of  the  entrance.  Going  to  Cicqnique  (Cicuye),  he  de- 
scended the  Rio  de  las  Vacas  (Pecos)  one  hundred  and  twenty 
leagues,  over  a  trail  followed  by  Alvarado  forty  years  before. 
From  here,  conducted  by  Jumano  Indians,  he  crossed  over  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Conchos.  Thence  he  returned  to  San  Bar- 
tolom6,  reaching  it  on  September  20, 1583,  nearly  a  year  after 
setting  out.  Fray  Beltrdn  had  preceded  him  by  several  days. 
The  report  brought  back  by  Espejo  of  the  Lake  of  Gold  (Lar 
guna  de  Oro)  and  of  the  mines  in  western  Arizona  played  a 
large  part  in  directing  the  western  exploration  of  Ofiate  and 
his  subordinates  two  decades  later. 

The  principal  published  source  of  information  r^arding 
the  expedition  is  Espejo's  own  account  (printed  hereinafter), 
written  at  Santa  Barbara  shortly  after  his  return  from  New 
Mexico.  This  was  published  by  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas  in 
their  ColecdM  de  Documentos  Iniditos,  XV.  101-126,  under  the 
title  '^Relacion  del  viage,  que  yo  Antonio  Espejo,  ciudadano 
de  la  ciudad  de  Mexico,  natiutd  de  Cordoba,  hize  con  catorce 
soldados  y  un  relijioso  de  la  orden  de  San  Francisco,  &  las 
provincial  y  poblaciones  de  la  Nueva  Mexico,  a  quien  puse 
por  nombre,  la  Nueva  Andalucfa,  &  contemplacion  de  mi 
patria,  en  fin  del  ano  de  mill  e  quinientos  e  ochenta  e  dos.''^ 
This  version  of  the  relation  will  be  designated  here  as  A.  It 
is  preceded  in  the  Coleccidn  by  a  letter  of  transmittal  to  the 
king,  dated  at  San  Salvador,  April  23, 1584.  Another  version 
of  the  relation,  bearing  the  same  title  as  A,  is  in  the  same  vol- 
ume of  the  Coleccidn,  pp.  163-189.^  This  version  will  be  re- 
ferred to  as  B.  With  it  is  printed  (pp.  162-163)  the  letter  of 
transmittal  by  Espejo  to  the  viceroy,  at  the  end  of  October, 

^  It  is  comprehended  in  the  expedienU  entitled  "Testimonio  dado  en  M6jioo/' 
etc,  noted  on  page  139,  above. 

'  It  is  comprehended  in  a  group  of  doounents  entitled  ''Expediente  sdbre  d 
Ofrecimiento  que  hace  Francisco  Diaz  de  Vargas,  de  ir  al  Nuevo  Mexico,  y  refiere 
la  Hist(»ia  de  este  Descubrimiento,  con  documentos  que  aoompafian.  Aflo  de 
1584."    The  originab  are  in  the  Archivo  de  Indias,  Patronato,  est.  1,  caj,  1. 


INTRODUCTION  167 

1683.  The  two  versions  differ  very  little,  but  A,  though  of 
slightly  later  date,  is  marred  by  fewer  misprints  than  the 
other,  and  on  it  the  translation  is  therefore  based.  All  essen- 
tial differences  in  6  are  indicated  in  the  foot-notes. 

Other  documents  in  the  same  volume  of  the  Colecci6n  con- 
taining incidental  information  regarding  the  expedition  are 
the  Relaci6n  Breve  by  Escalante  and  Barrado  (pp.  146-150), 
printed  hereinbefore,  pp.  154^157 ;  the  petition  of  Francisco 
Dlas  de  Vargas  for  license  to  make  a  new  expedition  (pp.  126- 
137) ;  the  memorial  of  Espejo  to  the  king,  asking  authority 
to  settle  the  country  he  had  discovered,  pp.  151-162 ;  the 
power  of  attorney  by  Espejo  to  Pedro  Gonzflez  de  Mendoza, 
his  son-in-law,  Joan  Garcia  Bonilla,  and  Diego  de  Salas  Bar- 
badillo,  April  23,  1583  (pp.  189-191).  So  far  as  the  editor 
knows,  none  of  the  documents  have  been  published  in  English 
heretofore. 

Another  relation  of  this  expedition,  still  unpublished,  was 
written  by  Diego  P6rez  de  LuxAn,  a  member  of  the  expedition, 
under  the  title,  "Entrada  que  hizo  en  el  Nuevo  Mexico  Anton 
de  Espejo  en  d  ano  de  82''  (A.  G.  de  I.,  1-1-3/22).  A  copy  of 
this  manuscript,  which  has  recently  come  to  light,  is  contained 
in  the  Ayer  Collection.  The  "Cronica"  of  Obreg6n  cited 
above  also  contains  a  detailed  accoimt  of  the  expedition.  So 
f&r  as  the  editor  knows,  these  important  sources  have  not  been 
itted  hitherto. 

In  Mendoza's  History  of  the  Kingdom  of  China  (trans,  in 
HaUuyt  Society  Publications,  London,  1854),  II.  228-252,  is 
a  contemporary  account  of  the  Espejo  expedition ;  also  in 
Hakluyt,  Voyages  (London,  1599-1600),  III.  383-396. 


ACCOUNT  OF  THE  JOURNEY  TO  THE 
PROVINCES   AND   SETTLEMENTS 
OF  NEW   MEXICO,  1583 

Account  of  the  Journey  which  /,  Antonio  Espejo,  Citizen  of  the 
City  of  Mexico,  native  of  the  City  of  Cordoba,  made  at  the 
dose  of  the  year  1582,  with  Fourteen  Soldiers  and  a  Relig- 
ious of  the  Order  of  San  Francisco,  to  the  Provinces  and 
Settlements  of  New  Mexico,  which  I  ruimed  Nueva  Artdor 
luda,  in  Honor  of  my  Native  Land.^ 

In  order  that  this  account  may  be  better  and  more  easQy 
understood  it  should  be  observed  that  in  the  year  1581  a  friar 
of  the  Order  of  San  Francisco,  named  Fray  Agustin  y  Ruiz,* 
who  resided  in  the  valley  of  San  Bartolom6,  having  heard 
through  certain  Conchos  Indians  who  were  communicating 
with  the  Pazaguates,  that  to  the  north  there  were  certain  un- 
discovered settlements,  endeavored  to  obtain  permission  to 
go  to  them  for  the  purpose  of  preaching  the  Gospel  to  the 
natives.  Having  obtained  permission  from  his  prelate  and 
from  the  viceroy,  the  Count  of  Coruna,  this  friar  and  two 
others,  named  Fray  Francisco  Lopez  and  Fray  Jhoan  de  Santa 
Maria,  with  seven  or  eight  soldiers  of  whom  Francisco  Sanchez 
Chamuscado  was  leader,  went  inland  in  the  month  of  June 
of  1581,  through  the  said  settlements,  imtil  they  arrived  at  a 
province  called  Tiguas,  situated  two  hundred  and  fifty  leagues 
north  of  the  mines  of  Santa  Bdrbola,  of  the  government  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  where  they  began  their  journey.  There 
Fray  Jhoan  de  Santa  Maria  was  killed,'  and  as  they  saw  that 

iPacheco  and  Cardenas,  Cd.  Doc,  InSd.  (A),  XV.  101-126;  (B),  ibid.,  169- 
189. 

'  This  name  should  be  Rodriguez. 

*  Father  Santa  Maria  was  killed  among  the  Maguas,  as  Espejo  himself  tdb 
further  on. 

168 


15821  NARRATIVE  OF  ESPEJO  169 

there  were  many  people,  and  that  for  any  purpose  either  of 
peace  or  of  war  they  themselves  were  too  few,  the  soldiers  and 
their  leader  returned  to  the  mines  of  Santa  Bdrbola,  and  from 
there  went  to  Mexico,  which  is  one  himdred  and  sixty  leagues 
distant,  to  report  to  the  viceroy,  in  the  month  of  May,  1582. 
The  two  religious  who  remained,  with  the  desire  to  save 
souls,  believing  that  they  were  safe  among  the  natives,  did 
not  wish  to  come  away,  but  preferred  to  stay  in  the  said  prov- 
ince of  the  Tiguaa,  through  which  Francisco  Vasquez  Coronado 
long  ago  passed  on  his  way  to  the  conquest  and  discovery  of 
the  cities  and  plains  of  Cibola.^  And  thus  they  remained 
with  three  Indian  boys  and  a  half-breed,  whereat  the  Order  of 
San  Francisco  was  gSily  grieved,  regarding  it  as  certain  that 
the  Indians  would  kill  the  two  religious^  and  those  who  remained 
with  them.  Entertaining  this  fear,  they  wished  and  endeav- 
ored to  find  someone  who  would  enter  the  said  land  and  bring 
them  out  and  succor  them.  For  this  purpose  another  relig- 
ious of  the  same  order,  named  Fray  Bemaldino  Beltran,  a  resi- 
dent of  the  monastery  of  the  Villa  of  Durango,  capital  of 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  offered  to  make  the  journey,  with  the  au- 
thority and  permission  of  his  superior. 

And  as  at  that  time  it  happened  that  I  was  in  that  juris- 
diction, and  that  I  heard  of  the  wise  and  pious  desire  of  the 
6aid  religious  and  of  the  entire  order,  and  Imowing  that  by  so 
cloing  I  would  serve  our  Lord  and  his  Majesty,  I  offered  to 
sceompany  this  religious  and  to  spend  part  of  my  wealth  in 
paying  his  expenses  and  in  taking  some  soldiers,  both  for  his 
protection  and  defense  and  for  that  of  the  religious  whom  he 
was  going  to  succor  and  bring  back,  if  the  royal  justice,  in  his 
Majesty^s  name,  would  permit  or  order  me  to  do  so.    Accord- 
ingly, having  learned  of  the  holy  zeal  of  the  said  religious  and 
of  my  intention,  and  at  the  instance  of  the  said  Fray  Bernar- 
dino, Captain  Joan  de  Ontiveros,*  alcalde  mayor  for  his  Maj- 

^  For  references  to  the  province  of  the  Tlguas  (Tiguex)  in  the  report  of  the 
Coronado  expedition,  see  Winship,  "The  Coronado  Expedition/'  in  the  Four~ 
leenth  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology  (Washington,  1896),  pp.  491, 
497,  500,  603,  619,  520,  524,  569,  575,  587,  594. 

>This  would  imply  that  the  Franciscans  knew  that  Father  Santa  Marfa 
had  been  killed  before  Chamuscado  returned. 

*B  gives  this  name  as  "Onteveros"  (p.  166). 


170  NEW  MEXICO:  ESPEJO  EXPEDITION  [1682 

esty  in  the  pueblos  called  the  Cuatro  Cienegas,^  which  lie 
within  the  said  jurisdiction  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  seventy  leagues 
east  of  the  mines  of  Santa  Bdrbola,  gave  his  order  and  conunis- 
sion  that  I,  with  some  soldiers,  should  enter  the  new  land  to 
succor  and  bring  out  the  rehgious  and  men  who  had  remained 
in  it. 

And  SO;  by  virtue  of  said  order  and  commission,  I  enlisted 
fourteen  soldiers,  whose  names  are  Joan  Lopez  de  Ibarra, 
Bernardo  de  Luna,  Diego  Perez  de  Lujan,  Caspar  de  Lujan, 
Francisco  Barreto,^  Gregorio  Hernandez,  Miguel  Sanchez 
Valenciano,  Lazaro  Sanchez  and  Miguel  Sanchez  Nevado, 
sons  of  the  said  Miguel  Sanchez,  Alonso  de  Miranda,  Pedro 
Hernandez  de  Almansa,  Joan  Hernandez,  Crist6bal  Sanchez, 
and  Joan  de  Frias,  all  of  whom,  or  the  major  part  of  whom,* 
I  supplied  with  arms,  horses,  munitions,  provisions,  and  other 
things  necessary  for  so  long  and  imaccustomed  a  journey. 
Beginning  our  journey  at  VaUe  de  San  Bartolom6,  which  is 
nine  leagues  from  the  mines  of  Santa  Bdrbola,  on  November 
10,  1582,  with  one  hundred  and  fifteen  horses  and  mules,  some 
servants,  and  a  quantity  of  arms,  munitions,  and  provisions, 
we  set  out  directly  north. 

After  two  day^'  inarch  of  five  leagues  each  we  found  in 
some  rancherias  a  large  number  of  Indians  of  the  Conchos 
nation,  many  of  whom,  to  the  number  of  more  than  a  thousand, 
came  out  to  meet  us  along  the  road  we  were  travelling.  We 
foimd  that  they  live  on  rabbits,  hares,  and  deer,  which  they 
hunt  and  which  are  abundant,  and  on  some  crops  of  maize, 
gourds,  Castilian  melons,  and  watermelons,  like  winter  melons, 
which  they  plant  and  cultivate,  and  on  fish,  mascales,  which 
are  the  leaves  of  hchuguiUaj  a  plant  half  a  vara*  in  height,  the 
stalks  of  which  have  green  leaves.  They  cook  the  stocks  of 
this  plant  and  make  a  preserve  like  quince  jam.  It  is  very 
sweet,  and  they  call  it  mascale^    They  go  about  naked,  have 

^  Regarding  thb  place  see  p.  163,  above. 
*B  gives  this  name  as  "Barrero"  (p.  166). 

*  Elsewhere  Espejo  says  that  he  supplied  all  of  them. 

*  The  vara  was  equivalent  to  about  thirty-three  inches. 

*  The  maguey  plant.  "The  fleshy  leaf  bases  and  trunk  of  various  species 
of  agave.  It  was  roasted  in  pit  ovens  and  became  a  sweet  and  nutritious  food 
among  the  Indians  of  the  states  on  both  sides  of  the  Mexican  boundaxy''  (Walter 


1582]  NARRATIVE  OF  ESPEJO  171 

grass  huts  for  houseS;  use  bows  and  arrows  for  arms,  and  have 
caciques  whom  they  obey.  We  did  not  find  that  they  have 
idols,  nor  that  they  offer  any  sacrifices.  We  assembled  as 
many  of  them  as  we  could,  erected  crosses  for  them  in  the 
rancherlas,  and  by  interpreters  of  their  own  tongue  whom  we 
had  with  us  the  meaning  of  the  crosses  and  something  about 
our  holy  Catholic  faith  was  explained  to  them.  They  went 
with  us  six  days  beyond  their  rancherlas,  which  must  have 
been  a  journey  of  twenty-four  leagues  to  the  north.  All  this 
distance  is  settled  by  Indians  of  the  same  nation,  who  came 
out  to  receive  us  in  peace,  one  cacique  reporting  our  coming 
to  another.  All  of  them  fondled  us  and  our  horses,  touching 
us  and  the  horses  with  their  hands,  and  with  great  friendliness 
giving  us  some  of  their  food. 

At  the  end  of  these  six  days  we  foimd  another  nation  of 

Indians  called  Pazaguantes,^  who  have  rancherlas,  huts,  and 

food  like  the  CJonchos.    They  were  dealt  with  as  had  been 

those   of  the  CJonchos  nation,  and  they  continued  with  us 

/our  days'  march,  which  must  have  been  fourteen  leagues, 

one  cacique  informing  another,  so  that  they  might  come  out 

to  receive  us,  which  they  did.    In  places  during  these  four 

clays'  travel  we  foimd  many  mines*  of  silver  which,  in  the 

opinion  of  those  who  know,  were  rich. 

We  left  this  nation,  and  on  the  first  day's  march  we  found 

another  people  called  Jobosos.'    They  were  shy,  and  therefore 

^they  fled  from  all  the  settlements  through  which  we  passed, 

^where  they  lived  in  huts,  for  as  it  was  said  some  soldiers  had 

\)een  there  and  carried  away  some  of  them  as  slaves.    But  we 

called  some  of  them,  making  them  presents,  and  some  of  them 

came  to  the  camp.    We  gave  some  things  to  the  caciques, 

and  through  interpreters  gave  them  to  understand  that  we 

had  not  come  to  capture  them  or  to  injure  them  in  any  manner. 

Thereupon  they  were  reassured,  and  we  erected  crosses  for 

Hough,  in  Hodge,  Handbook  cf  American  Indians,  I.  845,  q,  v,  for  further  data.) 
See  p.  321,  below,  note  5. 

^  B  says  Pazaguate  (p.  167). 

*  "Minas  de  plata."  B  says  "barras  de  plata"  (bars  of  silver),  which  is 
probably  a  misprint  (p.  167). 

'  Fh>bably  a  misprint  for  Tobosos,  as  it  appears  in  B,  and  as  the  name  is 
ocMnmonly  known. 


172  NEW  MEXICO:  ESPEJO  EXPEDITION  [1582 

them  in  their  rancherfas  and  explained  to  them  something 
about^  God  our  Lord.  They  appeared  pleased,  and  being 
SO;  some  of  them  went  on  with  ns  till  they  had  taken  us  be- 
yond their  territory.  They  live  on  the  same  things  as  the 
FazaguateS;  use  bows  and  arrows,  and  go  about  without  cloth- 
ing. We  passed  through  this  nation,  which  seemed  to  have 
few  Indians,  in  three  da}rs,  which  must  have  been  a  distance 
of  eleven  leagues. 

Having  left  this  nation  we  came  to  another  who  call 
themselves  the  Jumanos,^  and  whom  the  Spaniards  call,  for 
another  name,  Patarabueyes.  This  nation  appeared  to  be 
very  numerous,  and  had  large  permanent  pueblos.  In  it  we 
saw  five  pueblos  with  more  than  ten  thousand  Indians,  and 
flat-roofed  houses,  low  and  well  arranged  into  pueblos.  The 
people  of  this  nation  have  their  faces  streaked,  and  are  large ; 
they  have  maize,  gourds,  beans,  game  of  foot  and  wing,  and 
fish  of  many  kinds  from  two  rivers  that  cany  much  water. 
One  of  them,  which  must  be  about  half  the  size  of  the  Guadal- 
quivir,* flows  directly  from  the  north  and  empties  into  the 
Conchos  River.  The  Conchos,  which  must  be  about  the  size 
of  the  Guadalquivir,  flows  into  the  North  Sea.  They  have 
salines  consisting  of  lagoons  of  salt  water,  which  at  certain 
times  of  the  year  solidifies  and  forms  salt  ]jke  that  of  the  sea. 
The  first  night,  when  we  pitched  camp  near  a  small  pueblo  of 
this  nation,  they  killed  five  of  our  horses  with  arrows  and 
wounded  as  many  more,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  watch 
was  kept.  They  retired  to  a  mountain  range,  where  six  of  us 
went  next  morning  with  Pedro,  the  interpreter,*  a  native  of 
their  nation,  and  foimd  them,  quieted  them,  made  peace  with 
them,  and  took  them  to  their  own  pueblo.  We  told  them  what 
we  had  told  the  others,  and  that  they  should  inform  the  peo- 
ple of  their  nation  not  to  flee  nor  hide,  but  to  come  out  to  see 
us.    To  some  of  the  caciques  I  gave  beads,  hats,  and  other 

^  "Algunas  cosas  de  Dios  Nuestro  Senor."  B  says  "Algunas  cosas  de  la 
fey  de  Dios  Nuestro  Senor"  (p.  168). 

'B  reads  "Xumarias"  (p.  168),  evidently  a  misprint.  For  the  Jumano 
Indians,  see  Hodge,  Handbook,  I.  636;  Hodge,  "The  Jumano  Indians,"  in  Proc. 
Jbm.  Antiq,  Soc,,  April,  1909 ;  Bolton,  "The  Jumano  Indians  in  Texas,"  in  the 
State  Hist.  Assoc.  Quarterly,  XV.  66-^ 

*  B  reads  "Guadalquibf "  (p.  168).  « NaguataUK 


1582]  NARRATIVE  OF  ESPEJO  173 

things,  so  that  they  would  bring  them  in  peace,  which  they 
did ;  and  from  these  pueblos  they  accompanied  us,  informing 
one  another  that  we  came  as  friends  and  not  to  injure 
them;  and  thus  great  numbers  of  them  went  with  us  and 
showed  us  a  river  from  the  north,  which  has  been  mentioned 
above. 

On  the  banks  of  this  river  Indians  of  this  nation  are  settled 
for  a  distance  of  twelve  days'  journey.  Some  of  them  have 
flat-roofed  houses,  and  others  live  in  grass  huts.  The  ca- 
ciques came  out  to  receive  us,  each  with  his  people,  without 
bows  or  arrows,  giving  us  portions  of  their  food,  while  some 
gave  us  gammas  (buckskins)  and  buffalo  hides,  very  well 
taoned.  The  gammas  they  make  of  the  hides  of  deer ;  they 
also  are  tanned,  as  it  is  done  in  Flanders.  The  hides  are  from 
the  humpbacked  cows  which  they  call  civola,  and  whose  hair 
is  like  that  of  cows  of  Ireland.  The  natives  dress  the  hides^ 
of  these  cows  as  hides  are  dressed  in  Flanders,  and  make  shoes 
of  them.  Others  they  dress  in  different  way^,  some  of  the 
natives  using  them  for  clothes.  These  Indians  appear  to 
have  some  knowledge  of  our  holy  Catholic  faith,  because  they 
point  to  God  our  Lord,  looking  up  to  the  heavens.  They 
call  him  Apalito  in  their  tongue,  and  say  that  it  is  He  whom 
they  recognize  as  their  Lord  and  who  gives  them  what  they 
have.  Many  of  them,  men,  women,  and  children,  came  to 
have  the  religious  and  us  Spaniards  bless  them,  which  made 
them  appear  very  happy.  They  told  us  and  gave  us  to  imder- 
stand  through  interpreters  that  three  Christians  and  a  negro 
had  passed  through  there,  and  by  the  indications  they  gave 
they  appeared  to  have  been  Alonso^  Nunez  Cabeza  de  Vaca, 
Dorantes  Castillo  Maldonado,  and  a  negro,  who  had  all  es* 
caped  from  the  fleet  with  which  Pdnfilo  Narvaez  entered 
Florida.  They  were  left  friendly  and  very  peaceful  and  satis- 
fied, and  some  of  them  went  with  us  up  the  Rfo  del  Norte, 
serving  and  accompanying  us.' 

1  "Antas"  (p.  107).    B  (p.  169)  reads  "cintas/'  evidently  a  misprint 

*  A  mistake  for  "Alvar."    It  is  the  same  in  B. 

'  Lux&n,  in  his  Entrada,  gives  a  day-by-day  diary  of  the  expedition,  which 
dears  up  many  of  Espejo's  very  general  statements.  The  Rio  del  Norte  was 
reached  on  December  9  after  twenty-one  days,  or  seventy-two  leagues,  of  actual 
travd.    On  November  15  they  passed  the  junction  of  the  Florido  with  die 


174  NEW  MEXICO:  ESPEJO  EXPEDITION  [1582 

Continuing  up  that  river,  always  to  the  north,  there  came 
out  to  receive  us  a  great  number  of  Indians,  men,  women, 
and  children,  dressed  or  covered  with  buckskins;  but  we  did 
not  learn  of  what  nation  they  were,^  through  lack  of  inter- 
preters. They  brought  us  many  things  made  of  feathers  of 
different  colors,  and  some  small  cotton  mantas,  striped  with 
blue  and  white,  like  some  of  those  they  bring  from  China; 
and  they  gave  us  to  understand  by  signs  that  another  nation 
that  adjoined  theirs,  towards  the  west,  brought  those  things 
to  barter  with  them  for  other  goods  which  these  had  and 
which  appeared  from  what  they  told  us  by  signs  to  be  dressed 
hides  of  cows  and  deer ;  and  showing  them  shining  ores,  which 
in  other  places  usually  bear  silver,  and  others  of  the  same 
kind  which  we  carried,  they  pointed  towards  the  west  five 
dajrs'  journey,  saying  they  were  taking  us  to  where  there  was 
an  immense  quantity  of  those  metals  and  many  people  of 
that  nation.  They  went  forth  with  us  four  days'  joirney, 
which  must  have  been  a  distance  of  twenty-two  leagues. 

Conchos;  on  the  23d  they  reached  Rio  de  San  Pedro,  and  next  day  crossed  the 
Conchos  at  El  Xacal,  forty  leagues  from  San  Gregorio,  where  Lope  de  Ariste  had 
built  a  hut  during  a  slave-hunting  expedition.  Here  Chamuscado  had  been 
buried  the  year  before.  December  4,  twenty-three  leagues  further  on,  they  left 
the  Conchos  tribe  and  entered  that  of  the  Pasaguates,  friends  of  the  Conchos  and 
Patarabueyes,  and  speaking  all  three  languages.  Four  leagues  beyond,  on  De- 
cember 6,  they  reached  the  first  rancherfa  of  the  Patarabueyes.  This  nam^ 
Lux6n  tells  us,  was  made  up  by  the  soldiers  of  Mateo  Gonz&lez  during  a  previous 
slaving  expedition  to  this  rancherfa.  The  Indians  called  themselves  Otomoacos. 
It  was  at  this  rancherfa  that  the  Indians  killed  Espejo's  horses.  On  the  ninth 
the  expedition  reached  the  Rio  del  Norte,  five  leagues  above  the  junction.  The 
Indians  here  and  at  the  junction  were  called  Abriaches,  and  spoke  a  language 
different  from  the  Otomoacos,  though  related  to  them.  By  the  Spaniards  both 
tribes  were  called  Patarabueyes.  Here  and  at  the  junction  eight  days  were 
spent  awaiting  Father  Heredia  and  resting  the  horses.  At  the  junction  they 
visited  the  village  of  chief  Baysibiye,  on  the  south  side,  and  across  the  river  those 
of  chief  Casicamoyo  and  head-bhief  Qbisise.  The  previous  year  Lux&n's  brother, 
Gasp&r,  had  been  at  this  point  on  a  slaving  expedition  for  Juan  de  la  Parra,  of 
Indeche  (Ind6).  Hearing  while  here  through  the  Indians  that  Father  L6pes 
and  his  companion  were  still  alive,  Father  Beltr&n  insisted  on  hurrying  on,  with- 
out awaiting  Father  Heredia.  As  yet  no  captain  had  been  formally  elected,  aa 
Heredia  was  to  name  one.  Accordingly,  Espejo  was  chosen  captain  and  /u*- 
Hcia  mayor,  and  the  march  was  continued. 

^  Later  the  Spaniards  found  the  Siuna  and  Manso  tribes  settled  betweoi 
El  Paso  and  the  Jumanos.  It  may  have  been  these  whom  Espejo  saw.  See 
p.  176,  note  4,  below. 


15831  NARRATIVE  OF  ESPEJO  176 

These  Indians  having  stopped,  and  we  having  travelled 
four  days  more  up  the  said  river,  we  found  a  great  number 
of  people  living  near  some  lagoons^  through  the  midst  of 
which  the  Rio  del  Norte  flows.  These  people,  who  must 
have  numbered  more  than  a  thousand  men  and  women,  and 
who  were  settled  in  their  rancherias  and  grass  huts,  came 
out  to  receive  us,  men,  women,  and  children.  Each  one 
brought  us  his  present  of  mesquital,^  which  is  made  of  a  fruit 
like  the  carob  bean,*  fish  of  many  kinds,  which  are  very  plen- 
tiful in  those  lagoons,  and  other  kinds  of  their  food  in  such 
quantity  that  the  greater  part  spoiled  because  the  amoimt 
tiiey  gave  us  was  so  great.  During  the  three  days  and  nights 
we  were  there  they  continually  performed  milotes,  balls,  and 
dances,  in  their  fashion,  as  well  as  after  the  manner  of  the 
Mexicans.  They  gave  us  to  imderstand  that  there  were 
many  people  of  this  nation  at  a  distance  from  there,  but  we 
did  not  learn  of  what  nation  they  were,  for  lack  of  inter- 
preters. Among  them  we  found  an  Indian  of  the  Concho 
nation  who  gave  us  to  understand,  pointing  to  the  west,  that 
fifteen  days'  journey  from  there  there  was  a  very  large  lake, 
where  there  were  many  settlements,  with  houses  of  many 
stories,  and  that  there  were  Indians  of  the  Concho  nation 
settled  there,  people  wearing  clothes  and  having  plentiful  sup- 
plies of  maize  and  turkeys  and  other  provisions  in  great  quan- 
tity, and  he  offered  to  take  us  there.  But  because  our  course 
led  us  north  to  give  succor  to  the  reUgious  and  those  who 
remained  with  them,  we  did  not  go  to  the  lake.  In  this  ran- 
cherfa  and  district  the  land  and  the  climate  are  very  good ;  and 
nearby  there  are  cows  and  native  cattle,  plentiful  game  of 
foot  and  wing,  mines,  many  forests,  pasture  lands,  water,  sa- 
lines of  very  rich  salt,  and  other  advantages. 

Travelling  up  the  same  river,  we  followed  it  fifteen  dajrs 
from  the  place  of  the  lagoons  mentioned  above  without  find- 
ing any  people,  going  through  coimtry  with  mesquite  groves, 
prickly  pears,  moimtains  with  pine  groves  having  pines  and 
pine-nuts  like  those  of  Castile,  sabines,  and  cedars.    At  the 

^Fiom  note  4,  p.  176,  below,  this  place  would  seem  to  have  been  some 
distance  below  £1  Paso. 

*  B,  p.  171,  reads  "Mezquitama,"  obviously  a  misprint 

*  The  mesquite  bean. 


176  NEW  MEXICO:  ESPEJO  EXPEDITION  [1583 

end  of  this  time^  we  found  a  rancheria,  of  few  people  but 
containing  many  grass  huts,  many  deer  skins,  also  dressed 
like  those  they  bring  from  Flanders,  a  quantity  of  very  good 
and  white  salt,  jerked  venison,  and  other  kinds  of  food.  These 
Indians  received  us^  and  went  with  us,  taking  us  two  dayB^ 
journey*  from  that  place,  to  the  settlements,  always  follow- 
ing the  Rfo  del  Norte.  From  the  time  when  we  first  came 
to  it  we  always  followed  this  river  up  stream,  with  a  moun- 
tain chain  on  each  side  of  it,  both  of  which  were  without 
timber  throughout  the  entire  distance  imtil  we  came  near 
the  settlements  which  they  call  New  Mexico,  although  along 
the  banks  of  the  river  there  are  many  groves  of  white  pop- 
lars, the  groves  being  in  places  four  leagues  wide.  We  did 
not  leave  the  river  from  the  time  when  we  came  to  it  up 
to  the  time  of  reaching  the  said  provinces  which  they  call 
New  Mexico.  Along  the  banks  of  the  river,  in  many  parts 
of  the  road,  we  found  thickets  of  grape  vines  and  Castilian 
walnut  trees.* 

After  we  reached  the  said  settlements,  continuing  up  the 
river,  in  the  course  of  two  days  we  foimd  ten  inhabited  pueb- 
los^ on  the  banks  of  this  river,  close  to  it  and  on  all  sides,  be- 

^  B  adds,  p.  171,  "in  which  we  had  travelled  about  eighty  leagues."  Thia 
is  important,  for  it  helps  to  interpret  the  accounts  of  the  Rodriguez  expedition. 
It  would  seem  that  the  eighty  leagues  mentioned  by  Bustamante  and  the  rest 
after  leaving  the  first  Indians  encountered  on  the  Guadalquivir,  refer  to  the  dis- 
tance travelled  after  leaving  the  settlements,  rather  than  to  that  travdled  after 
reaching  the  Guadalquivir.  This  being  the  case,  the  accounts  of  the  two  ex- 
peditions tally  at  these  points. 

« B  adds  "bien"  (p.  172). 

» B  adds  "about  twelve  leagues  from  there"  (p.  172). 

*Lux6n  gives  the  following  account  of  the  journey  frt>m  the  camp  five 
leagues  above  the  junction  to  the  first  pueblos.  The  pueblos  were  reached  on 
February  1,  after  twenty-nine  days,  or  one  hundred  and  twenty-three  leagues, 
ci  actual  travel.  Otomoacos  Indians  were  met  all  the  way  up  for  f(Mty-five 
leagues,  till  January  2,  when  the  Caguates  were  met  They  were  related  to  the 
Otomoacos  and  spoke  nearly  the  same  language.  Eleven  leagues  farther  up 
they  encountered  large  marshes  and  pools  (charcos).  Three  leagues  up,  in  this 
lake  country,  they  met  the  Tampachoas,  people  similar  to  the  Otomoacos. 
Thirty-seven  leagues  up,  on  January  26,  they  crossed  the  river  and  from  that 
point  went  straight  north.  Twenty-one  leagues  from  here  they  reached  the  first 
inhabited  pueblos,  thirteen  days  of  actual  travel  after  reaching  the  great  marshes. 

*  These  towns  were  in  the  general  region  of  Socorro  and  above.  Twitchdl 
thinks  the  group  began  about  at  San  Mardal  (Leading  Fads,  I.  274-275). 


1583]  NARRATIVE  OF  ESPEJO  177 

sides  other  pueblos  which  appeared  off  the  highway,  and 
-which  in  passing  seemed  to  contain  more  than  twelve  thou- 
sand persons,  men,  women,  and  children.  As  we  were  going 
^through  this  province,  from  each  pueblo  the  people  came  out 
1x>  receive  us,  taking  us  to  their  pueblos  and  giving  us  a  great 
C[uantity  of  tiu'keyB,  maize,  beans,  tortillas,  and  other  kinds 
of  bread,  which  they  make  with  more  nicety  than  the  Mexi- 
c^ans.  They  grind  on  very  large  stones.  Five  or  six  women 
-together  grind  raw  com  i^  a  Ingle  miU,  and  from  this  flour 
Irhey  make  many  different  kinds  of  bread.  They  have  houses 
of  two,  tee,  Ld  four  stories,  with  many  rJoms  in  each 
liouse.  In  many  of  their  houses  they  have  their  estufas^ 
for  winter,  and  in  each  plaza  of  the  towns  they  have  two 
^stufcis,  which  are  houses  built  imderground,  very  well  shel- 
^tered  and  closed,  with  seats  of  stone  against  the  walls  to  sit 
on.  Likewise,  they  have  at  the  door  of  each  estufa  a  ladder 
on  which  to  descend,  and  a  great  quantity  of  conmiimity 
^wood,  so  that  the  strangers  may  gather  there. 

In  this  province  some  of  the  natives  wear  cotton,  cow 
liides,  and  dressed  deerskin.*  The  manias  they  wear  after 
the  fashion  of  the  Mexicans,  except  that  over  their  private 
parts  they  wear  cloths  of  colored  cotton.  Some  of  them  wear 
shirts.  The  women  wear  cotton  skirts,  many  of  them  being 
embroidered  with  colored  thread,  and  on  top  a  manta  like 
those  worn  by  the  Mexican  Indians,  tied  aroimd  the  waist 
^th  a  cloth  like  an  embroidered  towel  with  a  tassel.  The 
skirts,  lying  next  to  the  skin,  serve  as  flaps  of  the  shirts.  This 
<K>stiune  each  one  wears  as  best  he  can,  and  all,  men  as  well 
.CIS  women,  dress  their  feet  in  shoes  and  boots,  the  soles  being 
of  cowhide  and  the  uppers  of  dressed  deerskin.  The  women 
"^ear  their  hair  carefvdly  combed  and  nicely  kept  ia  place 
"by  the  moulds  that  they  wear  on  their  heads,  one  on  each  side, 
€3n  which  the  hair  is  arranged  very  neatly,  though  they  wear 
xio  headdress.  In  each  pueblo  they  have  their  caciques,  the 
xiumber  differing  according  to  the  number  of  people.  These 
caciques  have  under  them  caciques,  I  mean  tequitatos,  who 

^Iheae  were  himu,  or  ceremonial  chambers.  See  Hodge,  Hcmdbo(^,  I. 
710-711. 

'  For  a  description  of  the  ancient  dress  of  the  Pueblo  Indians  see  Hodge, 
handbook,  U.  322-^23. 


178  NEW  MEXICO:  ESPEJO  EXPEDITION  [1683 

are  like  olguaciles,  and  who  execute  in  the  pueblo  the  cacique's 
orders,  just  exactly  like  the  Mexican  people.  And  when  the 
Spaniards  ask  the  caciques  of  the  pueblos  for  an3rthing,  they 
call  the  tequitatos,  who  cry  it  through  the  pueblo  in  a  loud 
voice,  whereupon  they  bring  with  great  haste  what  is  ordered. 

The  painting  of  their  houses,  and  the  things  which  they 
have  for  balls  and  dancing,  both  as  regards  the  music  and 
the  rest,  are  all  very  much  like  those  of  the  Mexicans.  They 
drink  toasted  pinole,  which  is  com  toasted  and  ground  and 
mixed  with  water.  It  is  not  known  that  they  have  any 
other  drink  or  anything  with  which  to  become  intoxicated 
In  each  one  of  these  pueblos  they  have  a  house  to  which 
they  carry  food  for  the  devil,  and  they  have  small  stone 
idols  which  they  worship.  Just  as  the  Spaniards  have  crosses 
along  the  roads,  they  have  between  the  pueblos,  in  the  mid- 
dle of  the  road,  small  caves  or  grottoes,  like  shnnes,  built  of 
stones,  where  they  place  painted  sticks  and  feathers,  saying 
that  the  devil  goes  there  to  rest^  and  speak  with  them. 

They  have  fields  of  maize,  beans,  gourds,  and  piciete^  in 
large  quantities,  which  they  cultivate  like  the  Mexicans. 
W  of  the  fields  ar^  under  irrigation,,  possessing  veiy 
good  diverting  ditches,  while  others  are  dependent  upon  the 
weather.  Each  one  has  in  his  field  a  canopy  with  foiu*  stakes 
and  covered  on  top,  where  they  take  him  food  daily  at  noon 
and  where  he  takes  his  siesta,  for  ordinarily  they  are  in  their 
fields  from  morning  until  night,  after  the  Castilian  custom. 
In  this  province  are  many  pine  forests  which  bear  pine- 
nuts^  like  those  of  Castile,  and  many  salines  on  both  sides 
of  the  river.  On  each  bank  there  are  sandy  flats  more  than 
a  league  wide,  of  soil  naturally  well  adapted  to  the  raising 
of  com.  Their  arms  consist  of  bows  and  arrows,  macanas 
and  cMmdLes]  the  arrows  have  fire-hardened  shafts,  the  heads 
being  of  pointed  flint,  with  which  they  easily  pass  through  a 

^  A  reads  "Va  alii  ha  de  poxar"  (p.  111).  This  is  a  corruptioiL  B  reads, 
"Va  allf  a  reposar"  (p.  174),  which  is  obviously  correct. 

•  B  reads  **piciere,  which  is  a  good  and  healthy  herb"  (p.  174). 

'  For  a  discussion  of  pueblo  irrigation  before  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards^ 
see  Hodge,  Handbook,  I.  620-621,  and  works  cited  therein. 

*  For  a  discussion  of  the  range  of  the  pifUm,  see  Ponton  and  McFarland, 
in  the  Texas  State  Historical  Association  Quarterly,  I.  180-181. 


1583]  NARRATIVE  OF  ESPEJO  179 

coat  of  mail.  The  chimales  are  made  of  cowhide,  like  leather 
shields;  and  the  macanas  consist  of  rods  half  a  vara  long, 
with  very  thick  heads.  With  them  they  defend  themselves 
within  their  houses.  It  was  not  learned  that  they  were  at 
war  with  any  other  province.  They  respect  their  boundaries.^ 
Here  they  told  us  of  another  province  of  the  same  kind  which 
is  farther  up  the  same  river. 

After  a  stay  of  four  days  in  this  province  we  set  out,  and 
half  a  league  from  its  boimdary  we  fomid  another,  which  is 
called  the  province  of  the  Tiguas.  It  comprises  sixteen  pueb- 
los, one  of  which  is  called  Pualas.*  Here  we  fomid  that  the 
Indians  of  this  province  had  killed  Fray  Francisco  Lopez  and 
Fray  Augustin  Ruiz,*  three  boys,  and  a  half-breed,  whom 
we  were  going  to  succor  and  take  back.  Here  we  secured  a 
very  correct  report  that  Francisco  Vasquez  Coronado  had 
been  in  the  province,  and  that  they  had  killed  nine  of  his 
fioldiers  and  forty  horses,  and  that  because  of  this  he  had  com- 
pletely destroyed  the  people  of  one  pueblo  of  the  province.* 
Of  all  this  the  natives  of  these  pueblos  informed  us  by  signs 
which  we  understood.  Believing  that  we  were  going  there 
to  pimish  them  because  they  had  killed  the  friars,  before  we 
reached  the  province  they  fled  to  a  mountain  two  leagues 
from  the  river.  We  tri^  to  bring  them  back  peacefully, 
making  great  efforts  to  that  end,  but  they  refused  to  return. 
In  their  houses  we  found  a  large  quantity  of  maize,  beans, 
gourds,  many  turkeys,  and  many  ores  of  different  colors. 
Some  of  the  pueblos  in  this  province,  as  also  the  houses,  were 
larger  than  those  of  the  province  we  had  passed,  but  the 
fields  and  character  of  the  land  appeared  to  be  just  the  same. 
We  were  unable  to  ascertain  the  number  of  people  in  this 
province,  for  they  had  fled. 

ELaving  arrived  at  this  province  of  the  Tiguas  and  foimd 
that  the  religious  in  quest  of  whom  we  had  come,  and  the 
half-breed  and  the  Indians  who  had  remained  with  them, 
were  dead,  we  were  tempted  to  return  to  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
whence  we  had  started.    But  since  while  we  were  there  the 

^  This  sentence  b  lacking  in  B. 

>  B  gives  this  name  as  'Taula"  (p.  175).  *  This  should  be  Rodriguez. 

*  For  the  revolt  of  the  Tiguex  and  their  punishment  by  the  Spaniards  under 
Coronado,  see  Winship,  The  Coronado  Expedition,  p.  497. 


180  NEW  MEXICO:  ESPEJO  EXPEDITION  [ISSZ 

Indians  informed  us  of  another  province  to  the  east  which 
they  said  was  near,  and  as  it  seemed  to  me  that  all  that  coim- 
try  was  well  peopled,  and  that  the  farther  we  penetrated 
into  the  region  the  larger  the  settlements  we  found,  and  as 
they  receiv^  us  peacefvdly,  I  deemed  this  a  good  opportimity 
for  me  to  serve  lus  Majesty  by  visiting  and  discovering  those 
lands  so  new  and  so  remote,  in  order  to  give  a  report  of  them 
to  his  Majesty,  with  no  expense  to  him  in  their  discovery. 
I  therefore  determined  to  proceed  as  long  as  my  strength 
would  permit.  Having  communicated  my  intention  to  the 
religious  and  soldiers,  and  they  having  approved  my  deci- 
sion, we  continued  oiu*  journey  and  cOscovery  in  the  same 
way  as  heretofore. 

In  this  place  we  heard  of  another  province,^  called  Ma- 
guas,  which  lay  two  days'  journey  to  the  east.*  Leaving 
the  camp  in  this  province  I  set  out  with  two  companions 
for  the  place,  where  I  arrived  in  two  day^.  I  found  there 
eleven  pueblos,  inhabited  by  a  great  number  of  people.  It 
seemed  to  me  they  must  comprise  more  than  forty  thousand 
souls,  between  men,  women,  and  children.  They  have  here 
no  running  arroyos  or  springs  to  use,  but  they  have  an  abun- 
dance of  turkeys,  provisions,  and  other  things,  just  as  in  the 
foregoing  province.  This  one  adjoined  the  region  of  the 
cows  caUed  cfbola.  They  clothe  themselves  with  the  hides 
of  these  cows,  with  cotton  mantas,  and  with  deerskins.  They 
govern  themselves  as  do  the  preceding  provinces,  and  like 
the  rest  have  idols  which  they  worship.    They  have  advanr 

i"Tubimo8  notida  de  otra  provinda"  (p.  114).  B,  evidently  carrupt, 
reads,  ''tubimos  noticia  como  ei  dicho,  otra  provincia,"  etc.  (p.  176). 

'In  Espejo's  memorial  {Cd,  Doc.  IrUd,,  XV.  156)  Maguas  (Magrias)  is 
said  to  join  the  Tiguas  on  the  northeast.  Bancroft  notes  a  difficully  regarding 
the  location  (Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  p.  85,  foot-note).  Obreg6n  and  Luxin 
state  that  the  Indians  in  San  Felipe,  on  the  border  of  the  Tiguas,  told  Espejo 
of  the  death  of  the  two  friars  at  Puaray,  and  that  the  Tiguas,  knowing  of  Espejo'a 
coming,  were  preparing  to  destroy  his  party.  Thereupon  a  division  arose  in 
Espejo's  camp,  some,  led  by  Fray  Bemaldino,  Miguel  S&nchez,  and  Gregoiio 
de  Hem&ndez,  desiring  to  go  back;  but  the  rest,  led  by  Espejo  and  Diego  P^res 
de  Lux6n,  voted  to  continue.  From  this  point  they  went  to  visit  the  Magriaa 
(Maguas)  pueblos,  behind  the  sierra,  returning  thence  to  the  river,  which  they 
ascended  fifteen  leagues  to  Puara.  This  statement  clarifies  Espejo's  narrative 
in  regard  to  the  location  of  the  Maguas.  They  were  southeast  of  Puara.  Tlw 
party  reached  Puara  February  17. 


1583]  NARRATIVE  OF  ESPEJO  181 

tages  for  mines  in  the  mountains  of  this  province,  for  as  we 
travelled  toward^  them  we  found  much  antimony^  along  the 
route,  and  wherever  this  is  found  there  are  usually  ores  rich 
in  sQver.  In  this  province  we  foimd  ores  in  the  houses  of 
the  Indians.  We  likewise  discovered  that  here  they  had 
killed  one  of  the  religious,  called  Fray  Jhoan  de  Santa  Maria, 
who  had  entered  with  the  other  religious,  Francisco  Chamus- 
cado,  and  the  soldiers.  They  killed  him  before  the  said 
Francisco  Chamuscado  went  to  the  pacified  coimtry.'  How- 
ever,  we  made  friends  of  them,  saybg  nothing  of  these  mur- 
ders.  They  gave  us  food,  and  having  noted  the  nature  of 
the  coimtry,  we  departed  from  it.  It  is  a  land  of  many  pine 
forests,  with  Castilian  pine-nuts  and  sabines.  We  returned 
to  the  camp  and  the  Rio  del  Norte,  whence  we  had  come. 

Having  reached  the  camp  we  heard  of  another  province 
called  Quires*  up  the  Rio  del  Norte  one  day's  journey,  a  dis- 
tance of  about  six  leagues  from  where  we  had  our  camp. 
With  the  entire  force  we  set  out  for  the  province  of  the  Quires, 
and  one  league  before  reaching  it  many  Indians  came  out  to 
greet  us  peacefully,  and  begged  us  to  go  to  their  pueblos. 
We  went  therefore  and  they  received  us  very  well,  and  gave 
us  some  cotton  mantas,  many  turkeys,  maize,  and  portions 
of  all  else  which  they  had.  This  province  has  five  pueblos, 
containing  a  great  number  of  people,  it  appearing  to  us  that 
there  were  fifteen  thousand  souls.  Their  food  and  clothing 
were  the  same  as  those  of  the  preceding  province.  They  are 
idolatrous,  and  have  many  fields  of  maize  and  other  things. 
Here  we  found  a  parrot  in  a  cage,  just  like  those  of  Castile, 
and  sunflowers  like  those  of  China,  decorated  with  the  sim, 
ttioon,  and  stars.  Here  the  latitude  was  taken,  and  we  found 
ourselves  to  be  in  exactly  373^^  north.  We  heard  of  another 
province  two  days'  journey  to  the  west. 

Leaving  this  province,  after  two  days'  march,  which  is 
fourteen  leagues,  we  foimd  another,  called  Los  Pumames,* 

»"La  VI  &  dla"  (p.  115);  B  reads  "hacia  eUa"  (p.  177);  the  fonner  is 
^M>t]e88  a  ocHTuption,  and  the  latter  correct. 

^ArHmonia.    B  adds,  "ques  una  quemazon  de  metales  de  plata"  (p.  177). 
'  Tierra  de  paz.    Frequently  used  in  this  sense  in  these  documents. 
*  For  a  bri^  discussion  of  the  Keresan  family,  see  Hodge,  Handbook,  I.  675. 
•"Panaiiie8"inB,  p.  178. 


182  NEW  MEXICO:  ESPEJO  EXPEDITION  [1583 

consisting  of  five  pueblos,  the  chief  pueblo  being  called  SiaJ 
It  is  a  very  large  pueblo,  and  I  and  my  companions  went 
through  it ;  it  had  eight  plazas,  and  better  houses  than  those 
previously  mentioned,  most  of  them  being  whitewashed  and 
painted  with  colors  and  pictures  after  the  Mexican  custom. 
This  pueblo  is  built  near  a  medium-sized  river  which  comec 
from  the  north  and  flows  into  the  Rfo  del  Norte,  and  neai 
a  moimtain.  In  this  province  there  are  many  people,  ap- 
parently more  than  twenty  thousand  souls.  They  gave  m 
cotton  manias,  and  much  food  consisting  of  maize,  hens,  and 
bread  made  from  com  flour,  the  food  being  nicely  prepared, 
like  everything  else.  They  were  a  more  deft  people  than 
those  we  had  seen  up  to  this  point,  but  were  dressed  and 
governed  like  the  others.  Here  we  heard  of  another  province 
to  the  northwest  and  arranged  to  go  to  it.  In  this  pueblc 
they  told  us  of  mines  nearby  in  the  moimtains,  and  they 
showed  us  rich  ores  from  them. 

Having  travelled  one  day's  journey  to  the  northwest 
a  distance  of  about  six  leagues,  we  foimd  a  province,  wit! 
seven  pueblos,  called  the  Province  of  the  Emexes,^  when 
there  are  very  many  people,  apparently  about  thirty  thou- 
sand souls.  The  natives  indicated  to  us  that  one  of  th< 
pueblos  was  very  large  and  in  the  mountains,  but  it  appearec 
to  Fray  Bernardino  Beltran  and  some  of  the  soldiers  thai 
our  numbers  were  too  small  to  go  to  so  large  a  settlemem 
and  so  we  did  not  visit  it,  in  order  not  to  become  dividec 
into  two  parties.*  It  consists  of  people  like  those  already 
passed,  with  the  same  provisions,  appV  and  govermnent 
They  have  idols,  bows  and  arrows,  and  other  arms,  as  the 
provinces  heretofore  mentioned. 

We  set  out  from  this  province  towards  the  west,  and 
after  going  three  days,  or  about  fifteen  leagues,  we  founc 
a  pueblo  called  Acoma,*  where  it  appeared  to  us  there  musi 

*  "Siay"  in  A,  a  misprint  for  "Sia  a,"  as  it  is  in  B,  p.  178.  Sia  is  now  i 
Keresan  tribe  on  the  north  side  of  the  Jemez  River,  about  sixteen  miles  north' 
west  of  Bernalillo  (Hodge,  Handbook,  I.  562). 

'  Jemez,  now  a  pueblo  on  the  Jemez  River,  about  twenty  miles  northwest 
of  Bernalillo  (Hodge,  Handbook,  I.  629). 

•  That  is,  in  order  not  to  disagree. 

^  Acoma  is  situated  about  sixty  miles  west  of  the  Rio  Grande,  in  Vakncii 
G>unty.    The  rock  on  which  it  is  built  is  357  feet  above  the  plateftu  (Hodge 


1583]  NARRATIVE  OF  ESPEJO  183 

be  more  than  six  thousand  souls.  It  is  situated  on  a  high 
rock  more  than  fifty  estados^  in  height.  In  the  very  rock 
stairs  are  built  by  which  they  ascend  to  and  descend  from 
the  town,  which  is  very  strong.  They  have  cisterns  of  water 
at  the  top,  and  many  provisions  stored  within  the  pueblo. 
Here  they  gave  us  many  manias,  deerskins,  and  strips  of 
buffalo-hide,  tanned  as  they  tan  them  in  Flanders,  and  many 
provisions,  consistmg  of  maize  and  turkeys.  These  people 
have  their  fields^  two  leagues  from  the  pueblo  on  a  river 
of  medium  size,  whose  water  they  intercept  for  irrigating 
purposes,  as  they  water  their  fields  with  many  partitions  of 
the  water  near  this  river,  in  a  marsh.  Near  tiie  fields  we 
found  many  bushes  of  Castilian  roses.  We  also  foimd  Cas- 
tfliaa  onions,  which  grow  in  the  coimtry  by  themselves,  with- 
out planting  or  cultivation.  The  moimtains  thereabout  ap- 
parently give  promise  of  mines  and  other  riches,  but  we  did 
not  go  to  see  them  as  the  people  from  there  were  many  and 
warlike.  The  moimtain  people  come  to  aid  those  of  the  set- 
tlements, who  call  the  mountain  people  Querechos.'  They 
carry  on  trade  with  those  of  the  settlements,  taking  to  them 
salt,  game,  such  as  deer,  rabbits,  and  hares,  tanned  deerskins, 
and  other  things,  to  trade  for  cotton  mantas  and  other  things 
with  which  the  government  pays  them. 

In  other  respects  they  are  like  those  of  the  other  prov- 
bces.  In  our  honor  they  performed  a  very  ceremonious  min 
tote  and  dance,  the  people  coming  out  in  fine  array.  They 
performed  many  juggling  feats,  some  of  them  very  clever, 
with  live  snakes.*    Both  of  these  things  were  well  worth  see- 

iandbook,  1. 10).  The  native  name  of  the  town  is  Aco  and  of  the  people,  Ac6me. 
Por  Castaneda's  description  of  Acoma  see  Winship,  The  Coronado  Expedition, 
p.  491. 

^  An  estado  is  the  height  of  a  man,  t.  e.,  between  five  and  six  feet. 

'Hodge  says  that  these  fields  were  "probably  those  still  tilled  at  Acomita 
Cnchuna)  and  Pueblito  (Titsiap),  their  two  summer,  or  farming,  villages,  15  m. 
^iJstant"  (Handbook,  I.  10). 

'Querecho  was  a  Pueblo  name  for  the  bufTalo-hunting  Apache  Indians  east 
^  New  Mexico  (Hodge,  Handbook,  II.  338). 

'The  snake  dance  is  now  characteristically  a  Hopi  (Moqui)  ceremony, 
**^  it  is  primarily  a  prayer  for  rain.  It  was  formerly  widespread  among  the 
*^blo  tribes,  and  traces  of  it  are  still  found  at  Acoma  and  other  places  (Walter 
Hough,  in  Hodge,  Handbook,  II.  605-606,  q.  v,  for  a  bibliography  of  writings  on. 
^subject). 


184  NEW  MEXICO:  ESPEJO  EXPEDITION  [158 

ing.  They  gave  us  liberally  of  food  and  of  all  else  whicl 
they  had.    And  thus,  after  three  days,  we  left  this  province 

We  continued  our  march  toward  the  west  four  days,  o 
twenty-four  leagues,  when  we  found  a  province  compiisini 
six  pueblos,  which  they  call  Aml,^  or  by  another  name  Ci 
bola.  It  contains  a  great  many  Indians,  who  appeared  t( 
number  more  than  twenty  thousand.  We  learned  that  Fran 
Cisco  Vazquez  Coronado  and  some  of  the  captains  he  ha( 
with  him  had  been  there.  In  this  province  near  the  pueblo 
we  found  crosses  erected ;  and  here  we  found  three  Christia] 
Indians,  who  said  their  names  were  Andr^  of  Cuyuacan 
Caspar  of  Mexico,  and  Anton  of  Guadalajara,  and  stated  tha 
they  had  come  with  the  said  governor  Francisco  Vasquez 
We  instructed  them  again  in  the  Mexican  tongue,  whicl 
they  had  almost  forgotten.  From  them  we  learnt  that  th( 
said  Francisco  Vazquez  Coronado  and  his  captains  had  beei 
there,  and  that  Don  Pedro  de  Tobar  had  gone  in  from  there 
having  heard  of  a  large  lake  where  these  natives  said  them 
were  many  settlements.  They  told  us  that  there  was  gok 
in  that  coimtry,  and  that  the  people  were  clothed  and  won 
bracelets  and  earrings  of  gold ;  that  these  people  were  sixt] 
days'  march  from  there ;  that  the  men  of  the  said  Coronadc 
had  gone  twelve  days  beyond  this  province  and  then  had  re 
tum^,  not  being  able  to  find  water  and  the  supply  of  watei 
they  had  carried  being  exhausted.  They  gave  us  very  deai 
signs  regarding  that  lake  and  the  riches  of  the  Indians  wh( 
live  there.  Although  I  and  some  of  my  companions  desired  U 
go  to  that  lake,  others  did  not  wish  to  assist. 

In  this  province  we  f oimd  a  great  quantity  of  Castiliai 
flax,  which  appears  to  grow  in  the  fields  without  being  planted 
They  gave  us  extended  accoimts  of  what  there  was  in  thi 
provinces  where  the  large  lake  is,  and  of  how  here  they  hac 

1  "ZuSi"  in  B,  p.  180.  Perhaps  "Amf "  is  a  misprint.  At  any  rate,  then 
can  be  no  doubt  of  its  identity  with  Zuni.  Zuni  b  situated  in  Valencia  County 
near  the  western  border  of  New  Mexico.  It  was  first  visited  by  Spaniards  iz 
1539.  The  only  remaining  pueblo  of  the  province  is  on  the  Zuni  Riven  Obfe 
g6n  writes  that  by  the  time  they  left  Acuco  (Acoma)  for  Ciboro  (Zufii)  thi 
party  was  seriously  divided  over  the  matter  ci  returning  to  Santa  Barbara,  aac 
that  Gregorio  Hemindez  Gallegos  was  elected  alfhez  to  appease  the  malcontents 
Lux6n  gives  the  names  of  the  Zufii  pueblos  visited  as  Malaque,  Cuaquona 
Agrisco,  OlonH,  Cuaquina,  and  Cana. 


3588]  NARRATIVE  OF  ESPEJO  185 

^ven  to  Francisco  Vazquez  Coronado  and  his  companions 
jmany  ores^  which  they  had  not  smelted  for  lack  of  the  nece&- 
caiy  equipment.    In  this  province  of  Cibola^  in  a  town  they 
«a]l  AquicO;  the  said  Father  Fray  Bemaldino,  Miguel  San- 
^ihez  Valenciano,  his  wife  Casilda  de  Amaya,  L&zaro  Sanchez 
snd  Miguel  Sanchez  Nevado,  his  sons,  Gregorio  Hernandez^ 
Oist6bal  Sanchez,  and  Juan  de  Frias,  who  were  in  oiu*  com- 
-pany,  said  that  they  wished  to  return  to  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
^whence  we  had  set  out,  because  they  had  learned  that  Fran- 
cisco Vazquez  Coronado  had  found  neither  gold  nor  silver  and 
liad  returned,  and  that  they  desired  to  do  likewise,  which  they 
<iid.^    The  customs  and  rites  here  are  similar  to  those  of  the 
provinces  passed.    They  have  much  game,  and  dress  in  cotton 
fnarUas  and  others  that  resemble  coarse  linen.    Here  we  heard 
of  other  provinces*  to  the  west. 

We  went  on  to  the  said  provinces  toward  the  west,  a  four 
days'  journey  of  seven  leagues  per  day.  At  the  end  of  this 
time  we  found  another  province  called  Mohoce,  of  five  pueb- 
los, in  which,  it  seemed  to  us,  there  are  over  fifty  thousand 
souls.  Before  reaching  it  they  sent  us  messengers  to  warn 
us  not  to  go  there,  lest  they  should  kill  us.  I  and  nine  com- 
panions who  had  remained  with  me,  namely:  Joan  Lopez 
de  Ibarra,  Bernardo  de  Cima,'  Diego  Perez  de  Luxan,  Fran- 
cisco Barroto,  Caspar  de  Luxan,  Pedro  Fernandez  de  Al- 
mansa,  Alonso  de  Miranda,  Gregorio  Fernandez,  and  Joan 
Hernandez,  went  to  the  said  province  of  Mohoce,  taking  with 
us  one  hundred  and  fifty  Indians  of  the  province  whence  we 
started  and  the  said  three  Mexican  Indians.  A  league  be- 
fore we  reached  the  province  over  two  thousand  Indians, 
loaded  down  with  provisions,  came  forth  to  meet  us.  We 
gave  them  some  presents  of  little  value,  which  we  carried, 
tiiereby  assuring  them  that  we  would  not  harm  them,  but 
told  them  that  the  horses  which  we  had  with  us  might  kill 
them  because  they  were  very  bad,  and  that  they  should  make 
a  stockade  where  we  could  keep  the  animals,  which  they  did. 
A  great  multitude  of  Indians  came  out  to  receive  us,  accom- 
panied by  the  chiefs  of  a  pueblo  of  this  province  called 

^  They  did  not  do  so  immediately,  however,  as  appears  later. 

•  B  says  "another  province,"  p.  181. 

'  B  gives  this  name  as  Bernardo  de  Luna,  p.  182. 


186  NEW  MEXICO:  ESPEJO  EXPEDITION  [1583 

Aguato.^  They  gave  us  a  great  reception,  throwing  much 
maize  flour  where  we  were  to  pass,  so  that  we  might  walk 
thereon.  All  being  very  happy,  they  begged  us  to  go  to  see 
the  pueblo  of  Aguato.  There  I  made  presents  to  the  chiefs, 
giving  them  some  things  that  I  carried  for  this  purpose. 

The  chiefs  of  this  pueblo  inamediatdy  sent  word  to  the 
other  pueblos  of  the  province,  from  which  the  chiefs  came  with 
a  great  number  of  people,  and  begged  that  we  go  to  see  and 
visit  their  pueblos,*  because  it  would  give  them  much  pleasure. 
We  did  so,  and  the  chiefs  and  tequitatos  of  the  province,  see- 
ing the  good  treatment  and  the  gifts  that  I  gave,  assembled 
between  them  more  than  fom*  thousand  cotton  mantas,^ 
some  colored  and  some  white,  towels  with  tassels  at  the  ends, 
blue  and  green  ores,  which  they  use*  to  color  the  mardas, 
and  many  other  things.  In  spite  of  all  these  gifts  they  thought 
that  they  were  doing  little  for  us,  and  asked  if  we  were  satis- 
fied. Their  food  is  similar  to  that  of  the  other  provinces  men- 
tioned, except  that  here  we  foimd  no  turkeys.  A  chief  and 
some  other  Indians  told  us  here  that  they  had  heard  of  the 
lake  where  the  gold  treasure  is  and  declared  that  it  was  neither 
greater  nor  less  than  what  those  of  the  preceding  provinces 
had  said.  During  the  six  days  that  we  remained  there  we 
visited  the  pueblos  of  the  province. 

Thinking  that  these  Indians  were  friendly  toward  us,  I 
left  five  of  my  companions  with  them  in  their  pueblos,  in  order 

^  This  was  Awatobi,  a  now  extinct  Hopi  pueblo,  about  nine  miles  southeast 
of  Walpi,  in  northeastern  Arizona.  It  was  visited  by  Tobar  and  Cardenas  in 
1540,  and  by  Onate  in  1598.  Later  it  was  the  seat  of  a  Christian  mission  (Hodge, 
Handbook,  I.  119). 

>  From  Zuni  to  the  Moqui  pueblos  Lux&n  gives  the  following  itinerary:  April 
11,  six  leagues  to  Laguna  de  los  Qjuelos;  April  12,  five  leagues  to  £1  Cazadoro; 
April  13,  five  leagues  to  a  marsh;  April  16,  six  leagues  to  Qjo  Hediondo;  April 
17,  six  leagues  to  a  Moqui  pueblo  destroyed  by  Coronado,  a  league  from  Aguato; 
April  18,  a  fort  was  built  near  Aguato;  April  19,  to  Aguato;  April  21,  to  pueblo 
of  Gaspe,  very  high  up;  April  22,  to  two  pueblos  called  Comupani  and  Majanani; 
April  24,  three  leagues  to  Olallay,  the  largest  of  the  province.  Obreg6n  gives 
the  names  of  the  pueblos:  Aguato,  Oalpes,  Moxanany,  Xomupa,  and  Oloxaa 

*The  raising  of  cotton  was  widespread  among  the  ancient  Pueblos,  but 
especially  among  the  Hopi  (Moqui),  who  to-day  are  the  only  ones  among  whom 
the  industry  survives  (Walter  Hough,  in  Hodge,  Handbook,  I.  352). 

*  A  reads  "que  buscan  dellos,"  p.  120.  B  reads  "que  usan  dellos,"  "which 
they  use,"  p.  183.    The  latter  reading  is  more  probably  the  correct  one. 


-5831  NARRATIVE  OF  ESPEJO  187 

liat  they  might  return  to  the  province  of  Aml^  with  the  bag- 
;age.  With  the  four  others  whom  I  took  with  me  I  went  di- 
ectly  west  for  forty-five  leagues,  in  search  of  some  rich  mines 
here  of  which  they  told  me,  with  guides  whom  they  furnished 
ae  in  this  province  to  take  me  to  them.  I  found  them,  and 
vith  my  own  hands  I  extracted  ore  from  them,  said  by  those 
irho  know  to  be  very  rich  and  to  contain  much  silver.  The 
"^on  where  these  mines  are  is  for  the  most  part  moimtainous, 
IS  is  also  the  road  leading  to  them.^  There  are  some  pueblos 
)f  mountain  Indians,  who  came  forth  to  receive  us  in  some 
3laces,  with  small  crosses  on  their  heads.*  They  gave  us 
jome  of  their  food  and  I  presented  them  with  some  gifts. 
Where  the  mines  are  located  the  coimtry  is  good,  having 
rivers,  marshes,  and  forests;  on  the  banks  of  the  river  are 
Dmny  Castilian  grapes,  walnuts,  flax,  blackberries,^  maguey 
plants,  and  prickly  pears.  The  Indians  of  that  region  plant 
fields  of  maize,  and  have  good  houses.  They  told  us  by  signs 
that  behind  those  mountains,  at  a  distance  we  were  unable 
to  understand  clearly,  flowed  a  very  large  river  which,  accord- 
ing to  the  signs  they  made,  was  more  than  eight  leagues  in 
"vidth  and  flowed  towards  the  North  Sea  ;*  that  on  the  banks 
^!  this  river  on  both  sides  are  lai^e  settlements ;   that  the 

1  "Zuni"  m  B,  p.  183. 

'LiudLn  gives  the  following  itinerary  from  the  Moqui  province  to  the 
ouDes:  From  Olallay  they  returned  to  Aguato.  Leaving  Aguato  that  day  they 
^<eiit  five  leagues  to  Qjo  Triste;  May  1,  ten  leagues  to  a  fine  river;  May  2,  six 
leagues  throu^  cedars  and  past  pools  and  marshes,  to  a  large  marsh,  near  a 
Puie  and  cedar  forest;  May  6,  seven  leagues  through  a  rough  and  di£Scult  forest, 
^ikl  down  a  steep  slope  to  a  fine  river  running  south,  called  Rio  de  las  Parras; 
"^ny  7,  six  leagues,  part  of  the  time  along  Rio  de  las  Parras,  to  a  marsh,  called 
^^enega  de  San  Gregorio;  May  8,  four  leagues  to  a  marsh.  On  the  way  a  fine 
iv«r  running  south  was  crossed,  and  named  Rio  de  los  Reyes.  At  the  marsh 
h^  met  Indians  with  crosses  on  their  heads.  Near  the  marsh  were  the  mines 
^  «  Touf^  mountain.  Finding  no  silver  and  only  a  little  copper,  they  returned  to 
-"UjiL  Espejo  probably  reached  the  region  of  Bill  Williams  Fork,  west  of  Pres- 
^^Ht,  Aricona.  See  Bancroft,  Arissona  and  New  Mexico,  p.  88,  for  a  somewhat 
different  opinion.  It  seems  dear  that  Farf&n,  in  1598,  went  over  essentially 
C^jo's  ground. 

*  They  were  tied  to  the  hair.    See  p.  242,  note  2. 

^  "Xattles"  in  A,  a  misprint  for  "morales,"  as  it  is  in  B,  p.  184. 

*  It  is  to  be  presumed  that  it  was  the  Colorado  River  of  which  Espejo  was 
told,  but  if  so  he  evidently  misunderstood  what  they  said  about  the  direction  of 
the  cunenty  or  dae  the  text  is  defective. 


.3»  NEW  MEXICO:  ESPEJO  EXPEDITION  [1583 

-t¥W  *J«iitf>  oroisaed  in  canoes ;  that  in  comparison  with  those 
."M^uMW^  aud  settlements  on  the  river,  tiie  province  where 
'^^«  '«%^M  cih^u  WS&  nothing ;  and  that  in  that  land  were  many 
^miNtfs  *^^ucs>  and  blackberries.  From  this  place  we  returned 
A^  ;m  vMm  whitb^  I  had  sent  my  companions,  it  being  about 
^\V>  iM^tji^  trom  the  said  mines  to  Amf.^  We  endeavored 
.Q  r^MTH  by  a  different  route  so  as  to  better  observe  and  under- 
s^jUM  tM  tuuure  of  the  country,  and  I  found  a  more  level 
r^M^  (iMU  the  one  I  had  followed  in  going  to  the  mines. 

\Jjh»k  arriving  at  the  province  of  Ami,  I  found  my  five 
;^^u^Mbuidu<i  whom  I  had  left  there,^  and  also  Father  Fray 
-^nnvrtMrr^^  who  had  not  yet  gone  back  with  his  companions.  -. 
l^  IiKtiaiM^of  that  pro\ince  had  supplied  them  all  they  needed 
.^  J^  ^ud  h^  with  all  of  us  greatly  rejoiced.    The  caciqu 
.vAiM  twUi  to  receive  me  and  my  companions  and  gave 
.H«)uutul  tood>  and  Indians  for  guides  and  to  carry  the  loads.  _ 
VVth^  w«  b<kle  th€4n  adieu  they  made  us  many  promises,  say- 
i^  liMUi  W0  mu:^  return  again  and  bring  many  '^  Castfllos,'' 
44.  tbk{v  call  ih^  Spaniards,  and  that  with  this  in  view  thqr 
>\wi^t^tttUiiimL  ^  gX^^^  deal  of  maize  that  year  so  that  there 
>^gul^  b^  aiuple  food  for  all.    From  this  province  Fray  Bemal- 
vittw  ^^uiid  tlH>  others  who  had  remained  with  him  returned, 
:^^  MiiUl  ihciu  Oregorio  Hernandez,  who  had  accompanied 
oi;  .^v)u^u>  although  I  urged  them  not  to  leave,  but  to  re- 
*i,j^i^>  :^iiU  ^icaivh  for  mines  and  other  treasures,  in  the  service 

SKs>  B^Hial^tino  and  his  companions  having  dq)arted, 
'<k^  ^%^  .sUdiers  I  returned,  determined  to  go  up  the  Rio  dd 
Vw»»^>  which  we  had  entered.  After  having  travelled  ten 
i^^^vH:  absMit  J^xty  leagues,  to  the  province  of  the  Quires,  we 
^V^s»<  '^'^Wi  ^^Hu  there  two  days'  journey  of  six  leagues  each, 
^v>j  '  ^Ok^Md  ^  pro\iQce  of  Indians  called  the  Ubates,^  having 
vv<  H^is^Vil*  The  Indians  received  us  peacefully  and  gave 
vsv  ^v>N*J^  ^*^^  turke)^,  maize,*  and  other  things.    From  there 

«Mii    ^  ^  1>»  ^^  '  He  1^  1^  them  in  the  Moqui  oountiy. 

\  Mii!H    >  ^  ^"^^  todos  nosotros,  se  holgaion  mucho/'  p.  122.    B  leada, 
\  \>^  Vs^  V^MWA  :*  holgaron  mucho,"  p.  184. 

VW. ^M«^  ^v^ibudy  a  limo  settlement  north  of  Santa  FL    This  bdng  the 
Wxl^  >ViiiAV  '-v^UiMNib^t  instead  of  east  from  the  Queres  (TwitdieU,  Leading 


1583]  NABHATIVE  OF  ESPEJO  189 

we  went  in  quest  of  some  mines^  of  which  we  had  heard  and 
found  them  in  two  days,  travelling  from  one  place  to  another. 
We  secured  shining  ore  and  returned  to  the  settlement  from 
which  we  had  set  out.  The  number  of  people  in  these  pueblos 
is  great,  seeming  to  us  to  be  about  twenty  thousand  souls. 
They  dress  in  white  and  colored  manias,  and  tanned  deer  and 
buffalo  hides.  They  govern  themselves  as  do  the  neighboring 
provinces.  There  are  no  rivers  here,  but  they  utilize  springs 
and  marshes.  They  have  many  forests  of  pine,  cedar,  and 
sabines.'  Their  houses  are  three,  four,  and  five  stories  in 
height. 

Learning  that  at  one  day's  journey  from  this  province 
there  was  another,  we  went  to  it.  It  consists  of  three  very 
large  pueblos,  which  seemed  to  us  to  contain  more  than  forty 
thousand  souls.  It  is  called  the  province  of  the  Tamos.' 
Here  they  did  not  wish  to  give  us  food  or  admit  us.  Because 
of  this,  and  of  the  illness  of  some  of  my  companions,  and  of 
the  great  number  of  people,*  and  because  we  were  imable  to 
subsist,  we  decided  to  leave  the  coimtry,*  and,  at  the  begin- 
ning of  July,  1583,  taking  an  Indian  from  the  said  pueblo  as 
a  guide,  we  left  by  a  different  route  from  that  by  which  we 
had  entered.  At  a  distance  of  half  a  league  from  a  town  of 
the  said  province,  named  Ciquique,*  we  came  to  a  river  which 
I  named  Rio  de  las  Vacas,^  for,  travelling  along  its  banks  for 
six  days,  a  distance  of  about  thirty  leagues,'  we  foimd  a  great 
number  of  the  cows  of  that  country.  After  travelling  along 
this  river  one  hundred  and  twenty  leagues  toward  the  east 
we  found  three  Indians  hunting.  They  were  of  the  Jumana 
nation.    From  them  we  learned  through  an  interpreter  whom 

^6  reads  "ruinas/'  obvioualy  misprint  for  "minas/'  p.  185. 
*6  reads  "salinas/'  evidently  a  misprint  for  "sabinas/'  p.  185. 

*  Tanos.    See  Hodge,  Handbook,  II.  686-687. 

*  I,  e,,  the  Indians.  *  The  last  clause  is  omitted  from  B,  p.  186. 
*Cicuye,  or  Pecos,  a  Tanoan  settlement,  now  extinct,  but  formerly  the 

^Ax-gest  pueblo  of  New  Mexico.    It  was  situated  on  the  Pecos  River,  about  thirty 
southeast  (A  Santa  F6  (Hodge,  Handbook,  II.  220-221). 
»The  Pecos. 

*  Alvarado  had  gone  over  the  same  route  in  1540,  and  Coronado  in  1541. 
the  eighteenth  century  it  was  followed  in  opening  a  highway  to  San  Antonio, 

(manuscript  diaries  of  Pedro  Vial,  1786-1789,  Santiago  Femdndez,  1788, 
FrandsoD  Xsvier  Fragoso,  1788). 


190  NEW  MEXICO:  ESPEJO  EXPEDITION  [1583 

we  had  that  we  were  twelve  days'  journey  from  the  Conchas 
River,  a  distance  which  we  thought  must  be  a  Uttle  over  forty 
leagues.  We  crossed  over  to  this  river,  ^  passing  many  water- 
ing places  in  creeks  and  marshes  on  the  way,  and  found  there 
many  of  the  Cumano*  nation,  who  brought  us  fish  of  many 
kinds,  prickly  pears  and  other  fruits,  and  gave  us  buffalo  hides 
and  tanned  deerskins.  From  there  we  came  out  to  the  Valley 
of  San  Bartolom6,  whence  Fray  Bemaldino  Beltran  and  I, 
with  the  companions  named  herein,  had  started.  We  foimd 
that  the  said  Father  Fray  Bemaldino  and  his  companions 
had  arrived  many  days  before  at  the  province  of  San  Barto- 
lom6,  and  had  gone  to  the  Villa  of  Guadiana.' 

Everything  narrated  herein  I  saw  with  my  own  eyes,  and 
is  true,  for  I  was  present  at  everything.  Sometimes  I  set  out 
from  the  camp  with  a  number  of  companions,  sometimes  with 
but  one,  to  observe  the  nature  of  that  coimtry,  in  order  to 
report  everything  to  his  Majesty,  that  he  may  order  what  is 
b^  for  the  exploration  and  pacification  of  those  provinces 
and  for  the  service  of  God  our  Lord  and  the  increase  of  His 
holy  Catholic  faith ;  and  that  those  barbarians  may  come  to 
know  of  it  and  to  enter  into  it.  My  companions  and  I  have 
employed  in  this  narrative,  as  also  in  the  avios  and  diLigencias^ 
which  we  drew  up  on  the  way,  all  possible  and  necessary  care, 
as  is  shown  by  testimony  as  authoritative  as  we  were  able  to 
procure  there.  Not  all  that  occurred  could  be  written,  nor 
can  I  give  an  account  of  it  in  writing,  for  it  would  be  too  long, 
for  the  lands  and  provinces  through  which  we  travelled  on 
this  journey  were  many  and  large. 

By  the  direct  course  which  we  took  from  the  Valley  of 
San  Bartolom6  until  we  reached  the  borders  of  the  provinces 
we  visited,  it  is  over  two  hundred  and  fifty  leagues,  and  by 
the  route  over  which  we  returned  it  is  more  than  two  hundred 

^  The  route  followed  must  have  been  approximately  that  of  Juan  Dom&i- 
guez  de  Mendoza,  almost  exactly  a  century  later.  Mendoza  was  thirteen  days 
in  going  from  the  mouth  of  the  Conchos  to  the  Pecos,  and  estimated  the  dis- 
tance at  seventy  leagues.  See  post,  pp.  325-328,  and  Bolton,  "The  Jumano 
Indians,"  in  the  Texas  State  Historical  Association  Quarterly,  XV.  73-74. 

'  Evidently  a  misprint  for  "Jumano."    B  reads  "Jumanas,"  p.  186. 

'  Guadiana,  an  early  name  for  Durango. 

*The  atdos  and  dUigencias  were  the  authenticated  records  of  thdr  acts^ 
drawn  up  on  the  spot. 


15831  NABHATIVE  OF  ESPEJO  191 

leagues.  Besides  this,  we  travelled  more  than  three  hundred^ 
more  leagues  in  the  exploration  of  the  said  provinces  and  in 
going  through  them  from  one  part  to  another,  over  both 
rou^  and  level  lands,  over  lagoons,  marshes,  and  rivers,  with 
great  dangers  and  many  difficulties.  We  foimd  many  differ- 
ent tongues  among  the  natives  of  those  provinces,  different 
modes  of  dress,  and  different  customs.  That  which  we  saw 
and  of  which  I  write  gives  but  an  inkling  of  what  actually 
-exists  in  those  provinces,  for  in  travelling  through  them  we 
lieard  of  large  settlements,  very  fertile  lands,  silver  mines, 
^old,  and  better  governed  peoples. 

As  we  saw,  dealt  with,  and  heard  of  large  settlements,  and 
.flis  our  numbers  were  few,  and  as  some  of  my  companions  were 
^rald  to  continue  further,  we  did  not  explore  more  than  what 
H  have  stated.  But  even  to  accomplish  this  much  has  re- 
quired of  us  great  courage,  which  we  mustered  because  we 
n^alized  that  thereby  we  were  serving  God  our  Lord  and  his 
IMajesty,  and  that  thereby  the  Indians  might  obtain  some 
Hight,  and  in  order  that  we  might  not  lose  our  opportunity, 
^e  therefore  endeavored  by  all  means  at  our  disposal  to  see 
-and  understand  everything,  learning  the  facts  through  inter- 
3)reters  where  there  were  any,  or  by  signs  where  there  were 
:none,  the  Indians  of  those  provinces  showing  us  by  lines 
"which  they  made  on  the  ground  and  by  their  hands  the  number 
of  days'  journey  from  one  province  to  another,  and  the  num- 
l)er  of  pueblos  in  each  province,  or  by  the  best  means  at  our 
command  for  imderstanding. 

The  people  of  all  those  provinces  are  large  and  more  vigor- 
ous than  the  Mexicans,  and  are  healthy,  for  no  illness  was 
lieard  of  among  them.    The  women  are  whiter  skinned  than 
Ihe  Mexican  women.    They  are  an  intelligent  and  well-gov- 
erned people,  with  pueblos  well  formed  and  houses  well  ar- 
Tanged,  and  from  what  we  could  understand  from  them,  any- 
thing r^arding  good  government  they  will  leam  quickly.    In 
the  greater  part  of  those  provinces  there  is  much  game  of 
foot  and  wing,  rabbits,  hares,  deer,  native  cows,  ducks,  geese, 
cranes,  pheasants,  and  other  birds,  good  mountains  with  all 

'For  a  general  estimate  of  distances  travelled,  see  Espejo's  letter  to  the 
^^i»oy,  p.  193.  B  (p.  187)  gives  the  figure  as  fifty,  "cincuenta,"  obviously  a 
misprint 


192  NEW  MEXICO:  ESPEJO  EXPEDITION  [1583 

kinds  of  trees,  salines  and  rivers,  and  many  kinds  of  fish.  In 
the  greater  portion  of  this  country  carts  and  wagons  can  be 
used ;  there  are  very  good  pastures  for  cattle,  lands  suitable 
for  fields  and  gardens,  with  or  without  irrigation,  and  many 
rich  mines,  ^  from  which  I  brought  ores  to  assay  and  ascertain 
their  quality.  I  also  brought  an  Indian  from  the  province 
of  Tamos*  and  a  woman  from  the  province  of  Mohoce,  so 
that  if  in  the  service  of  his  Majesty  return  were  to  be  made 
to  undertake  the  exploration  and  settlement  of  those  provinces 
they  might  furnish  us  with  information  regarding  them  and 
of  the  route  to  be  travelled,  and  in  order  that  for  this  purpose 
they  might  learn  the  Mexican  and  other  tongues.  For  all  of 
this  I  refer  to  the  avios  and  dUigencias  which  are  made  in  the 
matter,  from  which  will  be  seen  more  clearly  the  good  inten- 
tions and  good-will  with  which  I  and  my  companions  served 
his  Majesty  in  this  journey,  and  the  good  opporttmity  there 
was  for  doing  so  in  order  to  report  to  his  Majesty,  in  whose 
service  I  desire  to  spend  my  life  and  my  fortime. 

I  wrote  this  narrative  at  the  mines  of  Santa  Bdrbola,  of  the 
jurisdiction  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  at  the  end  of  October,  1583, 
having  arrived  at  the  Valle  of  San  Bartolom6,  in  the  said  jxuis- 
diction,  on  the  20th  of  September  of  the  said  year,  the  day 
we  arrived  from  the  said  journey. 

Antonio  Despejo. 
(Between  two  rubrics.) 

^  A  reads  "muchas  &mmas  ricas,"  literally  "many  rich  souls."  This  ob- 
viously is  a  misprint  for  "muchas  minas  ricas/'  as  given  by  B,  p.  188. 

'  Apparently  the  person  referred  to  in  Zaldfvar's  account  of  his  journey  to 
the  buffaJoy  p.  223,  below. 


LETTER  OF   ESPEJO  TO  THE  VICEROY,  1583  ^ 

Very  illustrious  Sir : 

Some  twenty-five  days  ago  I  reached  these  mines  of  Santa 
S^bola^'  of  this  jurisdiction,  very  much  wearied  and  fatigued 
from  having  travelled,  within  the  past  year  and  over,  more 
tJian  eight  hundred  leagues,'  visiting  and  exploring  the  prov- 
inces of  New  Mexico,  to  which  I  gave  the  name  of  Nueva 
^Andalucia,  as  I  was  bom  in  the  district  of  Cordoba.  I  en- 
tiered  those  lands  with  a  pious  purpose,  as  your  Lordship,  if 
you  so  desire,  may  see  from  the  account  of  my  entire  journey 
"^rhich  I  transmit.  I  trust  in  God  that  therefrom  great  re- 
sults will  accrue  to  your  service,  to  that  of  his  Majesty,  and  to 
tJie  exaltation  of  the  Catholic  faith.  For,  besides  the  lands 
*uid  settlements  which  I  traversed,  and  the  great  number  of 
I>ueblo6  and  people  which  I  saw,  I  heard  of  many  more,  larger 
^Jid  richer,  beyond  and  on  the  borders  of  the  others ;  but  our 
^=^umbers  being  few  and  provisions  being  already  consumed, 

did  not  go  further. 

I  would  have  been  glad  to  go  and  kiss  the  hands  of  your 
^rdship  as  soon  as  I  learned  in  Santa  Bdlbola  that  his  Majesty 
J^^ad  entrusted  to  your  Lordship  the  inspection^  of  that  Royal 
-A^udiencia.  But  not  until  I  shall  have  proved  my  innocence 
^^f  the  charge  against  me,*  which  I  hope  in  God  will  be  soon, 
^l^all  I  venture  to  appear  before  your  Lordship.  I  am  deter- 
^^^^Uned  however  to  send  a  suitable  person,*  who  in  my  name 

1  Pacheco  and  Cfirdenas,  Cd,  Doc.  IrUd.,  XV.  162-163. 

*  Santa  Barbara.  '  See  Espejo's  relation,  p.  192. 

*  The  word  is  vinia,  which  was  more  than  a  mere  inspection.    It  involved 
^^<ie  powers  of  instituting  reforms. 

*  When  Espejo  returned  to  Santa  Barbara  the  alcalde  mayor  confiscated  his 
'P^l>en,  and  the  Indians  and  three  thousand  blankets  which  he  had  brought. 

X.«a.ter,  at  the  order  6t  the  Real  Audienda,  they  were  restored  (Obreg6n,  Relacion, 
Pt.  B.,  cap.  IX.). 

'On  April  23, 1584,  Espejo  named  Pedro  Gonzlilez  de  Mendoza,  his  son-in- 
^^»  his  representative  before  the  court,  and  stated  that  Gonzlilez  was  about  to 
«^^  /or  Spain.    Espejo,  "Memorial,"  April  23, 1584,  in  Pacheco  and  Cirdenas, 
^'  Doc.  InO.,  XV.  189. 

103 


194  NEW  MEXICO:  ESPEJO  EXPEDITION    [I682-1M 

shall  give  a  report  to  his  Majesty  of  my  wanderings,  and  be 
him  to  favor  me  by  entrusting  to  me  the  exploration  and  sel 
tlement  of  these  lands  and  of  the  others  which  I  may  discovei 
for  I  shall  not  be  satisfied  until  I  reach  the  coasts  of  the  Nort 
and  South  seas.  Although  they  have  attached  part  of  m 
estate,  I  shall  not  lack  the  necessary  means  to  accomplis 
the  journey  with  a  sufficient  number  of  men,  provisions,  armi 
and  ammunition,  should  his  Majesty  grant  me  the  favor,  a 
one  has  a  right  to  expect  from  bis  most  Christian  and  genei 
ous  hand.  I  would  not  dare  to  write  to  your  Lordship  if  thi 
imdertaking  were  not  of  such  importance  to  God  and  hi 
Majesty,  in  whose  name  your  Lordship  acts.  May  our  Lor 
guard  and  preserve  the  illustrious  person  and  state  of  you 
Lordship  many  years,  as  we  all,  your  humble  servants,  desin 
From  the  VaUey  of  San  Bartholom6,  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  a 
the  end  of  October,  1583. 

Most  lUustrious  Sir:   Your  servant  kisses  the  hands  c 
your  most  Illustrious  Lordship, 

Antonio   de   Espejo. 

[Superscription] :  To  the  illustrious  Archbishop  of  Mexico 
Visitor-general  of  New  Spain,  my  lord. 

^  This  was  Pedro  Moya  de  Contreras. 


LETTER  OF  ESPEJO  TO  THE   KING,  1584^ 

Bis  Very  Catholic  Royal  Majesty: 

Since  from  the  relation  which  accompanies  this  letter  your 
Majesty  will  be  informed  of  the  lands  and  provinces  which; 
ty  God's  favor,  and  with  the  desire  to  serve  your  Majesty  and 
increase  the  royal  crown,  like  a  loyal  and  faithful  vassal,  I 
liave  discovered  and  traversed  smce  the  month  of  November, 
1582,  when  I  set  out  from  the  government  of  Nueva  Vizcaya 
^with  a  reUgious  and  fourteen  soldiers  whom  I  took  with  me, 
moved  and  compelled  by  a  very  pious  and  charitable  occasion, 
I  will  omit  telling  of  them  now;  but  I  b^  your  Majesty  to 
please  be  assured  of  my  zeal,  so  dedicated  to  the  service  of 
your  Majesty,  and  consider  it  well  that  I  should  finish  my  life 
in  the  continuation  of  these  discoveries  and  settlements ;  for 
^with  the  estate,  prominence,  and  friends  which  I  possess,  I 
pix>mise  to  serve  your  Majesty  with  greater  advantage  than 
^ny  others  who  are  attempting  to  make  a  contract  with  you 
^^arding  this  enterprise.    I  b^  your  Lordship  to  please  order 
'that  it  be  made  with  me,  your  Majesty  granting  me  the  mercy, 
l^onor,  and  favor  corresponding  to  my  very  great  desire  to 
^crease  the  realms  of  your  Majesty  and  the  Catholic  faith, 
by  the  conversion  of  mfllions  of  souls  who  lack  the  true  knowl- 
edge, and  to  elevate  my  name  and  my  memory  the  better  to 
serve  and  to  merit  the  favor  of  your  Majesty,  whom  God  our 
^rd  exalt  and  preserve  many  years,  as  the  vassals  of  your 
Majesty  have  need,    San  Salvador,   April   23,   1584.— His 
Very  Catholic  Royal  Majesty. — ^Your  Majesty's  most  humble 
vassal, 

Antonio  Espejo  (two  rubrics). 

^  Padieoo  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doe.  InSd.,  XV.  100-101. 


NEW  MEXICO 

3.    THE  ONATE   EXPEDITIONS  AND  THE 

FOUNDING  OF  THE   PROVINCE  OF 

NEW  MEXICO,  1596-1605 


I 


INTRODUCTION 

The  expeditions  of  Rodriguez  and  Espejo  stirred  up  an 
^^^tliusiasm  for  northern  exploration  much  like  that  which 
preceded  the  expedition  of  Coronado.    There  were  now 
\,  not  only  of  conquering  and  settling  New  Mexico,  but 
going  beyond  the  Llanos  del  Gfbolo  and  Quivira  to  plant 
^^ttlements  on  the  Strait  of  Anian,  and  soon  there  was  a  crowd 
^^^  competitors  for  the  position  of  adelantado  of  New  Mexico. 
First  among  the  applicants  was  Crist6bal  Martin.    In  Oc- 
"*Ober,  1583,  he  proposed  to  conquer  and  colonize  the  r^on, 
l^^iding  thither  an  expedition  of  two  or  three  hundred  men, 
^^^^  exchange  for  titles  of  honor  and  extensive  privileges,  among 
"•^em  being  the  right  to  explore  and  settle  one  thousand 
leagues  beyond  the  first  pueblos  of  New  Mexico  and  to  estab- 
lish ports  on  either  ocean. 

Espejo,  soon  after  his  return,  addressed  a  memorial  to  the 

«ing  asking  permission  to  imdertake  at  his  own  expense  the 

^^nquest  and  settlement  of  New  Mexico.    He  proposed  taldng 

*our  hundred  soldiers,  one  hundred  with  their  families,  and  a 

*Brge  outfit  of  live-stock.    He  reconunended  making  the  new 

province  dependent  directly  on  Spain  rather  than  on  the  vice- 

^^;  and  as  a  means  to  this  end  he  proposed  looking  for  a  port 

^^  the  North  Sea  as  a  base  of  conmnmication  and  suppUes. 

•He  would  thus  be  master  of  another  viceroyalty. 

About  the  same  time  Francisco  Dfaz  de  Vargas,  alguacU 

^^'^yor  and  regidor  of  Puebla,  asked  for  the  title  of  adelantado 

^  the  north  country.    He  gave  the  opinion  that  all  the  region 

^^en  by  Coronado,  Ibarra,  Chamuscado,  and  Espejo  was  poor 

^  provisions  and  minerals;  but  beyond,  it  was  said,  was  a 


inn 


200  NEW  MEXICO:  THE  05fATE  EXPEDITIONS 

great  salt  river,  and  lakes  where  the  people  used  gold  and 
sflver.  He  presumed  that  the  river  was  the  northern  strait, 
or  an  arm  of  either  the  North  Sea  or  the  South  Sea;  and  he 
offered  to  take  at  his  own  expense  sixty  or  seventy  men,  and 
pass  two  hundred  leagues  beyond  New  Mexico,  to  explore, 
and;  if  desirable,  to  settle  the  country. 

Five  years  later  (in  1589)  Juan  Bautista  de  Lomas  y  Col- 
menares,  a  wealthy  resident  of  Nueva  Galicia,  proposed  to 
undertake  the  task,  asking  for  the  right  to  exclude  all  other 
adventiu^rs  from  territory  beyond  his  own  conquests.  A 
contract  with  Lomas  was  made  by  the  viceroy  on  March  11, 
1589,  but  it  was  not  approved  by  the  king,  and  the  new  vice- 
roy made  an  agreement  with  Francisco  de  Urdinola;  but 
before  he  could  fulfil  it  Urdinola  was  arrested  on  a  criminal 
chaise.  In  1592  and  again  in  1595  Lomas  attempted  to  have 
his  contract  renewed,  but  without  avail. 

While  these  men  were  seeking  to  secure  contracts  with 
the  king,  others  entered  the  coveted  field  without  governmental 
sanction.  In  1590  Caspar  Castafio  de  Sosa,  Ueutenant- 
govemor  in  Nuevo  Le6n,  hearing  of  the  excitement  regarding 
New  Mexico,  formed  his  mining  camp  of  Nuevo  Almad^, 
now  Monclova,  into  a  colony  and  started  north  with  more  than 
one  hundred  and  seventy  persons. 

Crossing  the  Nadadores,  Sabinas,  and  Bio  Crande,  he 
ascended  the  Salado  or  Pecos.  Reaching  a  pueblo,  probably 
Pecos,  he  captured  it  after  a  battle,  and  from  there  continued 
his  conquest  through  the  Tehua,  Queres,  and  Tiguas  towns, 
having  also  ascended  to  Taos.  In  the  midst  of  his  successes 
he  was  arrested  by  Captain  Juan  Morlete,  sent  for  the  purpose 
from  Saltillo  by  the  viceroy. 

Some  three  years  later  Francisco  Leyva  de  Bonilla  and 
Antonio  Cuti^rrez  de  Humana  led  an  unauthorized  expedi- 
tion from  Nueva  Vizcaya  to  New  Mexico.  They  spent  about 
a  year  among  the  pueblos,  making  Bove,  later  San  Bdefonso, 


INTRODUCTION  201 

t;lieir  principal  headquarters.  Setting  out  from  there  th^ 
^w^ent  fax  to  the  northeastward^  entered  a  large  Indian  settle- 
xxient  on  the  Arkansas,  in  eastern  Kansas,  and  continued  to  a 
still  larger  stream  some  twelve  days'  journey  beyond.  The 
stxeam  would  seem  to  have  been  the  Platte.  On  the  way 
S!umana  murdered  Leyva  and  took  command,  but  later  he 
ctnd  nearly  all  his  party  were  destroyed  by  Indians.^ 

The  contract  for  the  conquest  and  settlement  of  New 
Mexico  was  finally  awarded  in  1595  to  Juan  de  Onate,  a  mem- 
ber of  a  family  which  had  taken  a  prominent  part  in  the  con- 
quest of  New  Spain.    His  wife  was  granddaughter  of  Cort^ 
and  great-granddaughter  of  Montezimia.    His  father,  Crist6- 
bal  de  Onate,  had  been  prominent  among  the  conquerors  of 
Kueva  Galicia  and  one  of  the  founders  of  Zacatecas ;  he  him- 
self  was  one  of  the  wealthy  citizens  of  that  place. 

By  his  contract  Onate  was  made  governor,  adelantado, 
and  captain-general  of  the  new  conquests,  and  was  granted 
a  government  subsidy  and  extensive  privileges,  while  the  usual 

^  Much  new  light  is  thrown  on  the  Humana  expedition  by  the  now  acoes- 
siUe  dedaration  of  the  Indian  Jusephe  (Joseph)  who  had  been  with  Humafia 
and  returned  to  New  Mexico.  The  declaration  was  made  at  San  Juan,  February 
16,  1599.  Jusephe  stated  that  Humana  went  through  Pecos  and  a  great  pueblo 
of  the  Vaqueros.  At  the  end  of  a  month  of  leisurely  wandering  from  side  to 
ade,  crossing  many  streams,  they  reached  great  herds  of  buffalo.  Going  north- 
vrstd  now  fifteen  days,  they  reached  two  large  rivers,  beyond  which  were  ran- 
cherias,  and,  farther  ahead,  a  very  large  pueblo  in  a  great  plain  ten  leagues  long, 
'which  they  crossed  in  two  days.  Through  the  pueblo  flowed  one  of  the  rivers, 
both  of  which  they  had  crossed.  The  houses  were  grass  lodges  and  the  Indians 
had  plentiful  crops.  Humaiia  continued  three  days  to  a  most  amazing  buffalo 
hefd.  Going  still  farther,  they  found  no  Indian  rancherlas,  and  only  ordinary 
buffalo  herds.  Three  days  after  having  left  the  large  pueblo  Humana  murdered 
Leyba.  Ten  days  from  the  pueblo  they  came  to  a  large  river  about  a  quarter 
of  a  league  wide.  Upon  reaching  the  river,  Jusephe  and  five  other  Indians  fled 
and  returned  toward  New  Mexico.  On  the  way  four  were  lost,  and  a  fifth  was 
lolled.  Jusephe  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Apaches  and  kept  for  a  year.  At 
the  end  of  that  time  he  heard  that  there  were  Spaniards  in  New  Mexico  and  made 
bis  way  to  one  of  the  Pecos  pueblos,  and  was  later  found  by  Ofiate  at  Picuries 
C'Relacion  que  di6  un  indio  de  la  salida  que  hicieron  Umana  y  Leyba  del  Nuevo 
Mexico,"  MS.).  It  is  clear  that  the  large  pueblo  reached  by  Humana  was  the 
one  north  of  the  Arkansas  reached  by  Onate  in  1601  (see  p.  260,  below). 


202         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS 

privil^es  and  exemptions  of  first  settlers  (primeroa  pcbladores) 
were  promised  to  his  colonists.  Captain  Vicente  de  Zaldfvar, 
Onate's  nephew,  was  made  recruiting  officer.  The  lists  were 
opened  witii  great  pomp  and  ceremony  at  the  viceroy^s  pal- 
ace, and  the  enteiprise  was  popular.  Spiritual  charge  of 
the  conquests  was  assigned  to  the  Franciscans,  and  Fray  Ro- 
drigo  Durdn  was  made  commissary. 

A  change  of  viceroys  and  jealousy  of  Onate  on  the  part 
of  his  rivals  caused  long  delays  and  a  modification  of  his  con- 
tract. Early  in  1596,  however,  he  b^an  his  march  north 
from  Mexico  City,  but  underwent  inspections  and  suffered 
long  delays  at  Zacatecas,  Caxco,  San  Bartolom^,  San  Ger6- 
nimo,  and  Bio  de  Conchos.  After  having  spent  nearly  two 
years  on  the  way,  on  February  7,  1598,  the  start  was  made 
from  the  last-named  place.  The  colony  now  consisted  of 
four  himdred  men,  of  whom  one  hundred  and  thirty  had 
their  families.  For  carrying  baggage  there  were  eighty-three 
wagons  and  carts,  and  a  herd  of  more  than  sevai  thousand 
head  of  stock  was  driven  on  foot.  At  Rfo  de  San  Pedro 
Onate  was  joined  by  a  new  commissary,  Father  Martinez, 
with  a  band  of  new  missionaries.  Father  Dur^  having  been 
recalled. 

Previous  expeditions  had  followed  the  Conchos,  but  Vi- 
cente de  Zaldlvar  opened  up  a  new  trail  direct  to  the  upper 
Bio  Grande,  leaving  the  Conchos  on  the  right.  Early  in 
April  the  party  reached  the  M6danos,  those  great  sand-dunes 
lying  south  of  El  Paso.  Here  the  party  was  divided,  and 
on  April  19  a  little  over  half  of  the  wagons  began  the  passage 
of  the  sand-dimes,  leaving  the  rest  to  await  reinforcements 
of  oxen.  On  the  26th  the  caravan  was  reimited  on  the  Bio 
Grande,  and  on  the  30th  Onate  took  formal  possession  "of 
all  the  kingdoms  and  provinces  of  New  Mexico,  on  the  Bio 
del  Norte,  in  the  name  of  our  Lord  King  Philip.  There  was 
a  sermon,  a  great  religious  and  secular  celebration,  a  great 


INTRODUCTION  203 

salute,  and  much  rejoicing.    In  the  afternoon  a  comedy  was 
presented  and  the  royal  standard  was  blessed." 

Continuing  five  and  one-half  leagues  up-stream,  on  May  4 
-fchey  reached  El  Paso,  the  ford,  a  place  ever  since  important 
In  the  history  of  the  Southwest.    A  short  distance  after  cross- 
ing over,  Onate  took  sixty  men  and  went  ahead  with  the 
eommjssary  "to  pacify  the  land"  and  to  prepare  for  settle- 
ment.   Passing  through  the  pueblo  r^on,  on  July  7,  at 
Santo  Domingo,  Onate  received  the  submission  of  the  chiefs 
of  seven  provinces.    Continuing  north,  on  July  11  he  reached 
the  pueblo  of  Caypa,  christened  San  Juan,  where  he  made 
Ills  headquarters  which  were  established  a  few  years  later 
a.t  Santa  F^.^    The  caravan,  which  had  been  met  above  El 
laso  by  Vicente  de  Zaldfvar,  arrived  at  San  Juan  on  August 
X8,  and  thus  the  colony  reached  its  destination.    Onate  had 
^Jready  b^un  to  visit  the  surrounding  pueblos,  and  on  August 
XI  work  had  been  begun  at  San  Juan  on  an  irrigating  ditch 
for  "the  city  of  San  Francisco,"  the  Spaniards  being  assisted 
Iry  fifteen  hundred  Indians.    On  August  23  a  church  was 
l)egun  and  its  completion  was  celebrated  on  September  8. 
^ext  day  a  general  assembly  was  held  of  representatives  from 
^  the  country  thus  far  explored ;  rods  of  oflfice  were  given 
tx)  the  chiefs,  and  the  various  pueblos  were  assigned  to  eight 
^iVanciscan  missionaries,  who  soon  afterward  departed  for 
tiieir  respective  charges.    Thus  was  the  province  of  New  Mex- 
ico founded. 

The  colony  having  been  established  and  the  pueblos  hav- 
ing been  placed  under  the  friars,  Onate  turned  his  attention 
to  the  search  for  more  attractive  fields  beyond,  which  was  an 

^  Untfl  as  late  as  March,  1599,  Onate's  headquarters  were  at  Pueblo  de  San 
JuaiL  In  June,  1601,  and  also  in  December  of  the  same  year,  they  were  at 
^^\o  de  San  Gabriel.  The  contemporary  map  of  Onate's  journey  to  Quivira, 
^Udi  is  oi  unquestioned  authenticity,  shows  San  Gabriel  to  be  west  of  the 
Hio  Grande,  below  the  junction  wi^  the  Chama.  In  April,  1605,  Onate's 
^'^uarters  were  still  at  San  Gabriel.    See  p.  280,  below. 


a04  NEW  MEXICO:  THE  OSfATE  EXPEDITIONS 

essential  part  of  his  task.  In  the  middle  of  September  he 
sent  Vicente  de  Zaldfvar,  accompanied  by  sixty  men  and 
guided  by  an  Indian  who  had  been  with  Humana,  to  hunt 
bufifalo  on  the  plains  to  the  northeast.  Going  through  Pecos, 
where  they  left  two  missionaries,  they  continued  to  a  point 
seventy  leagues  from  San  Juan.  Though  they  failed  in  their 
attempt  to  capture  buffalo  alive,  they  secured  a  large  simply 
of  hides  and  meat,  and  made  the  acquaintance  of  the  Va- 
quero  Apaches  and  of  a  large  stretch  of  coimtry. 

While  Zaldfvar  was  away  Onate  went  southeast  and  visited 
the  great  salines  and  the  Jumano  pueblos,  then  turned  west 
with  the  intention  of  going  to  the  South  Sea,  where  he  hoped 
to  find  wealth  in  pearls.  He  made  his  way  to  Zuni,  where  a 
rich  saline  was  discovered,  and  to  the  Moqui  towns,  whence 
he  sent  Captain  Marcos  Farfdn  with  a  party  to  find  the 
mines  discovered  by  Espejo.  Farfdn  made  tlie  joum^  to 
Bill  Williams  Fork,  foimd  rich  veins,  staked  out  claims,  and 
brought  back  detailed  reports.  In  the  course  of  the  journey 
he  visited  Jumanos  near  San  Francisco  Moimtains,  and  the 
Cruzados,  further  southwest. 

In  November  Juan  de  Zaldfvar  followed  Onate,  intending 
to  join  him  in  his  expedition  to  the  South  Sea,  but  at  Acoma 
he  was  killed,  with  fourteen  companions,  by  the  Indians.  News 
of  this  misfortime  reached  Onate  while  on  his  way  back  to 
San  Juan,  in  December,  and  in  January  he  sent  Vicente  de 
Zaldfvar  to  avenge  his  brother's  death.  After  a  two  days' 
assault,  with  hand-to-hand  fighting,  the  Indians  surrendered. 
The  diary  laconically  adds :  "  Most  of  them  were  killed  and 
punished  by  fire  and  bloodshed,  and  the  pueblo  was  com- 
pletely laid  waste  and  burned." 

In  1599  Vicente  de  Zaldfvar,  with  twenty-five  companions, 
made  a  three  months'  journey  in  an  attempt  to  reach  the 
South  Sea.  On  the  way  he  had  diflSculty  with  the  Jmnanos, 
and  Onate  went  in  person  with  fifty  soldiers  to  punish  the 


INTRODUCTION  205 

offenders.  Zaldfvar  continued  his  journey  till  he  reached  im- 
passable mountains  and  a  hostile  tribe,  at  a  point  which  he 
^^ras  told  was  three  days  from  the  sea.^  So  interested  was 
Onate  in  the  project  of  reaching  the  South  Sea  that  he  now 
planned  to  go  in  person  with  a  hundred  men  and  prepared  to 
iDuild  boats.  In  April,  1601,  he  was  all  ready  to  start,  but  he 
^^hanged  his  plans  and  went  northeast  instead. 

In  June,  1601,  Onate  set  out  to  see  the  coimtry  traversed 
I6y  Humafia.    He  was  accompanied  by  two  friars  and  more 
~€;han  seventy  picked  men ;  he  had  in  his  caravan  more  than 
^seven  hundred  horses  and  mules,  eight  carts,  four  cannon, 
^and  a  retinue  of  servants  to  carry  the  baggage.    His  guide 
^was  the  Indian  Joseph  who  had  led  Zaldfvar  to  the  Llanos 
^d  CJlbolo.    Going  by  way  of  Galisteo,  he  crossed  the  Pecos 
io  the  Rio  de  la  Madalena  (Canadian  River).    Descending 
that  stream  to  a  great  bend  one  himdred  and  eleven  leagues 
from  the  pueblo  of  San  Gabriel,  he  continued  northeast  to  a 
point  on  the  Arkansas  more  than  two  himdred  and  twenty 
leagues  from  the  starting-point.    Before  crossing  the  stream 
he  had  dealings  with  a  roving  tribe  called  the  Escanjaques. 
Fording  the  Arkansas,  Onate  visited  the  extensive  settlement 
called  Quivira,  through  which  Humana  had  passed.    It  was 
evidently  at  Wichita,  Kansas.    The  Quiviras  appearing  hos- 
tile, the  journey  was  now  discontinued.    On  starting  home- 
ward a  battle  was  fought  with  the  Escanjaques. 

Before  Onate  had  set  out  for  the  northeast  he  had  engen- 
dered hostility,  and  when  he  returned  he  f oimd  that  most 
of  the  colonists  and  friars  had  deserted  to  Santa  Barbara; 

^  The  principal  source  at  my  command  regarding  the  Zaldfvar  expedition 
to  the  west  has  not  been  known  before.  It  is  a  manuscript  in  the  Archivo  de 
Indias  consisting  of  an  abstract  of  reports  sent  by  Onate,  March  22,  1601  (see 
p.  209,  doc.  c).  In  an  investigation  regarding  the  work  of  Zaldfvar,  December, 
1601,  this  expedition  is  recorded  briefly.  Doc.  Inid.,  XVI.  219.  Bancroft, 
ArisKma  and  New  Mexico,  evidently  overlooked  this  source,  for  he  rejects  a 
statement  by  Pefialoea  that  Zaldfvar  made  such  an  expedition. 


206  NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS 

Zaldfvar  was  accordingly  sent  to  recover  them.  In  1602  Zal- 
dfvar  went  to  Spain  to  secure  a  confirmation  of  Ofiate's  titles 
and  a  force  of  three  hundred  men  with  whom  to  continue 
explorations  beyond  Quivinu 

Onate  still  planned  for  reaching  the  South  Sea,  and  in 
1604  he  carried  out  his  intention.  Setting  out  in  October 
with  thirty  men,  he  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  Espejo  and 
Farfdn  to  Bill  Williams  Fork.  Descending  that  stream  to 
the  Colorado  he  followed  its  left  bank  to  the  Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia, returning  to  New  Mexico  in  1605,  where  he  ruled  till 
1608.  He  had  now  re-explored  practically  all  of  the  ground 
covered  by  the  Coronado  and  Espejo  expeditions  and  opened 
new  trails. 

The  principal  printed  original  soiut^es  for  the  work  of  Onate 
are  those  in  Facheco  and  C^uxlenas,  DocumerUos  In6ditos,  XVI. 
38-66,  88-141,  228-322.    These,  given  in  order,  consist  of : 

1.  ''Treslado  de  la  posesion  que  en  nombre  de  Su  Mage- 
stad  tom6  Don  Juan  de  Onate,  de  los  Reynos  y  Frovincias 
de  la  Nueva  Mexico;  y  de  las  obediencias  y  vassalaje  que 
los  Judios  [Indios]  de  algunos  pueblos  de  los  dichos  Reynos 
y  provincias  le  dieron  en  d  dicho  nombre,  Ano  de  1598" 
(pp.  88-141).  This  contains  the  act  of  possession  proclaimed 
on  the  Rio  Grande  April  30,  1598;  acts  of  "obedience  and 
vassalage"  by  the  pueblos  of  Santo  Domingo,  San  Juan 
Baptista,  Acolocti,  Cuel6ce,  Acoma,  Aguscobi,  and  Mohoquf; 
and  the  assignment  of  pueblos  to  the  different  friars.  The 
act  of  possession  is  also  printed  in  Villagrd,  Historia  de  la 
Nueva  Mexico,  fols.  114-132. 

2.  "Discurso  de  las  jomadas  que  hizo  el  Campo  de  Su 
Magestad  desde  la  Nueva  Espana  d  la  provincia  de  la  Nueva 
Mexico,  Aqo  de  1526  [1596]."  The  subtitle,  by  which  it  will 
be  cited,  is  ^'Ytinerario  de  las  minas  del  Caxco  .  . .  hasta  d 
Nuevo  Mexico,'*  etc.  (pp.  228-276).  It  is  a  brief  diary,  based 
on  the  official  documents,  of  all  the  operations  of  Onate,  from 


r 


November  1, 1596,  to  DBoember  30,  loSSL    It  w  vntm  far 
Qce  of  the  fiinBw 

3.  "Capuk  de  Cbita  eampta  Al  Yincr  CoDcfe  de  Mon- 
£«fTC7,  Don  Juan  de  OoMZe,  de  k  Xueni  Mexico,  i  2  de  Mana 

1599  Ados:  Conopande  al  Cifrftolo  Ptmiero  de  Materia 

Gnenay  fedia  en  Mexieo  i  4  de  OctnlMe  de  1399*'  (pp. 

^^SQ2-315).    Printed  hminafter,  pp.  212-222.    The  letter  is  m 

■  ■iiimnfiij  of  events  after  leaving  Bio  del  Xombre  de  Di6&. 

"^M^ith  ihas  letter  were  sent,  evidenthr,  nos.  1  and  2  above, 

"SDeades  other  docaments  noted  bdow.    They  were  earned  to 

[ezioo  by  Father  Akoso  Martinez,  Caspar  P6ei  de  MDa- 

imd  con^Muaiona. 

4.  ''Don  Alonso  de  Qnate  pide  se  confinne  la  capituladon 
^ue  hiio  d  Viney  con  Don  Joan  de  Onate  sobre  d  Nuevo 

M6xico:  y  que  se  dedare  aber  cumplido  las  ci^ituladones 
se  le  di6  titolo  de  Addantado  y  otias  cosas,  &k  ordea  al 
^^umplimiento  de  lo  que  al  princqiio  se  asent6  con  d :  Mayo 
^  1600''  (pp.  316-319). 

5.  ''Don  Akmso  de  Qnate,  ^  5  de  Mayo  de  1600.— Al 
FresidenteddConsejodeYndias"  (pp.  320-322).  This  docu- 
ment and  no.  4  are  requests  by  Onate's  brother  that  the  con- 
queror's titles  and  privilege  be  confirmed. 

6.  ''Memorial  sobre  d  descubrimiento  dd  Nuevo  Mexico 
y  BUS  acontecimientos,  Anos  desde  1595  &  1602"  (pp.  ISS- 
227).  This  is  a  memorial  presented  by  Vicente  de  Zaldfvar 
in  1602  requesting  that  Onate  be  equipped  with  three  hun- 
dred men  to  continue  explorations  left  off  at  the  Arkansas 
River  in  1601,  followed  by  a  summary  of  Onate's  n^otiations 
and  of  investigations  made  in  Mexico  in  1602  r^arding 
Ofiate's  woric. 

7.  "Discurso  y  Proposicion  que  se  hace  &  Vuestra  Mage- 
stad  de  lo  tocante  &  los  descubrimientos  dd  Nuevo  M^co 
por  sus  capftulos  de  pimtos  diferentes"  (pp.  38-66).  This  is 
a  discussion  by  the  viceroy  of  the  negotiations  with  and  the 


208  NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ORATE  EXPEDITIONS 

work  of  Ofiate,  written  at  the  time  when  Zaldfvar  went  to 
Spain  to  present  his  petition.  It  is  in  four  parts.  Fart  I. 
is  a  statement  of  reasons  why  Onate  should  not  be  granted 
the  concessions  which  the  viceroy  had  withheld.  Fart  IE. 
tells  of  investigations  made  to  determine  whether  Onate  had 
fulfilled  his  contract.  Fart  III.  discusses  what  he  has  accom- 
plished in  New  Mexico  and  the  advantages  and  difficulties 
of  maintaining  the  province.  Fart  IV.  is  a  brief  accoimt 
("Breve  relaci6n")  of  Onate's  expedition  to  the  Arkansas, 
baaed  on  the  correspondence,  and  a  discussion  of  the  im- 
portance of  the  expedition. 

Besides  the  above  printed  official  sources,  there  are  un- 
printed  documents  of  the  same  class  in  the  Archivo  de  Indias, 
of  even  greater  importance.  Of  these  the  following  are  repre- 
sented by  transcripts  in  the  Lowery  Collection  at  the  libraiy 
of  Congress,  while  transcripts  of  several  others  are  in  the  Ayer 
Collection  at  the  Newberry  Library  in  Chicago: 

a.  "Relacion  de  como  los  Fadres  de  San  Francisco  se  en- 
cargaron  de  las  Frovincias  de  la  Nueva  Mexico,  con  testi- 
monio  autorizado.  Sep're  8"  (Nuevo  Mexico,  1598).  This  is 
the  act  of  possession  given  by  Onate  to  the  friars.  It  con- 
tains important  data  not  contaiaed  in  no.  1  above. 

b.  ''Relaciones  que  envi6  Don  Juan  de  O&ate  de  algunaa 
jomadas  descubrimientos  y  ensayes  que  se  hicieron  en  Nuevo 
Mexico"  (Nuevo  Mexico,  1599).  These  documents  consist  of 
first-hand  accoimts,  hitherto  unused  by  modem  scholars,  of 
Onate's  explorations  and  of  the  Humana  expedition.  They  in- 
clude (1)  '^Relacion  del  descubrimiento  de  las  Vacas  de  cibola" 
(printed  hereinafter,  pp.  223-232).  This  is  the  original  re- 
port of  Zaldfvar's  expedition  to  the  buffalo  plains  in  1598. 
(2)  '^  Relacion  de  la  jomada  que  hicieron  &  la  Mar  y  la  visita 
de  Salinas  y  Xumanas"  (printed  hereinafter,  pp.  233-238). 
This  is  the  original  accoimt  of  Onate's  expedition  in  1598  to 
the  Salines,  the  Jumanos,  and  the  Moqui.    (3)  ''Relacion 


INTRODUCTION  209 

^1  descubrimiento  de  las  salinas  de  cuni."  This  is  the  decla- 
.tion  of  Farf^  and  others  regarding  the  saline  discovered 
^ar  Zuni  in  1598.  (4)  ^'Relacion  6  informacion  del  descu- 
imiento  de  minas"  (printed  hereinafter,  pp.  239-249).  This 
the  declaration  of  Farf^  and  his  companions  regarding 
leir  journey  to  the  mines  of  Arizona  in  1598.  (5)  "Rela- 
on  que  di6  im  indio  de  la  salida  que  hicieron  Umana  y  Leyba 
il  Nuevo  Mexico."  This  contains  the  declaration  of  the 
idian  Jusephe  (Joseph)  and  of  Zaldfvar  regarding  the  HumaQa 
:pedition.  (6)  "  Relacion  de  los  ensayes  que  se  hicieron  de 
ertas  minas."  This  is  the  testimony  given  in  1599  regarding 
le  assays  of  ores  brought  from  Arizona  by  the  Farf^  party. 

c.  ^'  Relacion  sacada  de  las  cartas  que  envia  Don  Juan  de 
nate  Gobemador  de  las  provincias  de  la  Nueva  M^co. 
ino  con  carta  de  veinte  y  dos  de  Marzo  de  1601"  (Nuevo 
[exico,  1601).  This  document  tells  of  events  of  1599-1600 
Dt  recoimted  elsewhere,  among  them  being  the  imknown 
)umey  of  Zaldlvar  to  discover  the  South  Sea  in  1599. 

d.  '^  Relacion  Verdadera  de  los  sucesos  de  la  entrada  que 
Lzo  el  gobemador  D.  Juan  de  Onate  en  las  poblaciones  de 
[ueva  Megico  hacia  el  norte"  (printed  hereinafter,  pp.  250- 
57).  This  is  the  original  account  of  Onate's  expedition  to 
le  Arkansas  in  1601. 

e.  "  Parecer  de  la  Audiencia  de  Mexico  cerca  de  la  propo- 
igion  de  la  conquista  y  descubrimiento  del  Nuevo  Mexico." 
Ills  is  a  part  of  the  documents  of  which  no.  6  above  (''  Mem- 
rial  sobre  el  descubrimiento")  is  a  summary.  It  is  the  docu- 
lent  sunmiarized  in  Pacheco  and  C^uxlenas,  XVI.  200,  last 
aragraph. 

Among  the  contemporary  histories  three  are  especially 
nportant :  (1)  In  1610  there  was  published  at  Alcald,  Spain, 
he  Historia  de  la  Nueva  Mexico,  del  Capitan  Gaspar  de  Vir 
lagrd  (24  +  287  folios).  This  work,  while  written  in  verse,  is 
n  reality  an  important  source  based  upon  the  author's  per- 


210  NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS 

sonal  ejcperience  and  documentary  data.  The  account  is 
especiaUy  important  for  the  preparation  of  the  expedition  and 
the  march  to  New  Mexico,  and  for  the  revolt  and  the  puniahr 
ment  of  Acoma.  Incorporated  in  it  are  several  official  docu- 
ments, some  of  which  are  not  elsewhere  available  (fols.  55-60, 
11^132,  208-212).  A  reprint  of  this  work  was  published  in 
Mexico  in  1900  by  Sr.  Don  Luis  Gonzalez  Obreg6n.  As  ap- 
pendices it  contains  important  documents  regarding  Villagrd's 
personal  history,  besides  other  documents  relating  to  the  his- 
tory of  New  Mexico.  (2)  Father  Zdrate-Salmer6n, "  Relaciones 
de  Todas  las  cosas  que  en  el  Nuevo-Mexico  se  han  visto  y 
Savido,  asi  por  mar  como  por  tierra,  desde  el  afio  de  1538  hasta 
el  de  1626''  (printed  in  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  MixicOj 
tercera  s^e,  Mexico,  1856)  gives  a  chapter  on  the  ^'Entrada 
de  D.  Juan  de  Onate  al  Nuevo  Mexico"  (paragraphs  33-36) ; 
one  on  the  '^  Jornada  de  D.  Juan  de  Oflate  a  la  Gran  Ciudad 
de  Quivira"  (paragraphs  37-43)  and  another  on  the  '^Jornada 
de  D.  Juan  de  Onate  a  la  California  por  tierra"  (paragraphs 
44-57).  The  account  of  the  Quivira  expedition  contains  many 
details  not  accessible  elsewhere,  while  that  of  the  expedition 
of  1604-1605  is  practically  our  sole  reliance.  It  was  evidently 
based  on  full  first-hand  reports.  When  Father  Zdrate  wrote, 
in  1626,  he  had  spent  eight  years  as  missionary  in  New  Mexico. 
A  translation  of  the  Zdrate  "  Relaciones  "  was  published  by 
Charles  F.  Lunmiis  in  1899  and  1900,  in  Land  of  Sunshine, 
vols.  XI.  and  XII.  The  translation  published  hereinafter, 
though  made  independently,  owes  much  to  that  one.  (3) 
Torquemada,  Monarchia  Indiana,  which  was  finished  just 
after  the  Onate  conquest,  contains  (tomo  I.,  libro  V.,  caps. 
XXXVI.-XL.)  a  brief  accoimt  of  events  to  1608,  in  which  is 
incorporated  a  letter  by  Fray  Juan  de  Escalona  to  the  com- 
missary, San  Gabriel,  October  1,  1601,  and  a  letter  by  Fray 
Francisco  de  San  Miguel  to  the  provincial,  Fray  Diego  Mu£loz, 
Santa  Barbara,  February  29,  1602. 


F 


INTHODUCnON  211 

A  map  of  Qfiate's  route  from  Mexico  to  Quivira  in  the 
^Archivo  de  Indias,  hitherto  unpublished;  is  reproduced  oppo- 
^te  p.  212.  A  map,  or  drawing,  by  an  Indian  named  Miguel 
^^tured  by  Ofiate  on  the  Arksmsas,  is  also  in  the  Archivo  de 
iSndias,  and  a  copy  is  in  the  editor's  possession. 


LETTER  WRITTEN  BY  DON  JUAN  DE  ONATE 

FROM  NEW  MEXICO,  1599 

Copy  of  a  letter  written  hy  Don  Juan  de  Ofiaiefrom  New  Mexico 
to  the  Viceroy,  the  Count  of  Monterey,  on  the  second  day 
of  March,  1599.^ 

From  Rio  de  Nombre  de  Dios*  I  last  wrote  to  you,  Illus- 
trious Sir,  giving  you  an  account  of  my  departure,  and  of  the 
discovery  of  a  wagon  road  to  the  Rio  del  Norte,'  and  of  my 
certain  hopes  of  the  successful  outcome  of  my  journey,  which 
hopes  God  has  been  pleased  to  grant,  may  He  be  forever 
praised ;  for  greatly  to  His  advantage  and  that  of  his  royal 
Majesty,  they  have  acquired  a  possession  so  good  that  none 
other  of  his  Majesty  in  these  Indies  excels  it,  judging  it  solely 
by  what  I  have  seen,  by  things  told  of  in  rehable  reports,  and 
by  things  almost  a  matter  of  experience,  from  having  been 
seen  by  people  in  my  camp  and  Imown  by  me  at  present. 

This  does  not  include  the  vastness  of  the  settlements  or 
the  riches  of  the  West  which  the  natives  praise,  or  the  certainty 
of  pearls  promised  by  the  South  Sea  from  the  many  shells 
containing  them  possessed  by  these  Indians,  or  the  many 
settlements  called  the  seven  caves,*  which  the  Indians  report 
at  the  head  of  this  river,  which  is  the  Rio  del  Norte ;  but  in- 
cludes only  the  provinces  which  I  have  seen  and  traversed, 
the  people  of  this  eastern  coimtry,  the  Apaches,  the  nation 
of  the  Cocoyes,*^  and  many  others  which  are  daily  being 


1  Pacheco  and  C&rdenas,  Col.  Doc.  InSd.,  XVI.  3Q2-315. 

'  Nombre  de  Dids  was  reached  March  12,  1598,  and  was  left  on  the  14tL 
See  Ytinerario,  entries  fw  those  days,  pp.  234-235. 

'  The  reference  is  to  the  exploration  made  by  t^cente  de  Zaldfvar.  See 
Ytinerario,  p.  234 ;  Villagrd,  Historia,  cantos  XI.-XII. 

*  This  may  be  a  survival  of  the  older  tradition  regarding  the  Seven  Caves 
existing  somewhere  to  the  northward  of  Mexico.  The  text  is  evidently  oomipt 
at  this  point  It  reads,  "ni  las  muchas  poblaasones  que  d  nacimieDto  destoa 
indios,  que  es  d  del  Rio  dd  Norte,  Uamada  las  siete  quebas.'* 

*  Cicuy6,  or  Pecos. 

212 


USM]  LETTER  OF  ORATE  213 

pOYered  in  this  district  and  neighborhood,  as  I  shall  specify 
^  this  letter.  I  wish  to  b^in  by  giving  your  Lordship  an 
Account  of  it,  because  it  is  the  first  since  I  left  New  Spain. 

I  departed,  Illustrious  Sir,  from  Rio  de  Nombre  de  Dios 
On  the  sixteentiti^  of  March,  with  the  great  multitude  of  wagons, 
Mromen,  and  children,  which  your  Lordship  very  well  knows, 
freed  from  all  my  opponents,  but  with  a  multitude  of  evil  pre- 
dictions conforming  to  their  desires  and  not  to  the  goodness 
of  Gkxl.  His  Majesty  was  pleased  to  accede  to  my  desires, 
ajid  to  take  pity  on  my  great  hardships,  afflictions,  and  ex- 
penses, bringing  me  to  these  provinces  of  New  Mexico  with 
&I1  his  Majesty's  army  enjoying  perfect  health. 

Although  I  reach^  these  provinces  on  the  twenty-eighth 
day  of  May  (going  ahead  with  as  many  as  sixty  soldiers  to 
pacify  the  land  and  free  it  from  traitors,  if  in  it  there  should 
V>e  any,  seizing  Humana  and  his  followers,'  to  obtain  full  in- 
formation, by  seeing  with  my  own  eyes,  regarding  the  location 
and  nature  of  the  land,  and  regarding  the  nature  and  customs 
of  the  people,  so  as  to  order  what  might  be  best  for  the  army, 
^which  I  Irft  about  twenty-two  leagues  from  the  first  pueblos,' 
filter  having  crossed  the  Rio  del  Norte,  at  which  river  I  took 
possession,^  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty,  of  all  these  kingdoms 
find  pueblos*  which  I  discovered  before  departing  from  it 
^th  scouts),  the  army  did  not  overtake  me  at  the  place  where 
1  established  it  and  where  I  now  have  it  establi^ed,  in  this 
province  of  the  T^uas,  imtil  the  nineteenth*  day  of  August 
of  the  past  year.    Diuiog  that  time  I  travelled  through  set- 
tlements sixty-one  leagues  in  extent  toward  the  north,  and 
thirty-five  in  width  from  east  to  west.    All  this  district  is 
filled  with  pueblos,  large  and  small,  very  continuous  and  close 
together. 

1  See  note  2,  p.  212. 

*  It  was  not  yet  known  that  Humafia  had  been  slaughtered  by  the  Indians 
of  the  plains. 

*  He  refers  here  to  reaching  the  first  pueblos  above  £1  Paso,  having  left  the 
caravan  at  El  Sepulcro  de  Robledo.  See  Ytinerario,  pp.  247-250;  Villagr6» 
BiMona,  canto  XV.  

«April  30,  1508.  See  Ytinerario,  p.  242;  VillagHL,  Historia,  canto  Xm., 
where  the  formal  act  of  possession  b  printed. 

*  The  text  reads  puMo,  but  puMa»  seems  required  to  convey  the  sense. 

*  The  Ytinerario  in  two  places  says  they  reached  San  Juan  on  the  18th. 


214         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS       [1598 

At  the  end  of  August  I  b^an  to  prepare  the  people  of  my 
camp  for  the  severe  winter^  with  which  both  the  Indians  and 
the  nature  of  the  land  threatened  me ;  and  the  devil,  who  ha< 
ever  tried  to  make  good  his  great  loss  occasioned  by  our  com 
ing,  plotted,  as  is  his  wont,  exciting  a  rebellion  among  men 
thaii  forty-five  soldiers  and  captains,'  who  imder  pretext  o 
not  finding  immediately  whole  plates  of  silver  lying  on  thi 
ground,  and  ofifended  because  I  would  not  permit  them  t 
maltreat  these  natives,  either  in  their  persons  or  in  their  goods 
became  disgusted  with  the  coimtry,  or  to  be  more  exact,  witi 
me,  and  endeavored  to  form  a  gang  in  order  to  flee  to  tha 
New  Spain,  as  they  proclaimed,  although  judging  from  wha 
has  since  come  to  light  their  intention  was  directed  more  t 
stealing  slaves  and  clothing  and  to  other  acts  of  effronter 
not  permitted.  I  arrested  two  captains  and  a  soldier,  wh 
they  said  were  guilty,  in  order  to  garrote  them  on  this  charge 
but  ascertaining  that  their  guilt  was  not  so  great,  and  o 
accoimt  of  my  situation  and  of  the  importunate  pleadings  c 
the  religious  and  of  the  entire  army,  I  was  forced  to  for^ 
the  punishment  and  let  bygones  be  bygones. 

Although  by  the  middle  of  September  I  succeeded  in  con: 
pletely  calming  and  pacifying  my  camp,  from  this  great  coe 
flagration  a  spark  was  boimd  to  remain  hidden  imdemeat 
the  ashes  of  the  dissembling  coimtenances  of  f  our*  of  the  so] 
diers  of  the  said  coterie.  These  fled  from  me  at  that  timi 
stealing  from  me  part  of  the  horses,  thereby  violating  nc 
only  one  but  many  proclamations  which,  r^arding  this  matte 
and  others,  I  had  posted  for  the  good  of  the  land  in  the  nam 
of  his  Majesty. 

Since  they  had  violated  his  royal  orders,  it  appeared  t 
me  that  they  should  not  go  impunished;  therefore  I  immi 
diately  sent  post-haste  the  captain  and  procurator-genen 
Caspar  Perez  de  Villagran  and  the  ci^tain  of  artillery  Gere 
nimo  Marques,  with  an  express  order  to  follow  and  overtak 
them  and  give  them  due  punishment.  They  left  in  the  mic 
die  of  September,  as  I  have  said,  thinking  that  they  woul 

^  See  Ytinerario,  pp.  262-264.  For  the  establishment  ci  headquArten  t 
San  Juan,  see  ^llagr6y  Histofia,  canto  XVI. 

'  See  Ytinerario,  entries  tor  August  20-21;  ViUagri,  Hidoria^  canto  XVI 
'  For  the  names  of  those  who  fled,  see  Ytinerario,  entry  for  September  12 


1596]  LETTER  OF  ONATE  215 

overtake  them  at  once,  but  their  journey  was  prolonged  more 
than  they  or  I  had  anticipated,  with  the  result  to  two  of  the 
offaiders^  which  your  Lordship  already  knows  from  the  letter 
which  they  teU  me  they  wrote  from  Sancta  Barbara.  The 
other  two  who  fled  from  them  will  have  received  the  same  at 
your  Lordship's  hands,  as  is  just. 

I  awaited  their  return  and  the  outcome  for  some  days, 
dining  which  time  I  sent  my  sargento  mayor  to  find  and  uti- 
lize the  buffalo  to  the  east,  where  he  found  an  infinite  multi- 
tude of  them,  and  had  the  experience  which  he  set  forth  in 
a  q)ecial  report.'  Both  he  and  the  others  were  so  long  de- 
layed that,  in  order  to  lose  no  time,  at  the  banning  of  Oc- 
tober, this  first  church  having  been  foimded,  wherein  the 
first  mass  was  celebrated  on  the  8th  of  September,  and  the 
religious  having  been  distributed'  in  various  provinces  and 
Minos,  I  went  in  person  to  the  province  of  Abo  and  to 
that  of  l^e  Xumanas  and  to  the  large  and  famous  salines  of 
this  coimtry,  which  must  be  about  twenty  leagues  east  of 
here.* 

From  there  I  crossed  over  to  the  west  through  the  prov- 
ince of  Puaray  to  discover  the  South  Sea,  so  ttiat  I  might 
be  able  to  report  to  your  Lordship.  When  Captain  Villa^an 
wiived  I  took  him  for  this  purpose.* 

What  more  in  good  time  it  was  possible  to  accomplish 
through  himian  efforts  is  in  substance  what  I  shall  set  forth 
^  the  following  chapter.  For  this  pmpose  it  shall  be  day 
by  day,  and  event  by  event,*  especially  regarding  the  deatiL 
of  my  nephew  and  maese  de  campo,  who,  as  my  rear-guard, 
^88  following  me  to  the  South  Sea.    His  process,^  along  with 

'They  were  beheaded.     See  Ytmerario,  p.  265;  VOlagHL,  HiHoria,  canto 

'The  leferenoe  is  to  2iald(var'8  report  printed  hereinafter.  See  pp.  223- 
%   VUlagriL  treats  this  expedition  in  his  Historia,  canto  XVII. 

*Tlie  pueblos  were  assigned  to  the  friars  on  the  9th,  and  the  missionaries 
^t  to  their  new  posts  within  the  neict  few  days  (Ytinerario,  pp.  264-266). 

'  A  spedal  account  of  the  journey  is  printed  hereinafter,  pp.  233-238.  See 
•lao  Ytinerario,  pp.  266-267 ;  ViUagri,  Historia,  canto  XVII. 

*See  Ytinerario,  entry  for  December  5;  Villagr&,  Historia,  canto  XIX. 

*Tlie  reference  here  is  apparently  to  the  Ytinerario. 

'  ynm&gri,  Historia,  canto  XXV.,  recounts  the  proceso.  A  transcript  of  it 
ii  in  the  Ayer  Collection. 


216         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  OStATE  EXPEDITIONS       [im 

many  other  papers,  I  am  sending  to  your  Lordshq).  To  des- 
patch them  earUer  has  been  impossible.  I  have,  then,  di^ 
covered  and  seen  up  to  the  present  the  following  provinces : 

The  province  of  the  Piguis,^  which  is  the  one  encountered 
in  coming  from  that  New  Spain;  the  province  of  the  Xu- 
man&;  the  province  of  the  Ch^uas,  which  we  Spaniaaxifi 
call  Puaray;  the  province  of  the  Chores;  the  province  of 
the  Trias ;  the  province  of  the  Rmmes ;  the  province  of  the 
Teguas;  the  province  of  the  Picuries;  the  province  of  the 
Taos ;  the  province  of  the  Peccos ;  the  province  of  Abbo  and 
the  salines  f  the  province  of  Juni ;  and  the  province  of  Mo- 
hoce. 

These  last  two  are  somewhat  apart  from  the  rest,  towards 
the  west,  and  are  the  places  where  we  recently  discovered 
the  rich  mines,  as  is  attested  by  the  papers  which  your  Lord- 
ship will  see  there.  I  could  not'  work  or  improve  these 
mines  because  of  the  death  of  my  maese  de  campo,  Joan  dc 
Zaldivar,  and  of  the  rectification  of  the  results  of  it,  whicb 
I  completed  at  the  end  of  last  month.^  Nor  could  I  com- 
plete my  journey  to  the  South  Sea,  which  was  the  purpose 
with  which  I  went  to  the  said  provinces,  leaving  my  camp 
in  this  province  of  the  Teguas,  whence  I  am  now  writing. 

There  must  be  in  this  province  and  in  the  others  above- 
mentioned,  to  make  a  conservative  estimate,  seventy  thou- 
sand^ Indians,  settled  after  our  custom,  house  adjoining 
house,  with  square  plazas.  They  have  no  streets,  and  in  the 
pueblos,  which  contain  many  plazas  or  wards,  one  goes  from 
one  plaza  to  the  other  through  alleys.  They  are  of  two  and 
three  stories,  of  an  estado^  and  a  half  or  an  estado  and  a  third 

^  I  do  not  know  what  tribe  this  was.  For  each  of  the  other  tribes  listed 
in  this  paragraph,  see  Hodge,  Handbook  cf  American  Indians,  under  the  foUon^ 
ing  names :  Jumano,  'Hgua,  Keres,  Sia,  Jemez,  Tewa,  Picuris,  Taos,  Peoos,  Abo, 
Zuiii,  Moqui  (or  Hopi). 

>  See  (Mate's  relation,  pp.  233-238. 

'  The  text  here  reads  "puede,"  whidi  seems  to  be  a  misprint  for  "pode." 

*  He  refers  to  the  punishment  of  the  pueblo  and  the  investigation  ol  the 
uprising.  See  VillagHL,  Historia,  cantos  XXV.,  XXVH.,  XXXHI. ;  Ytinenrioi 
pp.  270-272. 

*  An  exaggerated  estimate,  no  doubt  For  actual  figures  at  different  dfttes 
see  Hodge,  Handbook,  H.  325. 

*  An  estado  is  a  unit  equivalent  to  the  height  of  a  man. 


Uq  LETTER  OF  05fATE  217 


h,  which  latter  is  not  so  common;  and  some  houses  are 
c^  four,  five,  six,  and  seven  stories.  Even  whole  pi]d)loB 
«5ie8S  in  veiy  hi^ily  colored  cotton  marUaSy  white  or  black, 
.ssuid  some  of  thread — ^veiy  good  clothes.  Others  wear  buf- 
:f  alo  hides,  of  which  there  is  a  great  abondance.  They  have 
inmost  excellent  wool,  of  whose  value  I  am  apnHing  a  small 


It  is  a  land  abounding  in  flesh  of  buffalo,  goats  with  hide- 

^Dus  horns,  and  turkeys ;  and  in  Mohoce  there  is  game  of  all 

^9dnds.    There  are  many  wild  and  ferocious  beasts,  Uons,  beara, 

^^rolves,  tigers,  penicaSf  f arets,  porcupines,  and  other  ftm'TniJgj 

^^fhoee  hides  they  tan  and  use.    Towards  the  west  there 

^y:e  bees  and  veiy  white  honey,  of  which  I  am  apnHing  a 

sample.    Besides,  there  are  v^etables,  a  great  abundimce 

^f  the  best  and  greatest  salines  in  the  worid,  and  a  veiy  great 

jDany  lands  of  very  rich  ores,  as  I  stated  above.    Some  dis- 

^eovered  near  here  do  not  appear  so,  although  we  have  hardly 

h^un  to  see  anything  of  the  much  there  is  to  be  seen.    There 

are  very  fine  grape  vines,  rivers,  forests  of  many  oaks,  and 

some  cork  trees,  fruits,  melons,  grapes,  watermelons,  Cas- 

tilian  plums,  cajndi,  pine-nuts,  acorns,  ground-nuts,  and  coror 

Ujo,  which  is  a  delicious  fruit,  and  other  wild  fruits.    There 

are  many  and  very  good  fish  in  this  Rio  del  Norte,  and  in 

others.    From  the  ores  here  are  made  all  the  colors  which  we 

use,  and  they  are  very  fine. 

The  people  are  in  general  very  comely;  their  color  is 
Uke  those  of  that  land,  and  they  are  much  like  them  in  man- 
ner and  dress,  in  their  grinding,  in  their  food,  dancing,  sing- 
ing, and  many  other  things,  except  in  their  languages,  whidi 
are  many,  and  different  from  those  there.  Their  religion 
consists  in  worshipping  idols,  of  which  they  have  many ;  and 
in  their  temples,  after  their  own  manner,  they  worship  them 
with  fire,  painted  reeds,  feathers,  and  universal  offering  of 
almost  everything  they  get,  such  as  small  animals,  birds, 
v^etables,  etc.  In  their  government  they  are  free,  for  al- 
though they  have  some  petty  captains,  they  ob^  them 
badly  and  in  very  few  things. 

We  have  seen  other  nations  such  as  the  Querechos,^  or 
herdsmen,  who  live  in  tents  of  tanned  hides,  among  the  buf- 

^  See  p.  183,  note  3,  above. 


218         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS        [1598 

falo.  The  Apaches,  of  whom  we  have  also  seen  some,  are 
mnumerabley  and  although  I  heard  that  they  lived  in  ran- 
cherfas,  a  few  days  ago  I  ascertained  that  they  live  like  these 
in  puel3los,  one  of  which,  eighteen  leagues  from  here,  con- 
tains fifteen  plazas.^  They  are  a  people  whom  I  have  com- 
pelled to  render  obedience  to  His  Majesty,  although  not  by 
means  of  legal  instruments  like  the  rest  of  the  provinces. 
This  has  caused  me  much  labor,  diligence,  and  care,  long 
joume3rs,  with  arms  on  the  shoulders,  and  not  a  little  watching 
and  circumspection ;  indeed,  because  my  maese  de  campo  was 
not  as  cautious  as  he  should  have  been,  they  killed  him  with 
twelve  companions  in  a  great  pueblo  and  fortress  called 
Ac6ma,  which  must  contain  about  three  thousand  Indians. 
As  punishment  for  its  crime  and  its  treason  against  his  Maj- 
esty, to  whom  it  had  already  rendered  submission  by  a  public 
instrument,  and  as  a  warning  to  the  rest,  I  razed  and  bumed 
it  completely,  in  the  way  in  which  your  Lordship  will  see  by 
the  process  of  this  cause.  All  these  provinces,  pueblos,  and 
peoples,  I  have  seen  with  my  own  eyes. 

There  is  another  nation,  that  of  the  Coc6yes,*  an  innu- 
merable people  with  huts  and  agriculture.  Of  this  nation  and 
of  the  large  settlements  at  the  source  of  the  Rio  del  Norte 
and  of  those  to  the  northwest  and  west  and  towards  the 
South  Sea,  I  have  numberless  reports,  and  pearls  of  remark- 
able size  from  the  said  sea,  and  assurance  that  there  is  an 
infinite  number  of  them  on  the  coast  of  this  country.'  And 
as  to  the  east,  a  person  in  my  camp,  an  Indian  who  speaks 
Spanish  and  is  one  of  those  who  came  with  Hiunana,  has 
been  in  the  pueblo  of  the  said  herdsmen.^    It  is  nine  contin- 

^  I  know  of  no  permanent  Apache  settlement  which  would  conespond  to 
the  one  here  described. 

*  Cicuy6,  or  Pecos. 

*  Extended  notice  of  pearls  in  the  South  Sea  was  brought  back  from  Arianui 
by  Farf  &n.    See  post,  pp.  245-246. 

*  The  Indian  Jusephe,  who  had  been  with  Humafia  and  had  made  his  way 
back  to  New  Mexico,  declared  among  other  things  that  he  had  been  in  tlie 
pueblo  of  the  Vaqueros.  He  did  not  give  the  distance  from  Pecos  to  the  pueblo 
("Relacion  que  di6  un  indio  de  la  salida  que  hideron  Umafia  y  leyba  del  Nuevo 
Mexico/'  MS.).  The  next  statement  might  be  taken  to  mean  that  ZMlvwr 
had  been  to  the  pueblo  described  by  Jusephe.  See  Zaldfvar's  aocoont  of 
journey  to  the  buffalo  country,  p.  224,  below. 


1508]  LETTER  OF  ONATE  219 

nous  leagues  in  length  and  two  in  width;  with  streets  and 
houses  consisting  of  huts.^  It  is  situated  in  the  midst  of 
the  multitude  of  buffalo,  which  are  so  numerous  that  my 
sargento  mayor,  who  hunted  them  and  brought  back  their 
hides,  meat,  tallow,  and  suet,  asserts  that  in  one  herd  alone 
he  saw  more  than  there  are  of  our  cattle  in  the  combined 
three  ranches  of  Rodrigo  del  Rio,*  Salvago,  and  Jeronimo 
Lopez,  which  are  famed  in  those  regions. 

I  should  never  cease  were  I  to  recount  individually  all  of 
the  many  things  which  occur  to  me.  I  can  only  say  that 
with  God's  help  I  shall  see  them  all,  and  give  new  worlds, 
new,  peaceful,  and  grand,'  to  his  Majesty,  greater  than  the 
good  Marquis*  gave  to  him,  although  he  did  so  much,  if 
you,  Illustrious  Sir,  will  give  to  me  the  aid,  the  protection, 
and  the  help  which  I  expect  from  such  a  hand.  And  although 
I  confess  that  I  am  crushed  at  having  been  so  out  of  favor 
when  I  left  that  country,  and  although  a  soul  frightened  by 
disfavor  usually  loses  hope  and  despairs  of  success,  it  is 
nevertheless  true  that  I  never  have  and  never  shall  lose  hope 
of  receiving  many  and  very  great  favors  at  the  hand  of  your 
Lordship,  especially  in  matters  of  such  importance  to  his 
Majesty,  And  in  order  that  you.  Illustrious  Sir,  may  be  in- 
clined to  render  them  to  me,  I  beg  that  you  take  note  of 
the  great  increase  which  the  royal  crown  and  the  rents  of  his 
Majesty  have  and  will  have  in  this  land,  with  so  many  and 
such  a  variety  of  things,  each  one  of  which  promises  very 
great  treasures.  I  shall  only  note  these  four,  omitting  the 
rest  as  being  well  known  and  common: 

First,  the  great  wealth  which  the  mines  have  begun  to 
reveal  and  the  great  number  of  them  in  this  land,  whence 
proceed  the  royal  fifths  and  profits.  Second,  the  certainty 
of  the  proximity*  of  the  South  Sea,  whose  trade  with  Pir6, 
New  Spain,  and  China  is  not  to  be  depreciated,  for  it  will 
give  birth  in  time  to  advantageous  and  continuous  duties, 
because  of  its  close  proximity,  particularly  to  China  and  to 
that  land.    And  what  I  emphasize  in  this  matter  as  worthy 

^  Xacalei,  *  Evidently  the  official  by  this  name  mentioned  on  p.  139. 

*  The  word  in  the  text  is  "ganados,"  which  must  be  a  miscopy  for  "grandes." 

*  Cort^Sy  the  Marquis  of  the  Valley. 

*  The  text  reads  "cercana/'  which  seems  to  be  a  miacopy  for  "cercanla." 


220         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS       [1508 

of  esteem  is  the  traffic  in  pearls,  reports  of  which  are  so  cer- 
taiQ,  as  I  have  stated,  and  of  which  we  have  had  ocular  ex- 
perience from  the  shdls.  Third,  the  increase  of  vassals  and 
tributes,  which  will  increase  not  only  the  rents,  but  his  renown 
and  dominion  as  well,  if  it  be  possible  that  for  our  king  these  can 
increase.  Fourth,  the  wealth  of  the  abundant  salines,  and  of 
the  mountains  of  brimstone,^  of  which  there  is  a  greater 
quantity  than  in  any  other  province.  Salt  is  the  universal 
article  of  traffic  of  all  these  barbarians  and  their  regular 
food,  for  they  even  eat  or  suck  it  alone  as  we  do  sugar.  Tliese 
four  things  appear  as  if  dedicated  solely  to  his  Majesty.  I 
wiU  not  mention  the  founding  of  so  many  republics,  the 
many  offices,  their  quittances,  vacancies,  provisions,  etc.,  the 
wealth  of  the  wool  and  hides  of  buffalo,  and  many  other 
things,  clearly  and  well  known,  or,  judging  from  the  general 
nature  of  the  land,  the  certainty  of  wines  and  oils. 

In  view,  then,  Illustrious  Sir,  of  things  of  such  honor, 
profit,  and  value,  and  of  the  great  prudence,  magnanimity, 
and  nobility  of  your  Lordship,  who  in  all  matters  is  bound 
to  prosper  me  and  overcome  the  ill  fortune  of  my  disgrace, 
I  humbly  beg  and  supplicate,  since  it  is  of  such  importance 
to  the  service  of  God  and  of  his  Majesty,  that  the  greatest 
aid  possible  be  sent  to  me,  both  for  settling  and  pacifying, 
your  Lordship  giving*  your  favor,  mind,  zeal,  and  life  for 
the  conservation,  progress,  and  increase  of  this  land,  through 
the  preaching  of  the  holy  gospel  and  the  founding  of  this 
republic,  giving  liberty  and  favor  to  all,  opening  wide  the 
door  to  them,  and,  if  it  should  be  necessary,  even  ordering 
them  to  come  to  serve  their  king  in  so  honorable  and  profit- 
able a  matter,  in  a  land  so  abundant  and  of  such  great  be- 
ginnings of  riches.  I  call  them  beginnings,  for  although  we 
have  seen  much,  we  have  not  yet  made  a  beginning  in  com- 
parison with  what  there  is  to  see  and  enjoy.  And  if  the  num- 
ber should  exceed  five  hundred  men,  they  all  would  be  needed, 
especially  married  men,  who  are  the  solid  rock  on  which  new 
republics  are  permanently  founded;  and  noble  people,  of  whom 

^  The  Itinerary  mentions  deposits  of  piedra  axufre  at  Xemez.  It  is  perliiqps 
to  these  that  Ofiate  refers. 

*  The  participle  "dando"  is  ambiguous,  but  from  what  follows  the  subject 
seems  to  be  "your  Lordship." 


1596]  LETTER  OF  OffATE  221 

there  is  such  a  surplus  there.  Particularly  do  I  b^  your 
Lordship  to  give  a  license  to  my  daughter  Mariquita^  for  whom 
I  am  sending;  and  to  those  of  my  relatives  who  may  wish  so 
honorably  to  end  their  lives. 

For  my  part,  I  have  sunk  my  ships  and  have  furnished 
an  example  to  all  as  to  how  they  ought  to  spend  their  wealth 
and  their  lives  and  those  of  their  children  and  relatives  in 
the  service  of  their  king  and  lord;  on  whose  account  and 
in  whose  name  I  beg  your  Lordship  to  order  sent  to  me  six 
small  cannon^  and  some  powder^  aU  of  which  will  always  be 
at  the  service  of  his  Majesty^  as  is  this  and  everything  else. 
Although  on  such  occasions  the  necessities  increase,  and  al- 
though under  such  circumstances  as  those  in  which  I  now 
find  myself  others  are  wont  to  exaggerate,'  I  prefer  to  suffer 
from  lack  of  necessities  rather  than  to  be  a  burden  to  his 
Majesty  or  to  your  Lordship,  feeling  assured  that  I  shall 
provide  them  for  many  poor  people  who  may  look  to  me 
if  your  Lordship  wiU  grant  the  favor,  which  I  aiak,  of  sending 
them  to  me. 

To  make  this  request  of  you,  Illustrious  Sir,  I  am  send- 
ing the  best  qualified  persons  whom  I  have  in  my  camp,  for 
it  is  but  reasonable  that  such  should  go  on  an  errand  of  such 
importance  to  the  service  of  God  and  his  Majesty,  in  which 
they  risk  their  health  and  life,  looking  lightly  upon  the  great 
haidships  which  they  must  suffer  and  have  suffered.  Father 
Fray  AJonso  Martinez,  apostolic  commissary  of  these  prov- 
inces of  New  Mexico,  is  the  most  meritorious  person  with 
whom  I  have  had  any  dealings,  and  of  the  kind  needed  by 
such  great  kingdoms  for  their  spiritual  government.  Con- 
cerning this  I  am  writing  to  his  Majesty,  and  I  shall  be  greatly 
favored  if  your  Lordship  will  do  the  same.  I  believe  your 
Lordship  is  under  a  loving  obligation  to  do  this,  both  be- 
cause the  said  Father  Commissary  is  your  client  as  well  as 
because  of  the  authority  of  his  person  and  of  the  merits  of 
his  worthy  life,  of  which  I  am  sending  to  his  Majesty  a  spe- 
cial report,  which  your  Lordship  will  see  if  you  desire,  and  to 
which  I  refer.     Li  his  company*  goes  my  cousin,  Father 

>  ''Fieoezuelas  pequefias  6  esmerilejos." 

'  The  text  has  "muchos  los/'  where  "muchas  las"  seems  to  be  required. 

t  <'En  8u  oompaSero"  evidently  should  be  "en  su  oompafila." 


222         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS        [IfiW 

Fray  Cristobal  de  Salazar^  concerning  whom  testimony  can 
be  given  by  his  prelate,  for  in  order  not  to  appear  an  inter- 
ested witness  in  my  own  cause  I  refrain  from  sajdng  what  I 
could  say  with  much  reason  and  truth.  For  all  spiritual 
matters  I  refer  you  to  the  said  fathers,  whom  I  b^  your 
Lordship  to  credit  in  every  respect  as  you  would  credit  me 
in  person.  I  say  but  Uttle  to  your  Lordship  as  to  your  cred- 
iting them  as  true  priests  of  my  father  Saint  Francis.  With 
such  as  these  may  your  Lordship  swell  these  your  kingdoms, 
for  there  is  plenty  for  them  to  do. 

For  temporal  matters  go  such  honorable  persons  as  Cap- 
tarn  and  Procurator-general  Caspar  Perez  de  Villagran,  cap- 
tain of  the  guard,  Marcos  Farfan  de  los  Godos,  and  Captain 
Joan  Pinero,  to  whom  I  refer  you,  as  also  to  the  many  papers 
which  they  carry.^  In  them  your  Lordship  will  find  authen- 
tic information  regarding  all  that  you  may  desire  to  learn 
of  this  country  of  yours. 

I  remain  as  faithful  to  you.  Illustrious  Sir,  as  those  who 
most  protest.  Your  interests  will  always  be  mine,  for  the 
assurance  and  confidence  which  my  faithfulness  gives  me  is 
an  evidence  that  in  past  undertakings  I  have  found  in  your 
Lordship  true  help  and  love ;  for  although  when  I  left  I  did 
not  deserve  to  receive  the  c6dula  from  my  king  dated  April  2, 
I  shall  deserve  to  receive  it  now  that  I  know  that  I  have 
served  him  so  well. 

And  in  order  to  satisfy  his  royal  conscience  and  for  the 
safety  of  the  creatures  who  were  preserved  at  Ac6ma,  I  send 
them  to  your  Lordship  with  the  holy  purpose  which  the  Father 
Commissary  will  explain,  for  I  know  it  is  so  great  a  service 
to  God  that  I  consider  very  well  employed  the  work  and 
expense  which  I  have  spent  in  the  matter.  And  I  do  not 
expect  a  lesser  reward  for  your  Lordship  on  account  of  the 
prayers  of  those  few  days.  Honor  it.  Illustrious  Sir,  for  it 
redounds  to  the  service  of  God.  May  He  prosper  and  exalt 
you  to  greater  offices.  In  His  divine  service,  which  is  the 
highest  and  greatest  I  can  name,  I  again  beg  for  the  aid  re- 
quested, much,  good,  and  speedy — ^priests  as  well  as  settlers 
and  soldiers. 

^  The  papers  clearly  were  those  printed  hereinafter,  pp.  22^249. 


ACCOUNT  OF  THE   DISCOVERY  OF  THE 

BUFFALO,  1599 1 

The  sargento  mayor  Vicente  de  Saldivar  Mendoca;  the 

^proDeedor  general  Diego  de  Cubia;  Captain  Aguilar;  and  other 

^captains  and  soldiers^  to  the  number  of  sixty,  set  out  from 

'^camp*  for  the  cattle  herds  on  the  15th  day  of  September,* 

"^ell  provided  with  many  droves  of  mares  and  other  supplies. 

TTiey  reached  the  Pecos  River  on  the  18th  and  set  out  from 

^here  on  the  20th;  leaving  Father  Fray  Francisco  de  San 

3ifiguel  of  the  Order  of  San  Francisco  as  prelate  of  that  prov- 

:3nce,  and  Juan  de  Dios,  lay  brother  and  interpreter  of  that 

^tongue.    That  province  is  the  one  Espejo  named  Tamas,* 

:lrom  which  came  a  certain  Indian  named  Don  Pedro  Oros, 

^who  died  in  Tlanepantla  under  control  and  instruction  of 

^the  friars  of  San  Francisco. 

Having  travelled  four  leagues  they  reached  the  place 
<eaUed  Las  Ciruelas,  where  there  are  very  great  quantities 
of  Castilian  plums,  Almonacid  plums  of  Cordoba.^  On  the 
:following  day  they  travelled  five  more  leagues,  finding  water 
lifter  going  three  leagues,  although  they  camped  for  the  night 
witiiout  it.    Next  day  they  travelled  two  leagues  to  a  small 

^  ''Bdladones  que  envi6  Don  Juan  de  Onate  de  algunas  jomadas/'  ff.  1-7 
(manuscript  in  Lowery  Collection,  Library  of  Congress). 

*  At  San  Juan  de  los  Caballeros.  Villagr&  gives  an  account  of  this  expedi« 
tion  in  cantos  XVI.-XVII.  He  says  that  Zaldfvar  went  to  discover  ''the  main 
heni  of  the  cattle"  (fol.  145). 

*The  Ytinerario  states  that  Father  San  Miguel  and  the  Zaldfvar  party 
set  out  on  September  16.    See  entry  of  that  date. 

*  See  Espejo's  narrative,  p.  192,  above. 

*  ''Ciruela  almonad  de  la  cordoba."  Almonacid  de  Toledo  is  a  village  in 
Spain  twdive  miles  southeast  of  Toledo.  Almonacid  de  2k>rita  is  a  village  in 
Spain  nineteen  miles  southeast  of  Guadalajara.  Both  are  in  Castile.  The 
Indian  Joseph  declared  that  five  or  six  leagues  beyond  the  Pecos  the  Humafia 
party  had  encountered  a  great  quantity  of  plums.  This  is  an  indication  that 
Zaldlvar  went  by  the  same  route.    ("Relacion  que  di6  un  indio.")    See  Villagrd, 

ia,  canto  XVL»  fol.  45. 

223 


224         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS        [1898 

stream^  carrying  but  little  water  but  containing  a  prodigious 
quantity  of  excellent  fish,  pilchard,  sardines,  prawn,  shrimp, 
and  matalote.  That  night  five  hundred  catfi^  were  caught 
with  only  a  fishhook,  and  many  more  on  the  following  day.' 
At  that  place  four  Indian  herdsmen'  came  to  see  him;  they 
ordered  that  the  Indians  be  given  food  and  presents.  One 
of  them  arose  and  with  a  loud  voice  called  many  liidians 
who  were  hidden  and  they  all  came  to  where  the  Spaniards 
were.  They  are  powerful  people  and  expert  bowmen.  The 
sargento  mayor  gave  presents  to  all  and  won  them  over.  He 
asked  them  for  a  guide  to  the  cattle  and  they  furnished  one 
very  willingly. 

Next  day  they  travelled  six  leagues  and  reached  some  rain 
water.  There  three  Indians  came  out  from  a  mountain,  and, 
being  asked  where  their  rancherfa  was,  they  said  that  it  was 
a  league  from  there,  and  that  they  were  very  much  excited 
because  of  our  being  in  that  land.  In  order  that  they  might 
not  become  more  excited  by  many  people  going,  the  scargento 
mayor  went  to  their  rancherfa  with  but  one  companion,  tell- 
ing the  three  liidians  to  go  ahead  and  quiet  the  people,  and 
that  he  wished  only  to  go  and  see  them  and  to  be  their  friend. 
He  told  them  by  means  of  an  interpreter  whom  he  had  with 
him,  named  Jusepillo,  one  of  the  Indians  who  had  been  brought 
by  Humayna  and  Leyba,  and  who  had  gone  with  them  to  a 
very  great  river  to  the  east,  in  the  direction  of  Florida.  We 
all  understand  this  to  be  the  famous  Bio  de  la  Magdal^ia^ 
which  fiows  into  Florida,  and  that  this  was  the  route  followed 
by  Dorantes,  Cabega  de  Vaca,  and  the  negro  who  came  thence 

^  They  were  now  eleven  leagues — twenty-five  or  thirty  mflea — from  Peoos. 
The  stream  was  probably  the  Gallinas,  near  Las  Vegas. 

*  The  names  here  given  by  the  writer  to  the  fish  evidently  were  inoonect 
in  some  cases.  Villagr&  says  they  caught  totty  arrcbaa — a  thousand  pounds-^ 
of  fish  in  less  than  three  hours,  with  hooks  only.   Historia,  canto  XVI.,  foL  145. 

•  Vaqueros. 

^  The  name  Magdalena  is  ^ven  on  the  Martihes  map  to  what  is  deariy  iho 
Canadian.  Saldfvar  probably  referred  to  the  large  river  beyond  the  Arkansas 
reached  by  Humafia.  The  name  Magdalena  as  applied  to  a  stream  flowing  into 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  dates  from  the  Narviez  expedition,  in  1528.  When  at  Ante 
Odentified  by  Lowery  as  at  St  Mark's,  Florida),  Narviez  decided  to  go  to  iho 
sea,  whose  proximity  was  suspected  "from  a  great  river  to  which  we  had  given 
the  name  of  the  Rio  de  la  Magdalena"  (The  Journey  of  Altar  NuffeM  Cabem  de 
Vaca,  Bandelier  edition,  p.  33).    The  only  large  stream  in  that  vicinity  is  ^ 


ism  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  BUFFALO  225 

-to  this  land  and  tx)  the  rancherfas  and  mountains  of  the 
Patarabueyes. 

When  he  was  about  three-quarters  of  a  league  from  his 
camp  a  great  number  of  people  came  out  to  meet  him,  by 
fours  and  sixes.  They  asked  for  the  Spaniards'  friendship, 
their  method  of  making  the  request  being  to  extend  the  palm 
of  the  right  hand  to  ^e  sim  and  then  to  bring  it  down  on 
the  person  whose  friendship  they  desire.  He  made  them 
presents  also,  and  they  importuned  him  to  go  to  their  ran- 
eherfai  and  although  evening  was  approaching  he  had  to 
comply  so  that  they  would  not  think  he  was  afraid  to  go. 
He  reached  the  rancherfa  and  remained  with  them  in  great 
friendliness,  returning  to  his  camp  very  late  at  night. 

Next  day  as  he  travelled  many  IncUans  and  Indian  women 
came  out  to  meet  him,  bringing  pinole.^  Most  of  the  men  go 
naked,  but  some  are  clothed  with  skins  of  buffalo  and  some 
^th  blankets.  The  women  wear  a  sort  of  trousers  made  of 
l)uckskin,  and  shoes  or  logins,  after  their  own  fashion.  He 
^ve  them  some  presents  and  told  them  by  means  of  the  in- 
terpreter that  Governor  Don  Juan  de  Ofiate  had  sent  hirn 
that  they  might  know  that  he  could  protect  those  who  were 
loyal  to  his  Majesty  and  pimish  those  who  were  not.  All 
were  friendly  and  very  wdl  pleased.  They  asked  him  for 
aid  against  the  Xmnanas,^  as  they  call  a  tribe  of  Indians  who 
are  painted  after  the  manner  of  the  Chichimecos.'  The  sar- 
gento  mayor  promised  them  that  he  would  endeavor  to  insure 
peace  to  them,  since  he  had  come  to  this  land  for  that  purpose. 

Bidding  them  goodby,  he  left  that  place  and  travelled 
ten  more  leagues  in  three  days,  at  the  end  of  which  time  he 
saw  the  first  buffalo  bull,^  which,  being  rather  old,  wandered 
alone  and  ran  but  little.  This  produced  much  merriment 
and  was  r^arded  as  a  great  joke,  for  the  least  one  in  the 

Apalachioola,  which  it  may  have  been.  The  name  was  later  applied  to  various 
streams  farther  west,  probably  with  reference  to  the  stream  mentioned  by  Cabeza 
de  Vaca.  See  Lowery,  Spanish  Settlements,  1513-1561,  p.  186;  Winsor,  Narrof 
Hm  and  Critical  History,  II.  288. 

^  See  Espejo,  narrative,  p.  178,  above. 

'  Jmnano.    See  p.  172,  note  2. 

*  See  Bustamante's  declaration,  p.  145,  note  4. 

*  Hie  party  had  now  travelled  twenty-seven  leagues,  or  perhaps  seventy-five 
miles,  from  Peoos. 


226         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS        [15W 

company  would  not  be  satisfied  with  less  than  ten  thousand 
head  of  cattle  in  his  own  corral. 

Shortly  afterward  more  than  three  hundred  buffalo  were 
seen  in  some  pools.  During  the  next  day  they  travelled  about 
seven  leagues,  when  they  encountered  as  many  as  a  thousand 
head  of  cattle.  In  that  place  there  were  found  very  good 
facilities  for  the  construction  of  a  corral  with  wings.  Ordeis 
having  been  given  for  its  construction,  the  cattle  went  inland 
more  than  eight  leagues.  Upon  seeing  this  the  sargerUo  mayor 
went  on  ahead  with  ten  of  his  soldiers  to  a  river  six  leagues 
from  there,  which  flows  from  the  province  of  the  Picuries  and 
the  snow-covered  range  where  they  are,^  and  where  the  guide 
had  told  him  that  there  were  great  numbers  of  cattle.  But 
when  he  reached  the  river  the  cattle  had  left,  because  just 
then  many  Indian  herdsmen  crossed  it,  coming  from  trading 
with  the  Picuries  and  Taos,  populous  pueblos  of  this  New 
Mexico,  where  they  sell  meat,  hides,  tallow,  suet,  and  salt  in 
exchange  for  cotton  blankets,  pottery,  maize,  and  some  small 
green  stones^  which  they  use. 

He  camped  for  the  night  at  that  river,  and  on  the  follow- 
ing day,  on  his  way  back  to  the  camp,  he  found  a  rancherfa 
in  which  there  were  fifty  tents  made  of  tanned  hides,  very 
bright  red  and  white  in  color  and  bell-shaped,  with  flaps  and 
openings,  and  built  as  skilfully  as  those  of  Italy  and  so  large 
that  in  the  most  ordinary  ones  four  different  mattresses  and 
beds  were  easily  accommodated.  The  tanning  is  so  fine  that 
although  it  should  rain  bucketfuls  it  will  not  pass  through  nor 
stiffen  the  hide,  but  rather  upon  drying  it  remains  as  soft  and 
pliable  as  before.  This  being  so  wonderful,  he  wanted  to  ex- 
periment, and,  cutting  off  a  piece  of  hide  from  one  of  the  tents, 
it  was  soaked  and  placed  to  dry  in  the  sun,  but  it  remained 
as  before,  and  as  pUable  as  if  it  had  never  been  wet.*  The 
sargerdo  mayor  bartered  for  a  tent  and  brought  it  to  this  camp, 

^  They  were  now  forty  leagues — a  hundred  miles  or  more — from  Pecos,  aixl 
the  river  must  have  been  the  Canadian,  near  Alamosa.  It  issues  from  the 
Sangre  de  Cristo  Mountains. 

*  ChalehiquUUlos,  For  an  account  of  this  trade  see  Espejo  documents  (ante) 
and  Benavides,  "Memorial/'  translation  in  Land  qf  Sunshine,  vols.  XIII.,  XIV. 

'  Villagr&  makes  almost  exactly  the  same  statement,  indicating  that  he  wrote 
from  this  account  (Historia,  canto  XVII.,  fol.  151). 


15981  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  BUFFALO  227 

snd  although  it  was  so  very  large,  as  has  been  stated,  it  did 
not  weigh  over  two  arrobas,^ 

To  carry  this  load,  the  poles  that  they  use  to  set  it  up, 
.and  a  knapsack  of  meat  and  their  pinole,  or  maize,  the  Indians 
use  a  medium-sized  shaggy  dog,  which  is  their  substitute  for 
mules.  They  drive  great  trains  of  them.  Each,  girt  round  its 
l>reast  and  haunches,  and  carrying  a  load  of  flour  of  at  least 
one  hundred  pounds,  travels  as  fast  as  his  master.  It  is  a 
eight  worth  seeing  and  very  laughable  to  see  them  travelling, 
the  ends  of  the  poles  dragging  on  the  groimd,  nearly  all  of 
Hiem  snarling  in  their  encounters,  travelling  one  after  another 
on  their  journey.^  In  order  to  load  them  the  Indian  women 
seize  their  heads  between  their  knees  and  thus  load  them,  or 
adjust  the  load,  which  is  seldom  required,  because  they  travel 
^oi^  at  a  steady  gait  as  if  they  had  been  trained  by  means 
of  reins. 

Having  retimied  to  camp  they  had  a  holiday  that  day 
4Biid  the  next,  as  it  was  the  feast  of  Senor  San  Francisco,  and 
on  the  5th  of  October  they  continued  their  march  so  as  to 
ixeach  the  main  herd  of  the  cattle.  In  three  days  they  trav- 
elled fourteen  leagues,  at  the  end  of  which  they  found  and 
!ldlled  many  cattle.  Next  day  they  went  three  more  leagues 
:ffarther  in  search  of  a  convenient  and  suitable  site  for  a  corral, 
and  upon  finding  a  place  they  began  to  construct  it  out  of 
large  pieces  of  cottonwood.*  It  took  them  three  days  to 
cx)niplete  it.  It  was  so  large  and  the  wings  so  long  that  they 
^oi^t  they  could  corral  ten  thousand  head  of  cattle,  be- 
oause  they  had  seen  so  many,  during  those  days,  wandering 
so  near  to  the  tents  and  houses.  In  view  of  this  and  of  the  fur- 
"ther  fact  that  when  they  run  they  act  as  though  fettered,  they 
^t^ook  their  capture  for  granted.  It  was  declared  by  those  who 
liad  seen  them  that  in  that  place  alone  there  were  more  buffalo 

^  An  arroba  is  twenty-five  pounds. 

'This  is  an  excellent  description  of  the  travois.    See  also  Castaneda,  in 

lip.  The  Coronado  Expedition,  p.  527. 
*  They  were  now  fifty-one  leagues,  or  perhaps  from  one  hundred  and  twenty- 
Cve  to  one  hundred  and  forty  miles  from  Pecos.  This  took  them  near  to,  if  not 
^)eyond,  the  b(Htlers  of  New  Mexico.  Since  they  found  cottonwood  timber,  they 
^nnst  have  been  near  a  stream,  which,  I  infer,  was  the  Canadian.  Details  of  the 
^xofltniction  of  the  corral  are  given  by  Villagrd,  Historia,  canto  XVII.,  folios 
:i5(>-151. 


228         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  05fATE  EXPEDITIONS        [1598 

than  there  are  cattle  in  three  of  the  largest  ranches  in  new 
Spain.  ^ 

The  corral  constructed,  they  went  next  day  to  a  plain 
where  on  the  previous  afternoon  about  a  hundred  thousand 
cattle  had  been  seen.    Giving  them  the  right  of  way,  the  cat- 
tle started  very  nicely  towards  the  coiral,  but  soon  they 
tinned  back  in  a  stampede  towards  the  men,  and,  rushing 
through  them  in  a  mass,  it  was  impossible  to  stop  them,  be- 
cause they  are  cattle  terribly  obstinate,  courageous  beyond 
exaggeration,  and  so  cunning  that  if  pursued  they  run,  and  that 
if  their  pursuers  stop  or  slacken  their  speed  they  stop  and 
roll,  just  like  mules,  and  with  this  respite  renew  their  run 
For  several  dajrs  they  tried  a  thousand  wajrs  of  shutting  thiin  ^ 
in  or  of  smrounding  them,  but  in  no  manner  was  it  possibi 
to  do  so.    This  was  not  due  to  fear,  for  they  are  remark 
ably  savage  and  ferocious,  so  much  so  that  they  killed  threes^ 
of  our  horses  and  badly  wounded  forty,  for  their  horns  are^ 
very  sharp  and  fairly  long,  about  a  span  and  a  half,  and^ 
bent  upward  together.    They  attack  from  the  side,  putting 
the  head  far  down,  so  that  whatever  they  seize  they  tear  very 
badly.    Nevertheless,  some  were  killed  and  over  eighty  canxh- 
ha^  of  tallow  were  secured,  which  without  doubt  is  greatly 
superior  to  that  from  pork ;  the  meat  of  the  bull  is  superior 
to  that  of  our  cow,  and  that  of  the  cow  equals  our  most  tender 
veal  or  mutton. 

Seeing  therefore  that  the  full  grown  cattle  could  not  b^ 
brought  aUve,  the  sargento  mayor  ordered  that  calves  be  cap- 
tured, but  they  became  so  enraged  that  out  of  the  many 
which  were  being  brought,  some  dragged  by  ropes  and  otiiers 
upon  the  horses,  not  one  got  a  league  toward  the  camp,  for 
they  all  died  within  about  an  hour.  Therefore  it  is  beUeved 
that  imless  taken  shortly  after  birth  and  put  under  the  care 
of  our  cows  or  goats,  they  cannot  be  brought  until  the  cattle 
become  tamer  than  they  now  are. 

Its  shape  and  form  are  so  marvellous  and  laughable,  or 
frightful,  that  the  more  one  sees  it  the  more  one  desires  to 
see  it,  and  no  one  could  be  so  melancholy  that  if  he  were  to 

^  Three  such  are  specified  in  Ofiate's  letter,  p.  219.  It  is  evidently  from  lien 
that  Ofiate  gets  Yds  information. 

*  This  would  be  more  than  a  ton. 


IflOS]  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  BUFFALO  229 

see  it  a  hundred  times  a  day  he  could  keep  from  laughing 
heartily  as  many  times,  or  could  fail  to  marvel  at  the  si^t  of 
BO  ferocious  an  animal.  Its  horns  are  black,  and  a  third  of  a 
vara  long,  as  already  stated,  and  resemble  those  of  the  Mfdb;^ 
its  eyes  are  small,  its  face,  snout,  feet,  and  hoofs  of  the  same 
form  as  of  our  cows,  with  the  exception  that  both  the  male  and 
female  are  very  much  bearded,  similar  to  he-goats.  They  are 
so  thickly  covered  with  wool  that  it  covers  their  eyes  and  face, 
and  the  forelock  nearly  envelops  their  horns.  This  wool, 
which  is  long  and  very  soft,  extends  ahnost  to  the  middle  of 
the  body,  but  from  there  on  the  hair  is  shorter.  Over  the 
Tibs  they  have  so  much  wool  and  the  chine  is  so  high  that  they 
appear  humpbacked,  although  in  reaUty  and  in  truth  they  are 
not  greatly  so,  for  the  hump  easily  disappears  when  the  hides 
are  stretched. 

In  general,  they  are  larger  than  our  cattle.  Their  tail  is 
like  that  of  a  hog,  being  very  short,  and  having  few  bristles 
at  the  tip,  and  they  twist  it  upward  when  they  run.  At  the 
knee  they  have  natural  garters  of  very  long  hair.  In  their 
haunches,  which  resemble  those  of  mules,  they  are  hipped  and 
crippled,  and  they  therefore  run,  as  already  stated,  in  leaps, 
eq>^sially  down  hill.  They  are  all  of  the  same  dark  color, 
somewhat  tawny,  in  parts  their  hair  being  almost  black. 
Such  is  their  appearance,  which  at  sight  is  far  more  ferocious 
than  the  pen  can  depict.  As  many  of  these  cattle  as  are  de- 
sired can  be  killed  and  brought  to  these  settlements,  which 
are  distant  from  them  thirty  or  forty  leagues,  but  if  they 
are  to  be  brought  alive  it  will  be  most  difficult  imless 
time  and  crossing  them  with  those  from  Spain  make  them 
tamer.* 

In  this  r^on  and  on  this  road  were  found  some  camps 
and  sleeping  places  made  by  Leyba  and  Humana  when  they 
left  this  land,  fleeing  from  the  men  who  were  coming  from  New 
Spain  to  arrest  them.' 

^  That  is,  the  Asiatic  buffalo,  or  wild  ox. 

'  The  copy  has  aman,  where  amansen  seems  to  be  intended. 

'  Noting  this  statement  in  Zaldfvar's  declaration,  Onate  had  him  make  a 
nxxre  explicit  statement  under  oath,  on  February  17,  1599,  and  attached  it  to 
the  declaration  of  Jusephe  (see  p.  201).  He  states  that  the  first  camping  place 
oi  Humafia  was  encountered  about  twenty-four  leagues  from  San  Juan  Baptista, 


230         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS        [1698 

These  cattle  have  their  haunts  on  some  very  level  mesas^ 
which  extend  over  many  leagues,  for,  after  reaching  the  top 
of  them  by  a  sUght  grade,  as  of  low  hills,  thirty  leagues  were 
travelled,  continuously  covered  with  an  infinite  number  of 
cattle,  and  the  end  of  them  was  not  reached.  The  mesas  have 
neither  mountain,  nor  tree,  nor  shrub,  and  when  on  them  they 
were  guided  solely  by  the  sun.  To  the  north  in  their  highest 
part  flows  a  medimn-sized  river,  which  appears  to  be  a  marvel, 
for  at  that  point  it  is  higher  than  at  its  source,  and  seems 
rather  to  flow  up  than  down.  It  contauis  many  fish  and 
crustaceans.  At  the  base  of  these  mesas,  in  some  places 
where  there  are  glens  or  valleys,  there  are  many  cedars,  and 
an  infinite  nimiber  of  springs  which  issue  from  these  very 
mesas,  and  a  half  league  from  them  there  are  laige  cotton 
groves. 

The  Indians  are  numerous  in  all  that  land.    They  live  in 
raacherias  in  the  hide  tents  hereinbefore  mentioned.    They 
always  follow  the  cattle,  and  in  their  pursuit  they  are  as  well 
sheltered  in  their  tents  as  they  could  be  in  any  house.    They 
eat  meat  almost  raw,  and  much  tallow  and  suet,  which  serves 
them  as  bread,  and  with  a  chunk  of  meat  in  one  hand  and  a 
piece  of  tallow  in  the  other,  they  bite  first  on  one  and  then  on 
the  other,  and  grow  up  magnificently  strong  and  courageous. 
Their  weapons  consist  of  flmt  and  very  large  bows,  after  th^ 
manner  of  the  Turks.    They  saw  some  arrows  with  long  thick: 
points,*  although  few,  for  the  flint  is  better  than  spears  to 
kill  cattle.    They  kill  them  at  the  first  shot  with  the  great- 
est skill,  while  ambushed  in  brush  blinds  made  at  the  water- 
ing places,  as  all  saw  who  went  there,  and  who  in  company^ 
with  the  said  sargento  mayor  consimied  in  the  journey  fifty— 
f om*  days  and  returned  to  this  camp  on  the  8th  of  NovembCT^. 
1598,  thanks  be  to  God. 

In  the  pueblo  of  San  Juan  Baptista,  on  the  23d  day  of  th^ 

and  the  second  about  thirty-six  leases  further  on.  He  based  his  opinioi*' 
on  the  statement  of  Jusephe,  who  went  with  them  as  a  guide  and  interpieteir' 
("Relaci6n  que  di6  un  indio  de  la  salida  que  hicieron  Umana  y  leyba  del  mxitt^ 

Mexico"). 

^  A  mesa  b  a  tableland.    The  term  is  commonly  used  in  the  Southwest^ 
and  stands  for  a  definite  natural  feature. 

*  He  evidently  means  the  spear. 


r  mill 


DISCOVERY  OF  THE  BUFFALO  231 

of  February,  1599,  before  Don  Juan  de  Ofiate,  governor^ 

leral,  and  addantado  of  the  provinces  and  kingdoms 

few  Mexico,  conqueror,  settler,  and  pacifier  of  these  lands 

the  Iring  our  lord,  etc.,  Vicente  de  Saldivar  Mendoga, 

mayor  J  captain,  and  conunander  of  the  companies  of 

said  kingdoms  and  army  of  his  Majesty,  presented  this 

of  the  journey  which  he  made  by  order  of  his  Lord- 

to  the  buffalo ;  and  the  said  Senor  governor,  in  order  that 

his  Majesty  and  his  audiencias  and  viceroys  it  may  be  evi- 

and  known  that  it  is  all  true,  ordered  that  it  all  be  read 

some  of  the  captains  and  soldiers  who  went  with  the  said 

mayor  and  who  were  present,  and  that  they  all  should 

)nd  and  sign  with  their  hands.    For  this  purpose  the  said 

IfQivemor  had  them  all  take  oath  in  the  name  of  God  and  by  the 

ogQ  of  the  cross,  in  l^al  form.    They  did  so,  and  promised 

to  tell  the  truth.    They  were  the  said  sargerUo  mayor,  Vicente 

Saldivar  de  Mendoga,  the  Proveedor  and  Captain  Di^o  de 

Cabia,  Captain  Pablo  de  Aguilar  Inojosa,  Captain  Marcelo 

de  E^inosa,  Ensign  Domingo  de  Ligama,  Marcos  Cortes, 

Juan  de  Pedraga,  Alonso  Sanchez,  Hernando  Inojosa,  Esteban 

de  Sosa,  Juan  de  Olague,  Juan  de  Salas,  Diego  Robledo,  and 

Diego  de  Ayerde.    To  all  of  them,  as  has  been  said,  I,  the 

iindersigned  secretary,  read  the  foregoing  accoimt  word  for 

^f^,  and  one  and  all  repUed  and  said  that  all  contained  therein 

» correct  and  true  and  what  happened  in  their  presence  in  the 

8aid  journey  to  the  cattle ;  and  it  being  read  to  them,  imder 

charge  of  tlie  said  oath  which  all  had  taken,  they  ratified  it, 

^i  those  who  knew  how  signed  it,  they  being  those  whose 

®gnatures  appear  herein.    And  I,  the  said  secretary,  testify 

^t  all  the  foregoing  took  place  before  me  and  was  witnessed 

"y  the  contador  of  the  Real  Hacienda,  Juan  Ortiz,  Juan  Velas- 

51168  de  Cavanillas,  and  other  persons,  Don  Juan  de  Onate, 

V'icente  de  Saldivar  Mendoga,  Diego  de  Qubia,  Pablo  de 

Aguilar  Inojosa,  MarceDo  de  Espinosa,  Domingo  de  ligama, 

Alonso  Sanchez,  Esteban  de  Sosa,  Juan  de  Pedraga,  Diego 

^bledo,  Juan  de  Salas.     Before  me,  Juan  Gutierrez  Boca- 

tiegra,,  secretary.    And  I,  the  said  Juan  Gutierrez  Bocane- 

gra,  captain  for  the  king  our  lord  and  government  secretary 

of  New  Mexico  and  of  its  kingdoms  and  provinces,  was 

present  at  the  aforesaid  with  the  said  governor,  who  herein 


232         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS        (1509 

signed  his  name;  and  upon  his  order  I  made  this  copy, 
which  is  correct  and  true,  and  has  been  corrected  by  the  origi- 
nal, which  remains  in  my  possession.  In  witness  whereof  I 
signed  it. 

Juan  Gutiebbez  Bocanegba,  secretaiy. 


ACCOUNT  OF  THE  JOURNEY  TO  THE 
SALINES,  THE  XUMANAS,  AND 

THE  SEA,   1599* 

^€xount  of  (he  Journey  which  they  made  to  the  Sea  and  of  the 

Visit  to  the  Salines  and  the  Xumanas.* 

On  the  6th  of  October  in  the  year  of  '98  the  governor  set 
^xxi  from  this  pueblo  of  San  Juan,  province  of  ttie  Teguas.' 
^^^n  the  first  day  we  travelled  four  leagues,  to  the  first  pueblo 
^f  the  Canada^  de  los  Teguas ;  on  the  next  day  six  leagues 
*o  San  Marcos  ;*  on  the  following  day  six  leagues  to  the  Pueblo 
^^  Tuerto  ;•  on  the  next,  two  leagues  to  the  first  pueblo  over 
^'ixe  mountain,  last  pueblo  of  Puaray ;  next  day  five  leagues 
*o  the  first  pueblo  of  the  salines;^  next  day  four  leagues 

^       ^  "Relacioiies  que  envi6  Don  Juan  de  Ofiate  de  algunas  joniadas/'  ff. 
^^10  (manuscript  in  Lowery  Collection). 

*  Villagr&  gives  an  account  of  this  journey  in  his  Historia,  canto  XVlll. 
»  Tewa,  Tehua. 

*  Apparently  one  of  the  Tewa  pueblos  in  the  group  to  which  Santa  Cms 
de  la  Canada  belonged.  But  as  Santa  Cruz  is  only  some  four  miles  southward 
of  San  Juan,  the  pueblo  reached  by  Ofiate  would  seem  to  be  farther  south.  See 
Hodge,  Handbook,  U.  458 ;  Bandelier,  Final  Report,  I.  82-83. 

*  Shown  on  the  Martinez  map  as  no.  27.  The  ruins  of  San  Marcos  are 
d^teen  miles  south-southwest  of  Santa  FL  The  place  here  mentioned  may 
have  been  the  same.    See  Hodge,  Handbook,  II.  448. 

*The  town  of  the  Crooked  or  Twisted.  This  name  is  still  borne  by  the 
Rio  Tuerto,  a  small  stream  entering  the  Rio  Grande  opposite  San  Felipe,  and  by 
mountains  in  the  same  general  region.  Rio  Tuerto  affords  a  pass  through  the 
mountains  through  which  runs  an  old  trail  from  Albuquerque  to  Galisteo.  In 
this  pass  along  the  trail  was  the  place  called  Tuerto.  For  a  discussion  of  pueblo 
ruins  about  Galisteo  see  Bandelier,  Final  Report,  I.  lOQ-106. 

7  Hie  salines  lie  near  the  Manzano  Mountains,  in  eastern  Valencia  County. 
To  the  southeast  of  them  is  the  Mesa  de  los  Jumanos.  The  saline  country  was 
lohabited  in  the  early  seventeenth  century  by  Tigua,  Piro,  and  Jumano  villages 
(see  Hodge,  The  Jumano  Indians,  pp.  8-9;  Bandelier,  Find  Report,  I.  167). 
The  salines  are  evidently  the  same  as  those  visited  by  the  Chamuscado  party. 

233 


234         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  05fATE  EXPEDITIONS        [1598 

to  the  last  pueblo  of  the  salines^  or  Gallinas.^  We  remained 
there  three  days  and  visited  the  salines  which  lie  to  the  east 
five  or  six  leagues  from  there.  They  consist  of  white  salt; 
there  are  many  very  large  and  good  ones,  and  they  are  seven 
or  eight  leagues  in  circumference.  Next  day  we  went  three 
leagues  to  the  pueblo  of  Abbo,^  and  the  next  day  four  leagues 
to  the  Xumanas.^  There  are  three  pueblos,  one  of  them  large 
like  Cia^  and  two  small  ones.  The  said  pueblos  of  the  salines 
and  the  Xmnanas  all  rendered  obedience  to  his  Majesty. 

From  this  point  his  lordship  decided  to  go  to  the  sea,  and 
therefore  on  the  following  day  we  came  from  there  to  the 
second  pueblo  of  Abbo,  a  league  and  a  half.  The  next  day  we 
returned  to  the  last  pueblo  of  the  said  Gallinas  and  then  to 
the  first  pueblo  of  the  Gallinas  or  salines;  next  day  to  the 
pueblo  of  the  PorteQuelo;  next  day  seven  leagues  to  the 
pueblo  of  Father  Claros,'^  where  we  remained  two  days. 

From  there  we  set  out  for  the  pueblo  of  Acoma*  towards 
the  west,  going  four  leagues  to  the  Torrente  de  los  Alamos. 
Midway  is  the  Arroyo  de  los  Mimbres.  Next  day  seven 
leagues  to  the  Manantial  de  la  Barranca ;  next  day  two  leagues 
to  Acoma,^  a  pueblo  of  five  hundred  houses,  where  the  Indians 
received  him  very  well  with  maize,  water,  and  turkeys,  and 
rendered  obedience  to  his  Majesty.  This  place  is  almost  im- 
bibe railroad  station  of  Gallinas  and  Gallinas  National  Forest  still  pr^ 
serve  this  name  in  the  same  general  region. 

*  Abo  was  a  Tompiros  pueblo  located  in  Arroyo  del  Empedradillo,  in  the 
southeastern  comer  of  Valencia  County.  The  ruins  of  the  mission  of  San  Gi^ 
gorio,  founded  in  1629,  are  still  there.    Hodge,  Handbook,  I.  6. 

*  The  direction  from  Abo  to  the  Xumana  pueblos  is  not  dear.  Hiere  woe 
four  instead  of  three  Jumano  pueblos  in  this  region.  See  Hodge,  The  Jvmano 
Indiana,  p.  8;  Doc.  Inid.,  XVI.  125-124. 

«Sia. 

*  Father  Qaros  was  assigned  to  the  pueblo  of  Chiguas.  See  Ytinenrio^ 
entry  for  September  16.  According  to  the  "Reladon  de  como  los  Padres  de 
San  Francisco  se  encargaron  de  las  IVovindas  de  la  Nueva  Mexico/'  the  province 
of  the  Chiguas  extended  from  Puaray  to  the  Queres.  That  they  set  out  west 
from  Puaray,  located  near  Bernalillo,  is  shown  by  the  Ytineraiio,  entry  for 
October  23,  1598. 

*  See  Ytinerario,  entry  for  October  23 ;  Villagrd,  Historia,  canto  XVlJl. 
'Acoma  is  about  sixty  miles  west  of  the  Rio  Grande.    If  the  pueUo  of 

Father  Claros  was  on  the  Rio  Grande,  the  estimate  gives  about  five  miles  to  the 
league.  In  the  assignment  of  the  pueblos  to  the  missionaries,  Tsiaas,  Tamaya* 
and  Acco  were  grouped  together  ("Rdadon  de  oomo  los  PadreSy"  etc). 


1^98]     DISCOVERY  OF  THE  SALINES  AND  THE  SEA       235 

pregnable,  for  except  by  climbing  over  the  very  rocks  by 
holes  which  they  have  niade  one  cannot  ascend.^ 

We  rested  one  day,  and  on  the  next  we  set  out  for  the 
province  of  Zimi,  going  to  the  head  of  the  river  which  is  called 
De  la  Mala  Nueva  f  next  day  four  leagues,  camping  for  the 
night  in  a  forest,  without  water ;  next  day  to  the  Agua  de  la 
Pefia,  four  leagues.  It  snowed  furiously,  the  horses  stam- 
peded, and  some  were  lost  for  good.  Next  day  four  leagues 
to  a  spring  which  flows  to  the  province  of  Cuni.'  We  saw  three 
ruined  pueblos.  The  following  day,  which  was  the  feast  of 
All  Saints,^  three  leagues  to  the  first  pueblo  of  the  people  be- 
longing to  the  province  of  Zuni,  which  consists  of  six  pueblos. 
The  Indians  received  us  with  a  large  quantity  of  maize,  tor- 
tillas, and  rabbits.  Remaining  here  one  day,  on  Tuesday  we 
went  three  leagues  to  visit  the  last  pueblo,  which  they  call 
Cibola,  or  by  another  name,  Granada,*  where  Francisco  Vaz- 
quez Coronado  nearly  sixty  years  ago  had  the  encounter  with 
the  Indians.  They  received  us  very  well  with  maize,  tortillas, 
gourds,  beans,  and  quantities  of  rabbits  and  hares,  of  which 
there  are  a  great  many.  They  are  a  very  amiable  people  and 
all  rendered  obedience  to  his  Majesty. 

In  all  these  pueblos  we  found  crosses  which  the  Indians 
reverence  and  to  which  they  are  accustomed  to  make  the  same 
offering  as  to  their  idols,  which  consist  of  flour,  small  sticks 
painted  with  different  colors,  and  turkey  feathers.  The  In- 
dians speak  a  few  Mexican  words,  as  two  of  Coronado's  In- 
dians, now  dead,  had  remained  there.  One  of  them,  called 
Caspar,  left  two  sons.  We  saw  the  one  named  Alonso.*  He 
spoke  a  few  Mexican  words  but  understood  none.  Each 
house  there  gave  us  a  mania  of  istle,''  very  good  cloth. 

We  remained  there  imtil  the  8th  of  November  of  '98  and 
during  that  time  the  governor  sent  Captain  Farfan  to  see  a 
saline  which  we  heard  was  nine  leagues  from  there.  He  re- 
turned on  the  third  day,  convinced  that  it  must  be  the  best 
saline  in  the  world,  and  truly  its  salt  would  indicate  this,  for 

1  See  Hodge,  Atcerd  cf  the  Enchanted  Meea  (1898). 

*  Bad  news.  •  Zuni.  *  November  1. 

*  This  was  the  pueblo  of  Hawikuh.    See  Hodge,  Handbook,  H.  1017. 

*  See  the  Espejo  documents,  p.  184,  above,  for  references  to  these  men. 
'  Yxtie,  a  fibre  produced  from  a  species  of  pine  in  Mexico. 


:m^         NiSW   MEXICO:  THE  ORATE  EXPEDITIONS        [1506 

^issi^*^  ;tujig  vfxc^^dingly  white  and  of  marvellous  grain  he 

>»^^  ai:;  smIu^  w^  a  league  around,  and  that  in  the  centre  of 

..^it<  ^:^  .i  >priug  from  which  the  saline  is  engendered, 

H^v»   atx^xoi^?  u:>  ver>'  salty ;  that  it  has  a  depth  of  over  a  spear's 

n^^n  :Mid  (iiM  in  all  this  depth  the  salt  forms  a  hardened^ 

u^^<,  h;    uaw  in  order  to  extract  the  salt  it  is  necessary 

v:   .Hi  A  .^*i:  s:»r  pick-axe.    Of  all  this,  lengthy  testimony  was 


(«■«.> 


\uiii^  :bies»  da}ns  Captain  Villagran  arrived,'  being 
va^'^*  ^»  -\^  ^lu:^^  soldiers  who  had  gone  to  round  up  the 
sx5<ss  -vjLicia'  :he  snow-storm  had  scattered  and  had  foimd 
vt\  ^viuv-^  viodd  at  El  Agua  de  la  Peiia,  without  horse  or  arms, 
H^u  c*.  >a\ux^  eaten  for  two  or  three  dajrs,  for  he  had  lost 
v-.A>uxur^  'i«:ar  Acoma  by  falling  into  a  pit,  and  only  the 
m^Cx  .*»  Ov.\i  prevented  his  perishing  as  his  horse  had  done. 
!^  ^  cviiuos  fivm  the  country  of  New  Spain. 

VxvM  .6i**v.  ou  the  said  Sunday,  the  8th,  we  set  out  for 

^.  Av^«KV  oi  Mohoqui,*  or  Mohoje,  going  four  leagues 

i^Kw^  ^a;^'*.    It  snowed  all  the  time,  for  it  was  mid-winter. 

\<«v  J«<^  •  A^^^"*  travelling  five  leagues,  we  came  across  water 

,,,^  ,j^c^  :\W  in  a  marsh.    We  camped  for  the  night  without 

^^.    \eAi  day  five  leagues  to  some  springs  to  get  water, 

«jb|jA  ^M  ^ludl'in  quantity.    After  travelling  six  leagues  we 

^^j  jV*  U»  night  without  water.    On  the  following  day 

^^^1  tix-^  leagues  to  Mohoqui,  and  on  the  road  only  the 

Jiimiik  at  a  small  spring  which  was  underneath  a  rock. 

Mtb«'  fliWW  '^^  leagues,  at  the  first  pueblo  of  Mohoqui  or 

MisImm^  thev  came  out  to  receive  us  with  tortillas,  scattering 


■  Ik  NovMnbcr  8»  at  the  pueblo  of  Zufii,  Farfdn  made  a  sworn  statement 
^^  ll»  nl»"»-  It  ''^as  eight  leagues  westward  of  Gramuia,  or  Zuni,  round 
'■**'*'  twilw  or  mow  leagues  in  circumference,  and  composed  of  fine,  white, 
**  **'!*['.  ^^  i^ear  the  edge  of  the  saline  the  crust  was  a  span  thick,  and 
"^  .^uiitn-  "a good  spear's  length";  wagons  might  travel  over  it  without 
^  ^^         '    ^    Ytxfiri  was  "certain  that  neither  in  all  Christendom  nor 


^•'•'^  -  -^^g^fthing  so  grand,  nor  has  the  king  anything  to  equal  it" 
^f^"^  '  tu^i^iBiento  de  las  salinas  de  cuni").  This  statement  would 
^'^^f^f'^       .^^iiMP  Arizona.    The  Ytinerario  states  that  it  was  east  of 


^^      a^^^Mi^  «i9'*^  canto  XIX.    The  Ytinerario  (p.  274)  mentions 

to  Captain  Marques  instead  of  to  VlllagriL 


1598]     IKSCOVERY  OF  THE  SALINES  AND  THE  SEA       237 

fine  flour  upon  us  and  upon  our  horses  as  a  token  of  peace 
and  friend^p,  and  all  of  those  provinces,  which  are  four 
pueblos,  rendered  obedience  to  his  Majesfy  and  treated  us 
^very  well. 

We  rested  there  one  day.  Next  day  we  travelled  three 
Xeagues  to  another  small  pueblo.  On  the  following  day  we 
spent  the  night  at  the  last  pueblo,  four  leagues  distant,  having 
passed  through  the  third  one.  In  all  of  them  they  received 
\J8  as  in  the  first.  We  rested  for  one  day  and  on  the  following 
day  we  retraced  the  same  ground,  retmning  to  the  second 
pueblo  of  the  said  province.  Next  day  we  went  to  the  first, 
^^irhere  we  rested  three  days. 

From  there  on  Friday,  November  17,  because  of  the  reports 

of  the  rich  mines,  the  governor  sent  Captain  Marcos  Farfan 

cle  los  Godos  with  eight  companions  to  make  the  exploration. 

Then,  on  Saturday,  we  set  out  on  the  retiun,  by  the  same 

xnarches  and  places,  to  the  province  of  Cimi,  where  we  awaited 

the  said  explorers  of  the  mines  for  seventeen  days;  and  at 

the  end  of  twenty-one  days  from  their  departure  Captain 

]Parfan  and  Captain  Alonso  de  Quesada  retiuned^  having  left 

the  other  seven  companions  in  Mohoqui,  as  the  animals  were 

worn  out.    They  brought  flattering  reports^  of  the  good  mines 

discovered  thirty  leagues  from  the  said  province  of  Mohoqui, 

and  they  brought  very  good  ores  from  which  silver  was  later 

extracted  by  many  and  divers  very  rich  assays,*  by  means  of 

mercury.    This  infused  new  life  into  over  a  hundred  lifeless 

residents  of  this  camp.    They  are  ores  which  can  be  smelted. 

The  description  of  their  route  is  in  a  separate  report,  on  which 

I  rely. 

The  said  Captain  Farfan  having  retiuned,  and  the  governor 
seeing  the  great  delay  of  the  thirty  men  who  had  gone  with  his 
maese  de  campo,  Don  Juan  de  Saldivar,  and  who  were  to  over- 
take him  in  order  to  make  the  said  joiuney  to  the  South  Sea, 
he  having  sent  for  them  to  the  camp  which  he  had  estab- 
lished in  the  province  of  Teguas,  he  determined  to  return 
to  the  said  camp  to  celebrate  Christmas,  which  was  near,  so 
that  immediately  after  Christmas  he  could  make  the  journey 

^  They  axe  printed  hereinafter,  pp.  239-249. 

*The  detaUs  concerning  these  assays  are  set  forth  in  "Relacion  de  los 
Qaayes  que  se  hideron  de  ciertas  minas/'  etc. 


238         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  05fATE  EXPEDITIONS        [1506 

to  the  sea  with  all  the  soldiers  necessaiy.^  Therefore,  on  the 
twelfth  of  December  we  left  Cuni  and  camped  for  the  night 
in  the  first  pueblo  of  that  province ;  the  following  day  at  El 
Agua  de  la  Pena,  where  we  fomid  Ensign  Bemabe  de  las 
Casas,  with  six  companions,  who  was  going  in  search  of  his 
Lordship  with  the  sad  news  of  the  occurrence  at  Acoma, 
and  of  the  death  of  the  above-mentioned  maese  de  campo  and 
other  captains  and  soldiers.' 

Next  day,  from  that  point  his  Lordship  sent  Don  Tomas, 
Indian  interpreter,  who  was  the  one  who  had  remained  in  the 
country  from  Castano's  expedition  and  who  has  been  of  great 
service,  to  inform  the  seven  explorers  who  remained  in  Moho- 
qui  of  what  had  happened  and  to  warn  them  not  to  come  by 
way  of  Acoma,  but  to  follow  our  trail,  so  that  they  might 
arrive  safely  at  the  camp.  We  made  our  journey  directly  to 
the  said  camp,  which  we  reached  in  seven  days,  may  God  be 
praised.    Amen.    Don  Juan  de  Onate. 

^See  \^Ilagr&,  Histona,  canto  XIX. 

'See  Ytmerarioy  entry  for  January  7,  for  additional  data  regarding  this 
incident. 


ACCOUNT  OF  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE 

MINES,  15991 

In  the  pueblo  of  Cibola,  which  the  natives  call  Cuni,* 
On  the  11th  day  of  the  month  of  December,  1598,  Don  Juan 
de  Onate,  governor,  captain-general,  and  adelantado  of  the 
kingdoms  and  provinces  of  this  New  Mexico,  explorer,  pacifier, 
and  colonizer  of  the  same  for  the  king  oiu*  Lord,  said  that  his 
HfOrdship  sent  Marcos  Farfan  de  los  Godos,  his  captain  of  the 
guard  and  of  the  horses,  with  eight  companions,'  from  the 
province  of  Mohoqui,  which  is  twenty  leagues  distant  from 
t«his  one,  to  make  a  certain  exploration  of  settlements  and 
xnines,  which  captain  returned  to  his  presence  on  this  day  to 
r-eport  his  experiences  on  the  said  expedition  and  journey. 
.And  in  order  that  this  may  be  on  record  forever  and  a  mem- 
orandum of  it  be  had  he  ordered  evidence  taken,  and  that  the 
eaid  captain  of  the  guard  and  his  companions  should  testify 
\inder  oath  and  give  an  accoimt  of  all  that  had  occiured  and 
of  what  they  had  discovered.    Thus  he  provided  and  ordered, 
«nd  signed  with  his  name.  Don  Juan  de  OSatb.  Before  me, 
Juan  Velarde,  secretary. 

And  after  the  foregoing,  in  the  said  pueblo  of  Cibola,  on 
the  11th  day  of  the  month  of  December,  1598,  the  said  Senor 
governor  caused  to  appear  before  him  Marcos  Farfan  de  los 
Godos,  captain  of  the  guard,  to  whom  oath  was  administered 
in  the  name  of  God  oiu*  Lord  and  with  the  sign  of  the  cross, 
in  due  form,  and  in  virtue  of  which  he  pronused  to  tell  the 

^  "Reladones  que  envi6  Don  Juan  de  Onate  de  algunas  jomadas/'  ff.  11- 
20  (manuscript  in  Lowery  Collection).  For  reference  to  this  expedition  see 
Ytinerario,  pp.  275-276. 

>Zuni. 

*  The  eight  companions  were :  Captain  Alonso  de  Quesada,  Captain  Bar- 
tolom6  Romero,  Francisco  Vido,  Antonio  Conte  de  Herrera,  Sargento  Heman 
Martin,  Maioos  Garcia,  Juan  Rodriguez,  and  Le6n  de  Ysasti.    See  post,  p.  248. 

239 


240         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS        11508 

truth.  The  foregoing  order^  having  been  read  to  him,  the 
witness  said  that  he  had  set  out^  with  the  said  eight  compan- 
ions from  the  province  of  Mohoqui  at  the  order  of  his  Lord- 
ship in  the  month  of  November  of  this  year.  They  travelled 
six  leagues'  towards  the  west  through  a  land  of  sand  dunes 
without  timber,  and  where  they  camped  for  the  night  they 
foimd  a  small  spring  of  water,  where  the  horses  could  not 
drink,  although  there  was  plenty  of  water  for  the  men.  Next 
morning  they  set  out  from  this  place  in  the  same  direction, 
and  having  travelled  about  three  leagues  they  found  a  river* 
which  flowed  towards  the  north,  of  moderate  width  and  carry- 
ing considerable  water,  with  many  cottonwoods,  level  banks, 
and  little  pasture. 

And  travelling  on  in  the  same  direction  they  reached  the 
dope  of  a  moui^  range'  in  time  to  camp  for  the  night, 
having  gone  about  another  [three]  leagues.*  They  camped 
without  water,  and  the  next  morning  they  set  out  from  this 
place ;  and  after  going  two  leagues  they  arrived  at  a  grove  of 
small  pines,  and  at  a  very  deep  pool,^  which  was  ample  to 
water  all  the  horses  and  more  if  there  had  been  more.  Trav- 
elling  on  for  two  leagues  along  the  mountain  range,  which 
was  covered  with  snow,  they  camped  for  the  night  on  a  slope 
where  was  found  a  small  amount  of  grass  for  the  horses.    They 

^  Cabe^  de  proceso.  This  is  the  technical  name  applied  to  the  aoooimt 
and  order  constituting  the  first  paragraph  above. 

*  They  set  out  on  November  17.    See  p.  237. 

*  The  Ytinerario,  p.  276,  gives  a  smnmary  of  the  route  to  the  mines,  taken 
obviously  from  this  document.  Farfdn's  general  route  and  the  general  region 
of  the  terminus  of  his  route  are  quite  dear  from  the  topographical  data  given. 
The  direction  was  west-southwest.  The  terminus  was  evidently  just  east  or  just 
west  of  the  Big  Sandy  River,  the  indications  pointing  rather  to  the  former.  The 
distance  covered  is  given  by  Farf &n  as  thirty-five  leagues.  The  air-line  distance 
is  about  two  hundred  miles,  and  by  the  trails  more  than  that.  Farfdn's  leagues 
theref  (H«,  average  about  six  miles.  Espejo,  who  deariy  went  to  the  same  region, 
gave  the  distance  as  forty-five  leagues. 

*  The  Little  Colorado. 

*The  San  Francisco  Mountain.  They  passed  south  of  this  mountain, 
and  apparently  not  far  from  FiagstafiP. 

*  The  Ytinerario  supplies  the  omission  here. 

'  Southwest  of  Flagstaff  on  one  of  the  old  trails  there  is  a  lagunm,  wbkh 
may  have  been  the  place  where  Farfdn  camped.  In  the  same  general  locality, 
on  the  <Ad  trails,  there  were  several  springs,  as  Antdope  Spring,  Volunteer  Spring, 
Snivel/s  Holes,  but  a  study  of  the  map  points  to  Laguna  as  the  i^aoe  mentioned. 


1698]  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MINES  241 

camped  without  water.  After  they  had  unsaddled  the  horses 
and  placed  the  sentinels,  two  of  the  Indians  whom  they  were 
taking  as  guides  said  that  they  knew  where  there  was  water 
very  near  there,  and  that  they  wanted  to  go  and  bring  some  in 
some  gourds.  But  the  witness  did  not  give  his  consent,  as 
he  feared  they  would  flee  unless  accompanied  by  a  trust- 
worthy person,  and  accordingly  Captain  Alonso  de  Quesada 
went  with  them. 

He  took  the  Indians  ahead  of  him,  and  after  travelling 
about  three  arquebus  shots  from  where  we  were  lodged  the 
Indians  saw  lights  and  dwellings,^  and  signalled  to  the  captain 
that  there  were  the  Jimmna  Indians.  The  captain,  finding 
himself  so  near,  told  them  to  go  over  there,  and  having  ar- 
rived there  he  found  many  Indians  and  Indian  women  in  four 
or  five  rancherias,  who  surroimded  them  with  their  bows  and 
arrows.  The  captain  told  them  that  he  had  a  message  for 
them ;  that  he  was  not  coming  to  do  them  harm,  but,  instead, 
to  give  them  of  what  he  had.  Thereupon  they  were  reassured, 
and  two  Indian  chiefs  of  the  said  rancheria  came  on  with  the 
captain  and  friendly  Indians  to  where  the  witness  and  his 
companions  were.  The  witness  treated  them  very  well, 
showing  them  marks  of  friendship,  caressing  them,  giving  them 
beads  and  other  presents.  He  then  sent  them  back  to  their 
own  rancherias,  telling  them  by  signs  that  they  should  reassure 
the  rest  of  the  people,  because  they  were  not  going  to  injiuB 
them  but  to  be  their  friends,  and  to  find  out  where  they  secured 
the  ore  which  the  witness  showed  them. 

Next  morning  the  witness  and  his  companions  went  to 
the  said  rancheria,^  which  he  found  deserted,  there  being  in 
it  only  the  two  chiefs  and  a  woman.  They  received  him  with 
signs  of  ^adness,  and  as  a  token  of  peace  gave  them  pulver- 
ized ore  and  a  great  quantity  of  ground  dates,'  which  is  their 
food,  and  a  few  pieces  of  venison.  The  witness  in  retimi  gave 
them  more  beads  and  presents,  and  begged  them  to  go  with 
him  to  show  him  where  they  got  that  ore.  One  of  the  Indian 
chiefs  complied  willingly. 

^Ranchoi. 

s  This  is  the  Rancheria  de  los  Gandules  given  in  the  Ytinerario,  which  sup- 
plies the  distance  of  two  and  one-half  leagues. 


242         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS       [1596 

They  left  their  rancherfa,  going  up  a  smooth  hill.  They 
reached  a  plain  and  a  very  large  pine  grove  with  many  hugd 
and  tall  pines,  which  is  the  beginning  of  the  mountain  range, 
all  of  which,  as  stated,  was  covered  with  snow  which  reached 
to  their  knees.  The  Indian  chief  always  going  ahead  as  a 
guide,  they  travelled  about  six  leagues  along  ^e  moimtain 
range,  ^  and  at  the  end  of  this  distance  they  found  a  rather  low 
valley,  without  snow  and  with  very  good  grass,  water,  and 
wood,  where  they  spent  the  night.*  Leaving  this  place,  on 
the  following  day  they  came  in  sight  of  another  rancherfa 
because  they  saw  the  smoke  from  it.  And  when  they  came 
near  it  the  witness  took  with  him  three  companions,  leaving 
the  rest  of  the  men  and  the  horses  behind,  and  went  to  the 
said  rancherfa,  where  he  found  a  petty  Indian  chief  with  about 
thirty  Indians,  stained  with  ores  of  different  colors,  and  as 
many  as  eight  or  ten  dwellings  in  which  were  women  and  chil- 
dren. The  witness  dismounted  and  embraced  the  captain 
and  the  other  Indians,  making  signs  of  peace  and  friendship, 
giving  them  beads  and  presents  of  what  he  had  with  him,  as  a 
token  of  peace,  and  making  a  cross  with  his  fingers,  which  is 
the  sign  they  make  when  they  desire  peace.  The  Indians 
gave  them  powdered  ores  of  different  colors  and  apparently 
rich.  The  witness,  after  reassuring  them,  and  peace  having 
been  made,  begged  the  captain  to  bring  the  women  and  chil- 
dren there,  as  he  wanted  to  see  them  and  give  to  them  of  what 
he  had  with  him.  The  Indian  chief  did  so,  and  within  about 
an  hour  he  brought  about  forty  women  and  as  many  children, 
all  dressed  in  the  skins  of  deer,  otter,  and  other  animals,  with 
which  they  clothe  themselves. 

The  Indian  who  had  come  as  guide,  saying  that  he  felt 
too  tired  to  go  on  to  the  exploration  upon  which  they  were 
going,  remained  in  this  rancherfa,  and  b^ged  the  chief  of  it 
to  go  on  with  the  witness  and  his  two  companions.    He  con- 

^  They  were  evidently  now  crossing  the  range  south  of  Bill  Williams  Moim- 
tain. 

*The  Ytinerario  calls  this  the  Rancherfa  de  los  Cnizados,  and  gives  the 
dbtance  as  two  leagues.  Espejo  UAd  of  the  Cnizados  on  the  way  to  the  AnMOOM 
mines,  a  people  with  small  crosses  on  their  heads.  See  Espejo^  p.  187,  aboive. 
They  have  been  identified  as  the  Yavi^Md  (see  Bandelier,  in  AidL  Inst  d 
America  Papers,  in.  109). 


1596]  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MINES  243 

sented  wiDin^yy  and  after  they  had  given  them  venison  and 
of  what  they  had  in  their  rancherfa,  they  set  out  from  it, 
travelling  tlm>ugh  a  land  of  pine  groves,  with  the  finest  of 
pastures,  many  cattle,  very  good  prickly  pears,  and  many 
and  laig^  maguey  patches,  where  they  saw  Castilian  par- 
tridges, a  great  many  deer,  hares,  and  rabbits.^ 

Having  travelled  about  three  leagues,  they  saw  the  smoke 
of  another  rancherfa.  Taking  ahead  of  them  the  other  chief 
as  a  guide,  he  said  that  he  wished  to  go  ahead  to  notify  the 
I'ajicherfa,  so  that  they  would  not  become  excited,  and  to  tell 
them  that  we  were  men  who  would  do  them  no  harm  but  were 
friends.  The  witness  permitted  the  Indian  to  go.  He  reached 
the  rancherfa,  which  was  about  a  league^  beyond,  and  reas- 
sured the  people  thereof,  who  came  out  to  meet  him.  They 
^^nived  at  the  rancherfa  and  received  the  chief  of  it  and  the 
i^est  with  signs  of  joy  and  peace.  They  found  many  women 
^nd  children,  to  whom  they  gave  of  what  they  had  with  them, 
^iid  the  IncKans  gave  them  powdered  ore  of  different  colors, 
^'lescafe,  and  venison. 

As  it  was  late  they  camped  for  the  night  about  two  arque- 
t^ua  shots  from  there,  on  the  bank  of  a  river*  of  fair  width  and 
^ixch  water,  with  good  pasture  and  a  cottonwood  grove.  The 
fallowing  morning,  as  the  chief  whom  they  had  as  a  guide  wished 
*o  return,  the  witness  b^ged  the  chief  of  this  rancherfa  to 
6^  with  him  and  show  him  the  mine  from  which  they  got 
^'^^^s.  He  consented  willingly,  and  ha\dng  travelled  about 
*^Vtr  leagues  through  very  fine,  fertile  land,  with  extensive 
P^«tures,  they  came  to  another  river,  wider  than  the  first, 
^Viere  they  spent  the  night.  This  river  flowed  almost  from 
^^^  north.  They  crossed  it,  and  having  travelled  about  two 
i^^gues  they  came  to  another  river,  much  larger,  which  flowed 
^^Xi^m  the  north.    They  crossed  it,  and  having  travelled  about 

>  Compare  Elspejo's  description  of  the  country  near  the  mines. 

*  The  Ytinerario  does  not  account  for  this  league. 

'This  would  seem  to  ccnrrespond  with  the  northwestern  branch  of  the 
Verde  River,  which  was  crossed  between  Bill  Williams  Mountain  and  Prescott. 
Hie  old  trail  from  Antelope  Springs,  south  of  Bill  Williams  Mountain,  crossed 
the  river  at  Postal's  Ranch.  It  is  just  possible  that  they  crossed  Black  Forest 
farther '  m^th,  and  went  through  old  Camp  Hualpai,  where  the  trail  forked^ 
but  I  doubt  it. 


244         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS        [1508 

a  league,  arrived  at  the  slopes  of  some  hills^  where  the  IndiaD 
chief  said  the  mines  were  whence  they  got  the  ore. 

And  arriving  at  the  slope  of  the  said  hills,  the  banks  of  the 
said  rivers  were  seen,  with  deep  ravines  having  the  finest  of 
pastures,  and  extensive  plains.  As  it  was  late,  they  camped 
that  ni^t  on  the  slope  of  these  hills,  at  a  spring  of  water 
which  issued  from  one  of  them,  very  large  and  carrying  much 
water,  almost  hot.*  Here  six  Indians  from  different  ran- 
cherfas  of  those  mountains  joined  him,  and  next  morning  they 
took  him  up  to  the  said  mine,  which  was  at  a  good  height, 
although  one  could  go  up  to  it  on  horseback,  for  tibese  Indians 
had  opened  up  a  road.  There  they  found  an  old  shaft,  three 
estados  in  depth,  from  which  the  Indians  extracted  the  ores 
for  their  personal  adornment  and  for  the  coloring  of  their 
blankets,  because  in  this  mine  there  are  brown,  black,  water- 
colored,  blue,  and  green  ores.  The  blue  ore  is  so  blue  that  it 
is  understood  that  some  of  it  is  enamel.  The  mine  had  a 
very  large  dimip,  where  there  were  many  and  apparently 
very  good  ores,  which  are  the  ones  which  have  been  enumer- 
ated. 

The  vein  is  very  wide  and  rich  and  of  many  outcrops,  all 
containing  ores.  The  vein  ran  along  the  hill  in  plain  view 
and  crossed  over  to  another  hill  which  was  opposite,  where 
they  took  from  twenty-eight  to  thirty  claims  for  themselves 
and  for  the  companions  who  remained  at  the  camp  as  a  guard 
to  the  Senor  governor.  At  one  side  of  the  said  hill  they  found 
another  vein  of  more  than  two  arms'  length  in  width,  which 
they  named  the  vein  of  San  Francisco.  Here  they  took  four- 
teen or  fifteen  claims.  On  the  other  side  of  the  other  part 
of  the  outcrop'  they  found  another  vein  which  they  named 
San  Gabriel,  wide  and  rich  in  ores,  where  they  took  fourteen 
or  fifteen  more  claims ;  and  on  the  other  side,  on  the  hill  of 
the  outcrop,  they  found  another  vein  which  they  named  the 

^  I  am  in  doubt  as  to  whether  the  last  stream  was  the  Big  Sandy  or  the 
Spenser  River,  a  branch  of  the  Santa  Marfa,  but  the  indications  seem  to  pcHnt 
to  the  latter.  In  that  case  the  mines  were  in  the  Aquarius  Range;  in  the  other 
case,  they  were  in  the  Hualpai  Range.  Both  of  these  ranges  have  become 
mining  districts. 

*  The  identification  of  this  spring  may  become  the  key  to  the  locality. 

*  La  descubridora. 


1506]  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MINES  245 

vdn  of  Guerfanos,  wide  and  rich  in  ores,  where  they  took  ten 
or  twelve  more  claims. 

As  it  was  late  they  descended  and  slept  at  the  said  camp 
and  spring  of  water;  and  compl}dng  with  the  instructions  which 
lie  had  from  his  Lordship  he  assembled  all  the  Indians  he 
eoiild  in  order  to  learn  about  everything  else  which  there 
-was  in  the  country.  When  everybody  from  the  rancherfas 
and  the  mountains  had  come  together  he  asked  them  through 
^hat  country  the  three  rivers  which  they  had  seen  came, 
and  where  ihey  went.  They  said  and  indicated  by  signs, 
joining  them  on  the  ground  with  a  rod,  that  the  said  three 
livers  and  two  others  which  joined  them  further  on,^  all 
imited  and  passed  through  a  gorge  which  they  pointed  out 
to  them,  and  that  beyond  the  gorge  the  river  was  extremely 
wide  and  copious,  and  that  on  the  banks  on  both  sides  there 
were  inmiense  settlements  of  people  who  planted  very  large 
fidds  of  maize,  beans,  and  gourds  in  a  very  level  country 
of  good  climate;  and  (referring  to  the  snow  which  they  showed 
him  on  the  mountain  which  they  were  leaving  behind)  they 
said  that  neither  on  the  mountain  of  the  mines  nor  in  the 
settlements  of  the  rivers  does  it  ever  snow,  because  the  cli- 
mate is  mild  and  almost  hot.  Conditions  described  on  this 
river  and  settlements  were  understood  to  extend  to  the  sea, 
which  they  showed  to  be  salty  by  dissolving  a  small  quan- 
tity of  salt  in  water  in  order  to  demonstrate  the  concUtion 
of  the  sea  water. 

When  the  witness  asked  them  where  they  got  some  shells 
which  they  wore  suspended  from  their  noses  and  foreheads, 
which  are  pearl-bearing,  they  said  by  signs  that  they  got 
them  from  this  said  salt  water,  which  is  thirty  days'  journey 
from  their  rancherfas,  which,  according  to  their  rate  of  travel, 
must  be  eighty  or  ninety  leagues.  And  making  signs  with 
the  hands,  placing  one  hand  over  the  other  in  the  form  of 
a  shell,  they  opened  it  on  one  side.  They  said  that  there 
these  diells  were  to  be  found,  and  that  they  opened  them 
and  found  some  white  and  round  objects  as  large  as  grains 

^  This  confirms  my  opinion  that  the  mines  were  on  the  eastern  slope  of  the 
Aquarius  Mountains.  In  that  case  the  Big  Sandy  and  the  main  Colorado 
would  be  refened  to  as  the  other  two  streams  uniting  with  the  three  to  form  the 
Colorado. 


246         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  05fATE  EXPEDITIONS        [1896 

of  maize ;  and  that  it  is  from  the  shells  that  they  get  them ; 
and  that  in  that  neighborhood  there  are  many  and  very  large 
settlements. 

After  this  was  over  the  captain  and  his  companions  set 
about  returning  to  examine  and  consider  with  care  the  quali- 
ties of  the  country  and  the  mines  wherein  they  found,  as  has 
been  stated,  the  Sdd  veins,  besides  maay  otixS  reporte  which 
the  Indians  give.  The  veins  are  so  long  and  wide  that  half 
of  the  people  of  New  Spain  can  have  mines  there.  At  a 
quarter  of  a  league,  half  a  league,  or  a  league,  there  is  a  veiy 
great  quantity  of  water  from  the  said  rivers  and  spring,  where 
many  water  mills  can  be  constructed,  with  excellent  water 
wheels,  and  water  can  be  taken  out  with  the  greatest  ease. 

Near  to  the  very  mines  themselves  are  enormous  pines, 
oaks,  mesquites,  walnuts,  and  cottonwoods,  and,  as  has  been 
stated,  great  pastures  and  plains  and  fine  lands  for  culti- 
vation. The  maize  which  the  Indians  gather  gives  most 
excellent  evidence  of  the  boimty  of  the  land,  because  this 
witness  got  down  to  cut  off  with  his  own  hand  a  stalk  of 
that  which  the  Indians  had  planted  and  had,  and  although 
it  appeared  to  have  been  broken  in  the  middle,  yet  this  half 
which  he  brought  to  his  Lordship  so  that  he  might  see  it  was 
two  fathoms  and  three  spans  long,  and  as  thick  as  the  wrist. 
In  all  this  land  the  good  pasture  lands  continue,  and  there 
is  much  game,  as  deer,  hares,  and  partridges,  and  although 
no  fish  were  seen  in  the  river,  because  of  the  little  we  saw  of 
it,  they  found  on  it  many  Indians  clothed  in  the  skins  of 
beavers,  which  were  very  fine  and  well  tanned.  They  found 
two  lizards  hung  in  a  rancheria  to  dry.  In  the  groves  on  the 
rivers  mentioned  there  are  a  great  number  of  birds  of  all 
kinds,  which  is  an  excellent  indication  of  the  good  climate 
of  the  country,  and  from  what  this  witness  saw  in  it,  the 
said  mountains  are  without  doubt  the  richest  in  all  New 
Spain,  for  the  witness  has  been  in  aknost  all  the  mines  of 
New  Spain  and  he  has  seen  that  this  country  has  the  same 
qualities,  especially  the  rich  mines  of  San  Andres. 

Hereupon  the  witness  and  his  companions  retimied  to  re- 
port to  his  Lordship  all  that  they  had  seen  and  explored 
and  all  that  they  had  heard  of,  as  he  did.  He  returned  to 
his  presence  for  two  reasons:  first,  because  they  lacked  pro- 


1596]  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MINES  247 

visionSy  and  secondly,  because  the  time  allotted  for  the  said 
journey  was  up.    Aiid  this  which  he  has  stated  is  what  oc^ 
curred,  what  he  saw  and  learned,  and  is  the  truth  by  the 
oath  which  he  has  taken.    And  it  being  read  to  him  he  re- 
affirmed and  ratified  it.    He  said  he  was  about  forty  years 
of  age,  and  was  a  legally  qualified  witness.    And  he  signed 
in  h^  own  name  with  his  Lordship.    Marcos  Farfan  de  los 
CSrODOS.    Don  Juan  de  Onate.    Before  me,  Juan  Velarde, 
secretary.^ 

Witness.    And  after  the  above,  in  the  said  pueblos  of 
dSbola,  on  the  11th  day  of  the  month  of  December,  1598, 
Ids  Lordship  the  governor  caused  to  appear  before  him  Cap- 
^fcain  Quesada,  to  whom  he  administered  oath  in  the  name  of 
Ood  our  Lord  and  with  a  sign  of  the  cross,  in  legal  form,  and 
in  virtue  of  which  he  promised  to  tell  the  truth.    And  being 
ehown  the  above  order  and  the  narrative  given  regarding  this 
xnatter  by  Captain  Marcos  Farfan  de  los  Godos  on  this  day, 
lie  declared  that  the  said  account  is  true,  and  that  all  is  Ut- 
^rally  as  happened,  and.  is  what  occiured  to  them  in  the  said 
journey,  and  that,  in  addition  to  what  the  said  Captam  Mar- 
cos Fjof an  de  los  Godos  declared,  they  found  and  discovered 
smother  rich  vein  about  a  half-league  from  the  other  mines, 
towards  the  north,  which  they  named  the  vein  of  La  Cuesta ; 
and  also  another,  a  quarter-league  away,  more  or  less. 

This  witness  found  two  veins  where  he  and  the  others 
who  were  with  him  took  up  claims;  and  he  understands 
and  is  very  certain  that  there  are  an  infinite  nmnber  of 
mines  throughout  all  that  land,  because  the  indications  are 
extremely  favorable.    He  said  that  this  is  the  truth,  and  he 

^  On  the  return  to  New  Mexico,  the  samples  of  ore  brought  from  the  west 
were  distributed  among  various  men  of  mining  experience,  to  be  assayed.  On 
February  18, 1599,  at  the  pueblo  of  San  Juan  Baptista,  Onate  ordered  declarations 
regarding  the  results.  It  was  stated  that  as  Farf&n  had  set  out  from  Moqui, 
his  party  was  imprepared  with  tools,  and  could  only  get  samples  extracted  with 
daggers  and  knives.  Alonso  Sdnchez,  real  coniador,  declared  that  from  one  sample 
the  assay  showed  eleven  ounces  of  silver  per  quintal.  In  his  testimony  it  is 
deariy  implied  that  the  mines  explored  by  Farfdn  were  the  same  as  those  dis- 
covered by  Espejo.  Diego  de  ^ubia,  proveedor  general,  also  made  a  declaration, 
on  the  ba^  of  an  assay,  to  the  effect  that  he  believed  the  mines  to  be  rich  ("Be- 
ladon  de  los  ensayes  que  se  hicieron  de  ciertas  minas/'  MS.). 


248         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  OSTATE  EXPEDITIONS        [1508 

reaffirmed  and  ratified  it  and  the  account  of  the  said  Captain 
Marcos  de  los  Godos,  under  the  oath  which  he  has  taken. 
He  said  that  he  was  about  thirty  years  of  age,  and  was  a 
l^ally  qualified  witness ;  and  he  signed  his  name  with  the  said 
governor.  Alonso  de  Quesada.  Don  Juan  db  Onate.  Be- 
fore me,  Juan  Velabde,  secretary. 

In  the  pueblo  of  San  Juan  Baptista  of  this  New  Mexico, 
on  the  15th  day  of  the  month  of  January,  1599,  the  said 
Sefior  governor,  for  the  said  inquiry,  caused  to  appear  before 
him  Captain  BartolomS  Romero,  Antonio  Conte  de  Herrera, 
his  chidT  equerry,  Francisco  Vido,  his  chief  page,  Sargento 
Heman  Martin,  Marcos  Garcia,  Juan  Rodriguez,  and  Le6n 
de  Ysasti,  to  whom  he  administered  oath  in  the  name  of 
God  our  Lord  and  with  the  sign  of  the  cross,  in  l^al  form ; 
and  the  forgoing  order  and  the  statement  and  account  given 
by  Captain  Marcos  Farfan  de  los  Godos,  and  the  statement 
and  deposition  of  Captain  Alonso  de  Quesada  being  read  to 
them,  they  all  and  severally  said  that  the  said  statement 
and  relation,  as  rendered  and  declared,  are  true  and  what 
happened,  by  the  oath  which  they  have  taken;  and  they 
restffirmed  and  ratified  the  same,  and  again  said  and  stated 
it  in  the  form  stated  and  declared  by  the  said  captains.  And 
they  signed  it  with  their  own  names,  with  the  said  governor. 
Captain  Romebo,  Antonio  Conte  de  Hebreba,  Francisco 
Vido,  Juan  Rodriguez,  Herman  Martin,  Leon  de  Ysasti, 
Marcos  Garcia,  Don  Juan  de  OI^ate.  Before  me  Juan 
Velarde,  secretary. 

In  the  pueblo  of  San  Juan  Baptista  of  New  Mexico  on 
the  sixteenth  day  of  the  month  of  January,  1599,  his  Lord- 
ship Governor  Don  Juan  de  Onate,  having  seen  this  inquiry, 
ordered  that  one,  two,  and  more  copies  be  made,  in  order 
to  send  it  to  the  king  our  Lord  and  to  his  royal  councfl. 
And  this  he  provided,  ordered,  and  signed  with  his  name. 
Don  Juan  de  Onate.    Before  me  Juan  Velarde,  secretary. 

This  copy  was  corrected  and  compared  with  the  original, 
which  remlL  in  possession  of  the  SdBior  governor  whcThei^ 
signed  his  name;  and  at  his  request  and  order  I  had  this 
written  in  the  pueblo  of  San  Juan  Baptista  of  this  New  Mex- 


r 


1599]  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  MINES  249 

ico  on  the  twentynaecond  day  of  the  month  of  February, 
1599,  the  correction  being  witnessed  by  Antonio  Conte,  Cris- 
tobal de  Herrera,  and  Francisco  de  ViUalva.  In  witness 
whereof  I  signed  and  sealed  it  with  the  seal  of  his  Lordship. 
Don  Juan  de  Onate.  In  testimony  of  the  truth.  Juan 
Velabde,  secretary. 


I 


TRUE  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  EXPEDITION  OF 
ONATE  toward  the  east,  1601^ 

Faithful  and  true  account  of  the  events  which  took  place  in  the 
expedition  made  hy  the  Adelantado  and  Governor  Don  Juan 
de  Onate,  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty,  from  these  first  set- 
tlements of  New  Mexico,  toward  the  north,  in  the  year  of 
1601.« 

With  particular  care,  I  mean  with  the  consent  and  coun- 
sel both  of  oiu*  Father  Commissary,  Fray  Juan  Descalona/ 
and  the  other  fathers  who  resided  in  these  kingdoms  occupied 
in  ministering  to  soulis,  and  of  the  officers  of  the  royal  troops 
which  his  Majesty  has  herein,  and  after  many  suppUcations, 
suffrages,  sacrifices,  and  prayers  to  God  oiu*  Lord,  that  his  Maj- 
esty might  reveal  EQs  divine  will,  knowing  that  that  of  our 
most  Catholic  king  and  lord  Philip,  Grod  guard  him  through 
infinite  years,  has  been  and  is  that  the  most  holy  name  of 
God  be  proclaimed  in  these  his  realms,  and  EQs  holy  gospel 
preached  to  these  barbarous  nations,  bound  by  the  power  of 
Satan,  the  enemy  of  humankind,  the  governor  and  adelan- 
tado Don  Juan  de  Onate  determined  to  make  an  expedition 
from  these  first  settlements  where  at  the  present  time  this 
camp  of  his  Majesty  is  established,  to  the  interior,  by  a  north- 
em  route  and  direction,  both  because  of  the  splencfid  reports 
which  the  native  Indians  were  giving  of  this  land,  and  also 

^  ''Reladon  Verdadera  de  los  sucesos  de  la  entrada  que  hizo  el  govemador 
D.  Juan  de  Onate  en  las  pobladones  de  Nueva  Megico  hada  el  Norte"  (manu- 
script in  Lowery  Cdlection). 

*F(xr  other  data  regarding  this  expedition  see  especially  ''Breve  rdadon 
en  sustancia  del  nuevo  descubrimiento  que  intent6  y  dex6  comenzado  Don  Juan 
de  Ofiate  en  la  jomada  que  hizo  entre  Norte  y  Levante/'  etc.,  in  Pacheoo  and 
C&rdenas,  Doc.  IrUd.,  XVI.  52*60;  Z&rate  Salmer6n,  Relaciones,  paragn^hs 
37-i3. 

*  Fray  Juan  de  Escalona  was  made  commissary  after  the  return  of  Father 
Martinez  to  Mexico  in  1599. 

250 


X601]  THE  EXPEDITION  TOWARD  THE  EAST  251 

because  of  what  an  Indian  named  Joseph,  who  was  bom  and 
reared  in  New  Spain  and  who  speaks  the  Mexican  tongue, 
eaw  while  going  with  Captain  Umana.^ 

The  most  necessary  things  having  been  arranged  for  the 
journey,  with  the  supply  of  provisions,  arms,  ammunition^ 
and  other  requisite  military  stores,  with  more  than  seventy 
picked  men  for  the  expedition,  all  very  well  equipped,  more 
than  seven  hundred  horses  and  mules,  six  mule  carts,  and  two 
carts  drawn  by  oxen  conveying  four  pieces  of  artillery,  and 
with  servants  to  carry  the  necessary  baggage,*  the  journey 
was  b^un  this  year  of  1601,  the  said  adelantado,  Don  Juan 
de  Onate,  governor  and  captain-general,  going  as  conunander, 
with  Vicente  de  Qaldivar  Mendoga  as  his  maese  de  campo 
and  sargento  mayor j  and  two  religious  of  the  order  of  our 
father  San  Francisco,  Fray  Francisco  de  Velasco,  priest,  and 
Fray  Pedro  de  Vergara,  lay  brother.  For  reasons  which  pre- 
vented all  the  people  from  setting  out  together,  it  was  neces- 
sary that  some  should  go  out  ahead  of  the  others  to  a  con- 
venient place  where  all  diould  imite.  The  first  left  this  camp 
of  San  Gabriel  on  the  23d  of  the  month  of  June,  eve  of  the 
Most  Blessed  Precursor,  San  Juan  Bautista,'  and  having 
travelled  for  four  days  they  reached  the  post  or  pueblo  which 
is  called  Galisteo,*  which  is  one  of  these  first  settlements. 

There  the  greater  part  of  the  men  came  together  in  five 
or  six  days,  and  from  there  they  commenced  to  march  toward 
the  east;  and  although  at  two  leagues  from  this  post  there 
arose  the  difficulty  of  a  large  mountain  which  it  was  feared 
the  carts  could  not  ascend,  our  Lord  was  pleased  to  over- 
come it  by  opening  a  road  through  which  they  passed  very 

1  It  must  be  remembered  that  one  of  the  avowed  purposes  of  settling  New 
lieadco  was  to  explore  beyond  Quivira.  Interest  was  greatly  stimulated  also 
by  the  report  given  by  the  Indian  Jusephe. 

*The  Breve  Relacion  (Doc,  IrUd.,  XVI.  54)  says  that  Ofiate  took  eighty 
men,  half  of  whom  were  rather  a  hindrance  than  a  help.  .  .  .  The  number  of 
men  is  given  in  "Memorial  sobre  el  Descubrimiento"  (Doc,  Inid.,  XVI.  198)  as 
one  hundred.  In  an  inquiry  made  in  Mexico  by  Factor  Valverde,  an  eye- 
witness said  that  besides  the  carts  Onate  had  a  hundred  siunpter  loads  of  pro- 
visions (ibid,,  p.  221). 

*  St.  John  the  Baptist 

*  They  descended  the  Rio  Grande  valley  and  crossed  the  mountains  through 
the  Galisteo  Pass  (see  the  Martinez  map). 


252         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  OSTATE  EXPEDITIONS        [1601 

easfly.  Having  travelled  five  days  we  all  came  to  a  river  in 
an  opening,  with  peaceful  waters,  covered  with  shady  groves 
of  trees,  some  bearing  fruits,  and  with  very  good  fish.  Hav- 
ing reached  the  river  on  the  eve  of  the  learned  and  seraphic 
Sail  Buenaventura,  we  named  it  San  Buenaventura  River.  ^ 

Next  day  we  continued  through  some  extensive  plains 
with  very  abundant  pasturage  to  another  river  which  they 
call  River  of  the  Bagres*  and  justly  so,  because  of  the  many 
catfish  which  it  contains.  After  the  horses  had  rested  we 
continued  our  journey,  always  going  east,  and  in  three  days 
arrived  at  another  river,  which  we  named  Magdalena,'  hav- 
ing reached  it  on  her  day.  Although  at  first  it  did  not  ap- 
p^  promising,  we  havir^  seen  it  a^  a  point  where  it  fiowS 
sluggishly  among  some  rocks,  and  as  its  banks  were  not  in- 
viting at  this  point,  yet  next  day  and  on  the  other  days  dur- 
ing which  we  travelled  along  it  we  foimd  it  to  be  so  verdant, 
pleasant,  and  so  covered  with  vines  and  other  fruits  on  all 
sides  that  we  clearly  saw  that  it  was  one  of  the  best  rivers 
which  we  had  seen  in  all  the  Indies.  Here  some  Indians  of 
the  nation  called  Apachi  came  out  with  signs  of  peace.  The 
governor  and  the  other  men  who  were  with  him  made  them 
so  many  presents  that  they  felt  compelled,  in  view  of  the  small 
number  who  had  come  at  the  first  to  see  us,  to  return,  and  in 
a  little  while  to  come  back  to  our  camp  with  men,  women 
and  children,  who  ratified  [the  actions  of  the  others]  by  rais- 
ing their  hands  to  the  sim,  which  is  the  ceremony  they  use 
as  a  sign  of  friendship,  and  brought  to  us  some  small  black 
and  ydlow  fruit  of  the  size  of  small  tomatoes,  which  is  plen- 
tiful on  all  that  river.  It  was  as  healthful  as  it  was  pleasant 
to  taste,  for  although  eaten  freely  it  injured  no  one. 

We  took  joyous  leave  and,  enjoying  the  great  improve- 
ment in  the  land  which  we  saw  each  day,  we  travelled  on, 
following  the  course  of  this  river,  although  upon  entering  the 

^  Hie  map  shows  the  route  to  have  been  nearly  south  from  Galisteo  for 
some  distance,  parallel  to  the  mountains,  and  then  to  turn  sharply  east,  around 
the  range.  Hie  San  Buenaventura  was  the  Pecos,  which  was  crossed  above  the 
junction. 

'  The  River  of  Bagres  was  the  Gallinas. 

'  The  Canadian,  which  was  reached  just  below  the  sharp  turn  to  the  east 
Hie  route  from  the  Gallinas  to  that  point  evidently  had  been  dose  to  the  south 
line  of  San  Miguel  Coimty. 


leoi]  THE  EXPEDITION  TOWARD  THE  EAST  253 

plains  which  they  call  Cibola  or  Cebolo  we  encountered  some 
openings  of  rocks  half  detached^  which  are  those  which  the 
mountains  of  this  land  give  off.  They  caused  the  carts 
trouble,  but  with  the  great  diligence  of  the  good  soldiers  who 
-were  in  charge  of  them  they  passed  this  diflficult  threshold 
very  well  and  came  out  at  some  very  extensive  and  pleasant 
plamSy  where  scarcely  any  moimtains  like  those  passed  could 
DO  seen* 

Xieaming  from  the  guide  whom  we  were  taking  with  us 
that  all  the  coimtry  was  now  level,  we  began  to  travel  with 
greater  rapidity  and  with  pleasure  occasioned  by  the  coming 
of  the  maese  de  campo  with  the  rest  of  the  men  who  remained 
behind.  And  like  good  soldiers,  desirous  of  serving  God  our 
LfOrd  and  his  Majesty,  they  were  imdismayed  by  the  absence 
of  four  or  five  cowardly  soldiers,  who,  fri^tened  by  military 
service  as  by  a  nightmare,  turned  their  backs,  just  when  the 
hopes  of  seeing  grander  thin^  were  becoming  brighter.  For 
these  the  country  promised,  since  each  day,  as  we  descended, 
it  seemed  warmer,  and  it  doubtless  was  warmer  than  the  set- 
tlements from  whence  we  had  started. 

At  times  it  became  necessary  for  us  to  depart  from  the 
main  river  in  order  to  find  a  road  for  the  carts ;  and  although 
*we  feared  the  lack  of  watering  places  for  the  cattle,  there 
axe  so  many  in  this  coimtry  that  throughout  the  journey  at 
distances  of  three  or  four  leagues  there  was  always  sufficient 
^water  for  the  cattle  and  for  the  men;  and  in  many  places 
there  were  springs  of  very  good  water  and  groves  of  trees. 

In  some  places  we  came  across  camps  of  people  of  the 
Apache  nation,  who  are  the  ones  who  possess  these  plains, 
and  who,  having  neither  fiixed  place  nor  site  of  their  own, 
go  [from  place  to  place  with  the  cattle  always  following  them. 
We  were  not  disturbed  by  them  at  all,  although  we  were  in 
their  land,  nor  did  any  Indian  become  impertinent.  We 
therefore  passed  on,  always  close  to  the  river,  and  although 
on  one  day  we  might  be  delayed  in  our  journey  by  a  very 
heavy  rain,  such  as  are  very  common  in  those  plains,  on  the 
following  day  and  thereafter  we  journeyed  on,  sometimes 
crossing  the  river  at  very  good  fords. 

Each  day  the  land  through  which  we  were  travelling 
became  better,  and  the  luxury  of  an  abundance  of  fish  from 


254         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS       [1601 

the  river  greatly  alleviated  the  hardships  of  the  journey. 
And  the  fruits  gave  no  less  pleasure,  particularly  the  plums, 
of  a  hundred  thousand  different  kinds,  as  mellow  and  good 
as  those  which  grow  in  the  choicest  orchards  of  our  land. 
They  are  so  good  that  although  eaten  by  thousands  they 
never  injured  anybody.  The  trees  were  small,  but  their 
fruit  was  more  plentiful  than  their  leaves,  and  they  were 
so  abundant  that  in  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues, 
hardly  a  day  passed  without  seeing  groves  of  them,  and  also 
of  grapevines  such  that  although  they  hid  the  view  in  many 
places  they  produced  sweet  and  deUcious  grapes.  Because  of 
this  the  people  were  very  quiet  and  [not]  inclined  to  injure 
us  in  any  way,  a  favor  granted  by  our  Lord,  for  which  we 
did  not  cease  to  praise  Hun  and  to  render  a  thousand  thanks, 
and  in  acknowledgment  of  which  the  majority  of  the  people 
endeavored  to  unburden  their  consciences  and  their  souls; 
and  God  being  pleased  that  on  the  feast  of  the  Porciuncula, 
which  is  the  2d  of  August,  we  should  reach  a  place  which 
from  times  past  had  been  called  Rio  de  San  Francisco,* 
with  very  special  devotion  to  the  Most  Blessed  Confessor 
the  greater  part  of  the  army  confessed  and  received  com- 
munion. 

Proceeding  on  the  day  of  the  Glorious  Levite  and  Martyr, 
San  Lorenzo,  God  was  pleased  that  we  should  begin  to  see 
those  most  monstrous  cattle  called  cibola.  Although  they 
were  very  fleet  of  foot,  on  this  day  four  or  five  of  the  bulls 
were  killed,  which  caused  great  rejoicing.  On  the  following 
day,  continuing  our  journey,  we  now  saw  great  droves  of 
bulls  and  cows,  and  from  there  on  the  multitude  which  we  saw 
was  so  great  that  it  might  be  considered  a  falsehood  by  one 
who  had  not  seen  them,  for,  according  to  the  judgment  of 
all  of  us  who  were  in  any  army,  nearly  every  day  and  wher- 
ever we  went  as  many  cattle  came  out  as  are  to  be  found 
in  the  largest  ranches  of  New  Spain  f  and  they  were  so  tame 
that  nearly  always,  imless  they  were  chased  or  frightened, 

^  This  is  an  indication  that  the  country  was  known  to  this  point.  Forty 
leagues  from  the  Pecos,  Zaldfvar  had  celebrated  the  feast  of  San  Frandsoo,  near 
a  stream  flowing  from  the  Taos  and  Picuries.  It  was  clearly  the  Canadian  or 
a  branch  of  it.    He  could  hardly  have  been  as  far  east  as  Ofiate  now  wma. 

'  Some  of  these  are  named  on  p.  219. 


MOl]  THE  EXPEDITION  TOWARD  THE  EAST  255 

thi^  remained  quiet  and  did  not  flee.  The  flesh  of  these  cat- 
tle is  very  good,  and  very  much  better  than  that  of  our  cows. 
In  general  they  are  very  fat,  especially  the  cows,  and  ahnost 
aU  have  a  great  deal  of  tallow.  By  experience  we  noted  that 
they  do  not  become  angry  like  our  cattle,  and  are  never 
dangerous. 

All  these  cattle  are  of  one  color,  namely  brown,  and  it 
was  a  great  marvel  to  see  a  white  bull  in  such  a  multitude. 
Their  form  is  so  frightful  that  one  can  only  infer  that  they 
are  a  mixture  of  different  animals.  The  bulls  and  the  cows 
alike  are  humped,  the  curvature  extending  the  whole  length 
of  the  back  and  even  over  the  shoulders.  And  although  the 
entire  body  is  covered  with  wool,  on  the  hump,  from  the 
middle  of  the  body  to  the  head,  the  breast,  and  the  forelegs, 
to  just  above  the  knee,  the  wool  is  much  thicker,  and  so 
fine  and  soft  that  it  could  be  spun  and  woven  like  that  of 
the  Castilian  sheep.  It  is  a  very  savage  animal,  and  is  in- 
comparably larger  than  our  cattle,  although  it  looks  small 
because  of  its  short  legs.  Its  hide  is  of  the  thickness  of  that 
of  our  cattle,  and  the  native  Indians  are  so  expert  in  dressing 
the  hides  that  they  convert  them  into  clothing.  This  river 
is  thickly  covered  on  all  sides  with  these  cattle  and  with  an- 
other not  less  wonderful,  consisting  of  deer  which  are  as  large 
as  large  horses.  They  travel  in  droves  of  two  and  three 
liundr^  and  their  deformity  causes  one  to  wonder  whether 
'they  are  deer  or  some  other  animal.^ 

Having  travelled  to  reach  this  place  one  hundred  and 
eleven  leagues,  it  became  necessary  to  leave  the  river,  as 
^here  appeared  ahead  some  sand  dunes  ;^  and  turning  from 
the  east  to  the  north,  we  travelled  up  a  small  stream  until 
^e  discovered  the  great  plains  covered  with  innumerable 
cattle.    We  found  constantly  better  roads  and  better  land, 

^Perhaps  elk.  The  viceroy  rather  contemptuously  remarks  that  besides 
InifiFalo  Ofiate  saw  "naught  else  but  some  birds  and  animals,  particularly  some 
deer  out  of  all  proportion  in  size"  ("Breve  relacion  en  sustancia  del  nuevo  des- 
cubrimiento,"  in  Doc.  InSd.,  XVI.  53). 

*  Sand  dunes  are  found  at  various  places  along  the  Canadian.  Hie  place 
where  the  turn  was  made  seems  to  have  been  the  Antelope  Hills,  just  east  of 
the  Texas  Panhandle.  In  this  case  the  arroyo  ascended  was  Conunission  Creek. 
F^m  this  point  the  route  was  apparently  close  to  the  line  of  the  present  Santa 
F6  Road  from  the  Canadian  to  Wichita,  Kansas. 


256         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  OSTATE  EXPEDITIONS       W»M 

such  that  the  carts  could  travel  without  hindrance  or  difi. — 
culty,  and  although  we  encountered  some  large  ravines  and 
broken  hills,  nowhere  were  there  any  over  which  the  cart^ 
had  to  pass,  as  the  land  was  in  general  level  and  very  eaqr 
to  traverse.    We  continued  in  this  direction  for  some  days^ 
along  two  small  streams^  which  flowed  toward  the  eastj  lik9 
the  one  previously  mentioned.    We  wandered  from  the  di-- 
rection  we  had  been  following,  though  it  did  not  frighten^ 
us  much;  as  the  land  was  so  level  that  daily  the  men  becanne^ 
lost  in  it  by  separating  themselves  for  but  a  short  distance 
from  us,  as  a  result  of  which  it  was  necessary  to  reconnoitre 
the  coimtry  from  some  of  the  stopping  places.    Therefore  the 
camp  contiQued  its  march  by  the  most  direct  route  possible. 
In  order  to  further  insure  our  safety,  the  governor  and 
adelantado  decided  to  send  ahead  the  maese  de  campo  with 
some  companions,  and,  with  the  lucky  star  which  ever  guides 
him,  in  a  short  time  he  returned,  haviog  found  many  signs 
of  people,  and  a  country  full  of  pasting  lands,  which  was 
the  matter  of  deepest  concern,  since  they  had  been  lacking 
for  several  days,  as  there  had  been  none  for  many  leagues, 
for  the  fields  there  were  covered  with  flowers  of  a  thousand 
different  kinds,  so  thick  that  they  choked  the  pasture.    The 
cattle  of  this  territory  must  eat  these  flowers  far  better  than 
ours  are  wont  to  do,  because  wherever  they  were  there  were 
multitudes  of  cattle.    Great  was  the  joy  felt  by  all  at  this 
good  news,  because  it  was  what  they  were  hoping  for.    With 
the  forethought  and  diligence  of  the  maese  de  campOy  which,  like 
a  good  soldier,  he  always  displayed  in  matters  of  war,  he  had 
his  people  prepared  and  ordered  for  whatever  might  happen ; 
and  all  together  we  continued  oiu-  journey  and  route  and 
reached  a  small  river,  carrying  Uttle  water  but  so  grown  with 
timber  that  its  banks  resembled  thickly  wooded  mountains. 
Here  we  f  oimd  many  walnut  trees  loaded  with  nuts  which  were 
nearly  as  good  as  those  of  oiu-  coimtry,  the  trees  being  taller 
and  having  more  abimdant  foliage,  and  the  land  b^ing  so 
grown  with  pasture  that  it  could  scarcely  be  seen.    Having 
^ept  one  night  in  this  pleasant  spot,  we  went  on  next  day 
three  leagues  from  this  point  to  where  flowed  a  river  cany- 
ing  more  water  than  the  last  one,  and  with  many  fish  and 

^  These  were  Beaver  Creek  (North  Fork)  and  Cimarron  Biver. 


IflOl)         THE  EXPEDITION  TOWARD  THE  EAST  257 

larger  groves,  both  of  walnuts  and  of  oak,  and  other  valuable 
timbers.  The  land  was  better  than  that  which  we  had  hith- 
erto seen,  so  good  indeed  that  all  said  that  they  never  had 
Been  any  better  in  their  lives.  The  cattle  were  innumerable, 
and  of  all  kinds  of  game  there  was  a  great  abimdance — Cas- 
tilian  partridges,  turkeys,  deer,  and  haxes. 

From  this  point  the  maese  de  campo  began  again  to  ex- 
plore the  country,  and  having  travelled  three  leagues  he 
discovered  a  large  rancherfa,  with  more  than  five  thousand 
souls;  and  although  the  people  were  warlike,  as  it  later  de- 
veloped, and  although  at  first  they  began  to  place  themselves 
ia  readiness  to  fight,  by  signs  of  peace  they  were  given  to 
Understand  that  we  were  not  warriors,  and  they  became  so 
friendly  with  us  that  some  of  them  came  that  night  to  our 
^5«mp  and  entertained  us  with  wonderful  reports  of  the  people 
'urther  on.    Having  heard  these  reports,  at  daybreak  next 
^^y  the  whole  camp  inarched  on  through  this  good  country, 
^H>imded  on  both  sides  by  the  coolest  of  rivers  and  by  pleasant 
Sieves. 

At  three  in  the  afternoon  we  arrived  within  an  arquebus 
^liot  of  this  rancherfa,  and  at  some  pools  that  were  there  we 
^*k)pped  with  due  care  and  precaution.    From  there  the  gov- 
^^mor  and  the  religious  went  with  more  than  thirty  armed 
;^^rsemen  to  reconnoitre  the  people  and  the  rancherfa,^  and 
yiiey,  all  drawn  up  in  regular  order  in  front  of  their  ranchos, 
^^^>^an  to  raise  the  palms  of  their  hands  towards  the  sun, 
"^hich  is  the  sign  of  peace  among  them.    Assuring  them  that 
^^eace  was  what  we  wanted,  all  the  people,  women,  youths, 
^nd  small  children,  came  to  where  we  were;  and  they  con- 
sented to  our  visiting  their  houses,  which  all  consisted  of 
V)ranches  an  estado  and  a  half  long,  placed  in  a  circle,  some 
^{  them  being  so  wide  that  they  were  ninety  feet  in  diameter. 
Most  of  them  were  covered  with  tanned  hides,  which  made 
them  resemble  tents.    They  were  not  a  people  who  sowed  or 
reaped^  but  they  Uved  solely  on  the  cattle.    They  were  ruled 

^CaUed  on  the  map  and  in  other  sources  the  Escanjaques.  Sometimes 
corrupted  to  Escansaques.  The  map  gives  it  six  hundred  houses,  and  other 
sources  give  it  five  thousand  or  six  thousand  inhabitants.  It  was  not  a  perma- 
nent village,  but  a  temporary  camp  (see  "Breve  reladon  en  sustancia  del  des- 
cabrimiento/'  p.  53 ;  "Memorial  sobre  el  Descubrimiento/'  p.  199). 


258         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS        [1601 

and  governed  by  chiefs,  and  like  communities  which  are  freed 
from  subjection  to  any  lord,  they  obeyed  their  chiefs  but 
little.  They  had  large  quantities  of  hides  which,  wrapped 
about  their  bodies,  served  them  as  clothing,  but  the  weaker 
being  hot,  all  of  the  men  went  about  neaily  naked,  the  wom^i 
being  clothed  from  the  waist  down.  Men  and  women  alike 
used  bows  and  arrows,  with  which  they  were  very  dexterous. 

We  learned  while  here  that  this  nation  was  at  war  with 
the  people  settled  eight  leagues  distant  towards  the  interior, 
and  th^,  thinking  that  we  were  going  to  avenge  the  murder 
of  the  Spaniards  who  had  entered  with  Umana,  of  coiurse  took 
the  opportimity  to  throw  the  blame  upon  their  enemies  and 
to  teU  us  that  it  was  they  who  had  lolled  them.  Thinking 
that  we  were  going  for  this  purpose  only,  they  were  much 
pleased,  and  offered  to  accompany  us,  and  as  we  were  imable 
to  prevent  it,  lest  we  should  cause  them  to  make  trouble, 
they  went. 

They  guided  us  to  a  river^  seven  leagues  from  this  place, 
with  wonderful  banks,  and,  although  level,  so  densely  wooded 
that  the  trees  formed  thick  and  wide  groves.  Here  we  f oimd 
a  small  fruit  the  size  of  the  wild  pear  or  yellow  sapodilla,  of 
very  good  flavor.  The  river  contained  an  abundance  of  very 
good  fish,  and  although  at  some  points  it  had  good  fords,  in 
other  parts  it  was  extremely  deep  and  vessels  could  sail  on 
it  with  ease.  It  flowed  due  east,*  and  its  waters  were  fresh 
and  pleasant  to  taste.  Here  the  land  was  fertile  and  much 
better  than  that  which  we  had  passed.  The  pastures  were 
so  good  that  in  many  places  the  grass  was  high  enough  to 
conceal  a  horse.  The  Indians  who  came  with  us  to  this 
place,  in  a  few  hours  quickly  built  a  rancherfa  as  well  estab- 
lished as  the  one  left  behind,  which  caused  no  little  wonder 
to  all,  with  the  intention  of  there  awaiting  the  result  of  our 
journey,  or  of  awaiting  us  on  oiu*  return  with  evil  intent,  as 
later  developed,  when  they  threw  off  their  disguise  and  shame- 
fully made  war  on  us. 

We  set  out  from  this  place  the  next  day,  and,  leaving  the 
river  and  passing  through  some  pleasant  plains,  after  having 

*  This  stream  was  clearly  the  Arkansas. 

*  See  p.  252,  note  3.    Hiese  two  emphatic  statements  regarding  the  course  > 
of  the  great  river  where  it  was  encountered  cannot  be  overlooked. 


IflOl]  THE  EXPEDITION  TOWARD  THE  EAST  259 

travelled  four  leagues  we  b^an  to  see  people  who  appeared 
upon  some  elevations  of  a  hill.  Although  hostile  to  this 
nation  they  came  on^  inviting  us  to  battle  and  war^  shouting 
and  throwing  dirt  into  the  air,  which  is  the  sign  used  in  all 
this  region  to  proclaim  cruel  war.  Three  or  foiu-  hundred 
people  awaited  us  in  peace,  and  by  the  signs  which  one  side 
was  able  to  make  to  the  other  we  were  assured  of  friendship. 
Peace  being  made,  some  of  these  people  came  to  us,  and 
throwing  among  us  some  beads  which  they  wore  about  their 
necks,  proclaimed  themselves  oiu*  friends.  They  invited  us  to 
their  houses,  but  as  it  was  already  late  it  was  not  possible 
to  go  that  day,  and  it  became  necessary  to  go  to  the  banks 
of  a  large  river^  called  the  Rio  de  San  IVancisco,  whose 
banks  in  these  parts  were  most  beautiful  to  look  upon  and 
were  covered  with  mulberry  trees  and  other  trees  bearing 
fruit  of  very  fine  flavor.  Many  people  constantly  came  and 
went  to  see  us,  bringing  ears  of  maize,  which  were  the  first 
we  had  seen  in  this  good  country,  and  some  round  loaves 
of  bread,  as  large  as  shields  and  three  or  foiu-  fingers  thick, 
made  of  the  same  maize. 

All  that  night  we  took  the  necessary  care  and  precaution, 
but  at  dawn  the  following  day  the  people  who  had  repre- 
sented themselves  as  friendly  to  us  were  stationed  at  our 
rear  in  a  great  multitude,  threatening  the  other  tribe  "to 
beat  a  Roldan,"  and  awaiting  their  chance  to  attack  them. 
We  inquiring  again  regarding  the  country,  they  told  us  that 
in  this  region  they  had  murdered  the  Spaniards,*  surround- 
ing them  with  fire  and  burning  them  all,  and  that  they  had 
With  them  one  who  had  escaped,  injured  by  the  fire.'    Coun- 
ael  and  opinion  being  taken  as  to  what  must  be  done  in  a 
tiaatter  of  such  importance,  it  was  decided  to  seize  some  In- 
dians, both  to  take  with  us  as  guides  and  also  to  verify  the 
statements  of  their  enemies,  and  it  was  a  fortunate  coinci- 
dence that  their  chief,  or  captain,  whom  they  call  Catarax, 
was  there  at  the  time.    It  was  remarkable  to  note  how  they 
obeyed  him  and  served  him,  like  a  people  more  united,  peace- 

^  This  was  evidently  the  same  river  as  that  just  previously  mentioned. 

*  The  Humafia  party. 

*  Presumably  the  mulatto  woman  told  of  by  Father  Z&rate  {Rdadon,  in 
Land  cf  Stmahme,  XII.  45). 


260         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS        [1601 

ful,  and  settled.  As  evidence  of  this  it  is  enough  to  say  that 
while  they  might  with  justice  have  become  aroused  because 
of  his  arrest,  they  did  not  do  so,  merely  because  he  signalled 
to  them  that  they  should  withdraw.* 

We  took  him  with  us,  treating  him  well,  as  was  proper, 
and  in  order  to  carry  out  oiu*  plans  we  crossed  the  river,  at 
a  very  good  ford.  Having  travelled  half  a  league  we  came 
to  a  settlement  containing  more  than  twelve  himdred  houses, 
all  established  along  the  bank  of  another  good-sized  river 
which  flowed  into  the  large  one.*  They  were  all  round,  built 
of  forked  poles  and  bound  with  rods,  and  on  the  outside 
covered  to  the  ground  with  dry  grass.  Within,  on  the  sides, 
they  had  frameworks  or  platforms*  which  served  them  as 
beds  on  which  they  slept.  Most  of  them  were  large  enough 
to  hold  eight  or  ten  persons.*  They  were  two  lance-length 
high  and  ^  had  granaries  or  platfoi^,  aa  esto(2o  high,  ^ch 
they  must  have  iised  in  summer,  and  which  would  hold  three 
or  four  persons,  being  most  alppropriate  for  enjoying  the 
fresh  air.  They  entered  them  through  a  small  grass  door. 
They  ascended  to  this  platform  by  means  of  a  movable  wooden 
ladder.  Not  a  house  lacked  these  platforms.  We  found  the 
pueblo  entirely  deserted  but  not  lacking  maize,  of  which 
there  was  much  and  of  good  quality.  For  this  reason  the 
enemy  wished  to  sa«k  itfbut  in  no  manner  were  they  per- 

^  Father  Zluate  says  that  Catarax  was  rescued.  He  says :  ''The  ambaasaF 
dor  did  not  dare  to  cross  the  river  which  separated  them  irom  the  Spaniards; 
but  the  adelantado  sent  some  soldiers  to  try  to  catch  him  from  behind,  wfaidi 
they  did,  and  put  irons  on  him.  He  was  an  Indian  of  importance.  But  the 
Indians  had  a  sharper  trick ;  for  making  a  feint  of  attack,  while  the  Spaniards 
were  getting  the  arms,  they  took  care  to  carry  off  the  prisoner  bodily,  ironed  as 
he  was"  (Relacion,  par.  38,  Land  of  Suruhine,  XII.  45). 

s  The  stream  was  the  Arkansas.  The  two  streams  crossed  just  below  were 
branches  of  the  Ne-Ne-Schah,  as  is  dear  from  the  Martfnez  map,  where  the  second 
is  called  Rio  del  Robredal.  Such  a  network  of  streams  is  found  <ni  the  border 
of  Sedgwick  and  Kingman  counties,  and  another  in  Reno  County.  After  leaving 
the  rancherf a,  Onate  turned  north  and  reached  the  Arkansas  opposite  the  mouth 
of  a  stream  coming  in  from  the  north.  This  could  be  either  the  little  Arkansas^ 
at  Wichita,  or  Cow  Creek,  at  Hutchinson.  The  statement  that  the  river  flowed 
east  points  to  Hutchinson,  but  ethnological  considerations  point  to  WidiitiL 
The  Indians  were  probably  the  Jumano  (Wichita,  Panipiquet). 

*  Canicos,  i.  e,,  cafiizos. 

'  This  description  fits  the  ^chita  grass  lodges. 


icon  THE  EXPEDITION  TOWARD  THE  EAST  261 

mitted  to  do  so,*  nor  to  do  any  damage  except  to  take  away  a 
little  maize.  Thereupon  the  governor  dismissed  them  and  gave 
them  express  commands  to  go  to  their  rancherfa,  which  they  did. 

We  remained  here  for  one  day  in  this  pleasant  spot  sur- 
rounded on  all  sides  by  fields  of  maize  and  crops  of  the  In- 
dians. The  stalks  of  the  maize  were  as  high  as  that  of  New 
Spain  and  in  many  places  even  higher.  The  land  was  so 
rich  that,  having  harvested  the  maize^  a  new  growth  of  a 
span  in  height  had  sprung  up  over  a  large  portion  of  the 
same  ground,  without  any  cultivation  or  labor  other  than  the 
removal  of  the  weeds  and  the  making  of  holes  where  they 
planted  the  maize.  There  were  many  beans,  some  gourds, 
and,  between  the  fields,  some  plum  trees.  The  crops  were 
not  irrigated  but  dependent  on  the  rains,  which,  as  we  noted, 
must  be  very  regular  in  that  land,  because  in  the  month  of 
October  it  rained  as  it  does  in  August  in  New  Spain.  It  was 
thought  certain  that  it  had  a  warm  climate,  for  the  people 
we  saw  went  about  naked,  although  they  wore  skins.  like 
the  other  settled  Indians  they  utilize  cattle  in  large  numbers. 
It  is  incredible  how  many  there  are  in  that  land. 

Here  we  took  new  iMormation  from  the  Indian,  who  ap- 
peared to  be  one  of  the  caciques  or  lords  of  the  land,  regard- 
ing what  there  was  further  ahead,  and  he  informed  us  that 
up  the  river  were  settled  people  like  these  in  large  numbers, 
and  that  at  one  side  was  another  large  river  which  divided 
into  six  or  seven  branches,^  on  all  of  which  there  were  many 
people,  and  that  the  people  whom  Umana  had  brought  had 
been  killed  eighteen  days'  journey  from  here.  We  compared 
the  statements  of  these  Indians  with  those  of  Indians  of  the 
rancheria  who  had  remained  in  our  company,  and  without 
discrepancy  in  any  point  they  said  the  same,  adding  that 
down  the  river  also,  going  due  east,  it  was  all  settled  by 

^  Eyewitnesses  declared  in  Mexico  that  the  Escanjaques  had  ahready  begun 
to  bum  some  of  the  houses  when  Onate  forbade  it  {Doc,  IrUd,,  XVI.  225).  Z&rate 
adds  that  Onate's  interference  was  at  the  instance  of  Father  Velasco,  who, 
"moved  with  pity  for  the  damage  which  those  Indians  kept  doing,  prayed  the 
adelantado  that  they  be  on  hand  amid  the  damage"  (Land  of  Swuhine,  XII.  45). 

*The  Kansas  River  answers  this  description.  Between  Manhattan  and 
Saline,  a  distance  of  some  fifty  miles  or  more,  it  divides  into  the  Big  Blue,  the 
Republican,  the  Solomon,  the  Saline,  and  the  Smoky  Hill  Rivers,  not  to  mention 
several  smaller  streams. 


362         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS        [leoi 

people.  They  accordingly  persuaded  us  that  under  no  cir- 
cumstances ^ould  we  proceed,  saying  that  ihe  people  who 
had  withdrawn  from  this  settlement  had  done  so  in  order 
on  the  third  day  to  assemble  their  friends,  who  were  so  nu- 
merous that  in  the  course  of  a  whole  day  they  would  not  be 
able  to  pass  by  their  houses,  and  that  undoubtedly,  our  num- 
ber being  so  small,  they  would  soon  put  an  end  to  us,  not  a 
single  person  escaping. 

Although  this  spurred  us  on  to  go  ahead,  on  the  following  : 
day,  having  traveUed  three  leagues,  all  the  way  through  a 
populated  district,^  and  seeing  that  the  houses  continued 
beyond,  and  having  positive  Imowledge  of  the  large  assem-  - 
blage  of  people  which  was  awaiting  us,  it  was  necessary  to  ^ 
take  coimsel  as  to  what  should  be  done.  And  seeing  that  « 
the  horses  and  mules  were  tired  out  and  exhausted,  because  « 
of  the  many  leagues  travelled,  and  that  the  chief  purpose  ^ 
of  our  journey  had  been  achieved,  and  that  his  Majesty  ^ 
would  be  better  served  by  learning  the  wonders  of  this  land,  - 
that  he  might  issue  the  orders  most  necessary  to  the  royal  ^ 
service  and  to  the  acceleration  of  the  salvation  of  these  souls,  .« 
and  seeing  that  it  would  be  foolhardy  for  our  small  number-** 
to  proceed  where  more  than  three  hundred  persons'  were^^s 
necessary,  it  was  imanimously  agreed  to  present  a  petition..-^ 
to  the  governor  and  adelantado,  representing  to  him  th( 
combination  of  just  reasons  for  not  proceeding,  making 
to  him  how  much  greater  service  would  be  rendered  to 
Majesty  by  informing  him  of  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  of  11 
many  people,  of  the  wealth  of  the  innumerable  cattle, 
beyond  number  that  they  alone  would  suffice  to  enrich  thou- 
sands of  men  with  suet,  tallow,  and  hides;  of  the  suitable 
ness  of  the  land  for  founding  many  important  settlements^ 
f ortimately  possessing  all  materials  necessary  for  the  purpose  ^ 
and  above  all,  of  how  important  it  was  that  the  King  our^ 
Lord  should  speedily  leam  what  all  the  world  had  so  mucl^- 
desired  to  know,  so  that  his  Majesty's  orders  might  be  carriedL 


^This  assertion  is  borne  out  by  other  documents.    For  the  doings  of 
Spaniards  at  the  pueblo  see  Doc.  Inid.,  XVI.  54,  199,  225;  Ztoite,  Reiaekm^ 
pars.  38-39,  in  Land  of  Sunshine,  XII.  45-46. 

'  That  number  was  asked  for  later  by  Onate  through  Zaldivar  for  the  pur- 
pose. 


i 


leoij  THE  EXPEDITION  TOWARD  THE  EAST  263 

out ;  and  although  it  was  a  hard  blow  to  the  governor's  cour- 
age and  bravery,  and  though  he  was  very  sorry  to  curtail 
his  joiuney;  upon  realizing  the  justness  of  the  petition^  made 
in  lus  Majesty^s  name,  he  granted  it. 

Having  travelled  up  to  this  point  more  than  two  hun- 
dred and  twenty  leagues,^  matters  were  rearranged  so  as  to 
retiun  as  speedily  as  possible.    On  reaching  the  place  whence 
we  had  set  out  the  previous  day,  which  was  that  of  the  first 
settlement,  imsuspecting  any  treason,  we  foimd  therein  the 
Indians  who  at  first  had  pretended  to  be  friends,  now  con- 
verted into  cruel  enemies,  and  entrenched  within  the  same 
houses,'  ready  to  cany  out  their  evil  intent.    This  being 
80  contrary  to  our  intent,  the  maese  de  campo  had  gone  for- 
ward half  a  league  with  a  dozen  companions,  without  taking 
any  military  precautions,  to  explore  the  land.    When  he 
leached  the  point  where  the  people  were  they  failed  to  come 
out  with  signs  of  peace,  but  on  the  run  b^an  to  surround 
Mm  and  his  companions,  with  bows  and  arrows  in  their 
hands ;  but  he,  like  a  good  soldier,  did  not  give  them  a  chance 
to  do  so,  for,  retreating  in  good  order,  he  emerged  from  among 
them  with  no  more  damage  than  the  loss  of  a  horse  or  a  couple 
of  arrow  wounds. 

Seeing  the  treason  and  that  it  was  necessary  to  pass  where 
"they  were,  or  very  near  to  them,  the  governor  ordered  that 
&11  the  men  should  provide  themselves  with  armored  horses, 
"which  they  always  had  with  them,  and,  the  maese  de  campo 
"telling  them  what  they  should  do,  the  whole  camp  marched 
forward  with  express  orders  that  all  should  enter  in  peace, 
since  they  had  not  come  to  injure  anybody;   but  although 
they  did  all  this,  and  entered  with  the  signal  which  the  In- 
dians used,  which  was  to  raise  their  hands  as  a  token  of  peace, 
those  who  most  desired  war  began  it  with  very  great  fury, 
presenting  in  their  first  stand  more  than  fifteen  himdred  per- 
sons, who,  placed  in  order  in  a  semicircle,  attacked  with  great 
valor  and  force. 

^  Other  sources  show  that  the  men  made  a  written  request  to  go  back  (see 
Doc.  Inid.,  XVI.  225). 

'This  is  important  evidence  regarding  the  route.    The  point  where  the 

was  left  was  midway  of  the  journey. 
*  The  houses  of  the  Quiviras. 


264  NEW  MEXICX):  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS      m 

The  governor^  noting  that  they  did  not  cease  thdr  at- 
tack, that  the  shower  of  arrows  was  great,  and  that  tbef 
made  no  sign  [of  peace],  gave  the  signal  to  his  pec^le  to  it 
fend  themselves ;  and,  the  battle  thickening  on  both  adeSi 
it  pleased  God  our  Lord  to  take  our  part,  for  without  this 
aid  it  would  have  been  almost  impossible,  as  their  people 
were  multiplying.  The  brave  soldiers  showed  an  excess  d 
courage  and  spirit,  and  in  a  short  while  repelled  tiie  attadc 
of  the  people,  killing  and  woimding  many  of  a  group  who 
were  stationed  at  an  arroyo,  whereas  only  two  of  our  soldkrs 
were  wounded.  But  the  battle  continued  and  tiie  Indians 
became  more  furious  than  at  the  b^inning,  keeping  it  up  for 
more  than  two  hours  with  the  greatest  of  courage,  althou^ 
at  their  own  cost,  for  they  proved  the  valor  of  the  Spanish, 
nation.^  At  the  end  of  this  time,  the  greater  part  of  our  men 
being  woimded,  though  not  dangerously  in  any  case,  the  ade- 
lantado  and  governor,  seeing  the  great  barbarity  of  our  enemies, 
and  that  many  of  them  were  dead,  and  that  they  were  not  fa> 
be  frightened  and  would  not  turn  their  backs,  ordered  his 
men  to  retreat;  and,  freeing  some  women  whom  the  soldiers 
had  captured,  he  would  not  consent  that  they  be  further  flt* 
jured,  although  they  took  some  boyB  upon  the  request  of  tb® 
religious,  in  order  to  instruct  them  in  the  matters  of  our  holy 
Catholic  faith,  and  an  Indian  who  could  fiunish  information 
of  all  this  land.2 

Thereupon  we  returned  to  the  camp  to  sleep,  and,  th^ 

^  The  "Memorial  sobre  el  Descubrimiento/'  p.  199,  states  that  ''they  hit^ 
with  them  an  obstinate  stnig^e,  from  which  most  of  the  men  came  out  wounded.' 
Membo^  of  the  expedition  declared  in  Mexico  that  "they  fought  with  the  entire^ 
army  from  ten  in  the  morning  till  night,  thirty  soldiers  being  ¥7ounded"  (Doc 
IrM.,  XVI.  225).    By  the  time  Father  Z&rate  wrote  the  event  had  become  a 
great  victory  for  the  Spaniards,  in  which  nearly  one  thousand  E^scanjaques  were 
slaughtered  (Z&rate,  Relaeion,  par.  38,  in  Land  cf  Sunshine,  XII.  45). 

'  His  name  was  Miguel.  He  was  a  captive,  and  acc(Mrding  to  his  own  state- 
ment a  Tancoa.  In  Mexico  he  told  much  about  gold,  and  he  drew  a  map  for  the 
factor  Vergara,  a  copy  of  which,  from  the  original,  I  have  in  my  poasesaioiL 
Father  Z&rate  tells  of  a  map  drawn  by  him  in  the  possession  of  the  Duke  of  the 
Inf  antado,  Spain.  According  to  Zirate,  his  reports  induced  the  king  to  order  an 
expedition  of  one  thousand  men,  one-half  furnished  by  a  private  individual,  to  be 
sent  to  the  north  country.  The  vicerqy.  Count  ol  Mont»ey,  did  not  think 
much  of  Miguel's  testimony  (see  Doc.  Inid.,  XVI.  54-55,  199,  212;  Zint^ 
Rdacion,  in  Land  of  Sunshine,  XH.  46). 


leoi]  THE  EXPEDITION  TOWARD  THE  EAST  265 

wounded  having  recovered,  on  the  following  day  we  set  out, 
travelling  with  our  usual  care,  and  in  fifty-nine  days  we 
reached  this  camp  of  San  Gabriel,  haviQg  spent  in  the  entire 
journey  the  time  from  the  23d  of  June  until  the  24th  of  No- 
vember. 

The  carts  went  over  the  coimtry  to  the  settlements  very 
nicely,  and  so  far  as  the  nature  of  the  land  was  concerned 
they  could  have  gone  as  far  as  the  North  Sea,^  which  could 
not  have  been  very  far,  because  some  of  the  Indians  wore 
shells  from  it  on  their  foreheads.  May  God  our  Lord  be 
forever  praised,  and  may  He  be  pleased  to  hasten  the  salva- 
tion of  so  many  souls,  and  may  He  have  pity  on  this  land,  so 
that  in  it  His  holy  gospel  may  be  preached  and  many  poor 
souls  be  saved,  for,  judging  from  what  we  have  seen,  it  must 
in  time  become  their  place  of  refuge  and  bring  wealth  to  many. 


Auto. 

In  the  pueblo  of  San  Gabriel  of  New  Mexico,  Senor  Don 
Juan  de  Ofiate,  governor,  captain-general,  and  adelantado  of 
this  kingdom  of  New  Mexico,  said  that  whereas  his  Lordship 
had  set  out  from  this  camp  to  make  an  expedition  to  the  great 
settlement  which  Ues  towards  the  north,  in  which  undertaking 
he  spent  five  months  in  going  and  returning,  that  he  might 
be  able  to  give  to  the  king  our  lord  and  to  whom  he  might 
deem  it  proper  an  account  of  all  that  might  be  discovered  or 
all  that  might  happen,  he  entrusted  the  writing  of  the  said 
account  to  a  person  of  much  fideUty  and  trustworthiness,  who 
prepared  it;^  and  that  it  might  be  examined  and  learned 
whether  what  it  contains  is  the  truth,  or  if  there  is  anything 
to  be  taken  from  it  or  added  to  it,  in  order  that  his  Majesty 
might  be  more  truthfully  informed,  he  ordered  that  it  be  read 
to  all  the  persons  who  went  with  his  Lordship  on  said  joiuney, 
that  they  might  declare  under  oath  if  it  were  true,  and,  that 

^  In  Mexico  the  authorities  concluded  that  the  point  reached  must  have 
been  about  three  hundred  leagues  from  the  North  Sea  and  the  same  distance 
bom  the  South  Sea,  and  in  lat.  39**  or  40°.  They  were  not  so  far  wrong  regard- 
ing the  latitude.    On  this  Bancroft  was  in  error. 

'  It  has  not  been  determined  who  wrote  it. 


266         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS        [1601 

done,  to  take  the  other  necessary  steps.    Thus  he  ordered  and 
signed  on  the  14th  day  of  December,  1601. 

Don  Juan  db  Onatb. 
Before  me,  Juan  GuriEitREz  Boganegra,  secretary. 

Avihentication. 

On  this  said  day  the  said  Senor  governor  requested  the 
Reverend  Father  Fray  Francisco  de  Velasco,  guardian  of  the 
monastery  of  the  pueblo,  and  the  commissary  who  went  on 
the  said  journey,  and  Father  Fray  Pedro  de  Vergara,  lay- 
brother  who  also  went  on  the  said  journey,  to  make  a  declanir 
tion  according  to  the  above  avio.  In  compliance  therewitii,  the 
said  Fray  Francisco  de  Valesco  took  oath,  placing  his  hand 
upon  his  breast  in  verbis  sacerdotis,  as  is  the  custom,  and  the 
said  Fray  Pedro  de  Vergara  took  oath  in  due  form,  in  the  name 
of  God  and  with  the  sign  of  a  cross.  They  promised  to  teD 
the  truth,  and,  having  seen  the  above  account  of  the  governor, 
they  testified  that  all  it  contains  is  the  truth,  and  that  which 
actually  occurred,  and  what  they  saw  on  the  journey  which 
they  had  made  with  the  Senor  governor,  and  that  it  contains 
no  exaggerations,  as  everything  occurred  as  stated  therein,  and 
the  said  Reverend  Father  Fray  Francisco  de  Velasco  signed  the 
same.  The  said  Fray  Pedro  de  Vergara  did  not  sign  as  he  did 
not  know  how.  All  this  they  said  with  permission  from  the 
Very  Rev.  Father  Fray  Juan  Descalona,  their  commissary 
general,  which  he  gave  to  them  in  my  presence,  to  all  of  which 
I  testify. 

Fray  Francisco  de  Velasco. 
Before  me,  Juan  Gutiekeiez  Bocanegra,  secretary. 

On  this  said  day,  month,  and  year,  the  said  governor  hav- 
ing ordered  that  all  the  captains  and  soldiers  who  went  with 
him  on  the  said  journey  should  assemble,  and  all  being  assem- 
bled, I,  the  present  secretary,  read  to  them  the  whole  of  the 
relation,  word  for  word,  and  I  asked  them  if  it  were  true,  be- 
cause they  would  have  to  swear  to  it ;  and  all  together  they 
stated  that  the  said  account,  so  far  as  pertains  to  the  report 
of  the  many  people  living  beyond,  ^  was  not  sufficient,  because 

*  That  is,  beyond  the  New  Disooveiy. 


JflOll  THE  EXPEDITION  TOWARD  THE  EAST  267 

all  the  Indians  had  represented  the  settlements  as  follows: 
their  rancherfa,  containing  more  than  five  or  six  thousand  souls, 
they  represented  by  Tnaking  a  circle^  with  seventeen  kernels 
of  maize;    and  for  many  of  the  settlements  beyond  they 
placed  in  the  circles  many  grains  of  maize;   and  for  one  in 
particular  they  placed  seven  himdred  and  twenty-seven  kernels 
of  maize,  which,  in  the  opinion  of  all  or  most  of  those  who 
^^re  present,  meant  two  himdred  thousand  people  and  more, 
and  tiiis  in  but  one  of  the  many  settlements  which  they  indi- 
^^a.ted.    This,  they  said,  was  lacking  in  the  said  relation,  and 
*l^at  all  of  it  and  of  this  was  the  truth  by  the  oath  which  they 
*^H<i  taken  in  due  form ;  and  that  on  the  rivers  where  these 
*^^^*ny  people  were  there  was  a  great  quantity  of  siunac,  and 
^tlxer  things  which,  if  they  were  utilized,  would  be  of  great  bene- 
^**     All  who  were  able  to  do  so  signed  it,  and  for  those  who 
^^Vdd  not  write  a  witness  signed,  the  witnesses  to  all  the  above 
^J^ing  Captain  Bartolome  Romero,  Captain  Antonio  Gomez 
"^^cintelirios,  and  Alonso  Naranjo,  and  I  the  said  secretary, 
^^o  testifies  to  the  same. — ^Vicente  de  Qaldivar  Mendoza, 
!j^^^n  de  Vitoria  Carbajal,  Juan  de  Moreno  de  la  Rua,  Caspar 
^JrrjJ^pez  de  Tabora,  Juan  Martinez  de  Montoya,  Bartolome 
^^Onzalez  de  Almocer,  Don  Pedro  de  Trugillo  Calicos,  Fran- 
^tBco  Garcia,  Juan  Munoz,  Diego  Martin  de  Guebara,  Juan  de 
^lallea,  Francisco  Vido,  Don  Cristobal  de  Onate,  Pedro  Barela, 
^\ian  de  la  Cruz,  Simon  de  la  Paz,  Juan  Rodriguez,  Rodrigo 
^pata,  Miguel  de  Villaviciosa,  Miguel  Montero  de  Castro, 
Juan  Belarde,  Alonso  Nunez  Inojosa,  Alonso  Robledo,  Juan 
Ranjel,  Francisco  Rascon,  Juan  de  Leon.    Witnesses,  Alonso 
Gomez  Montesinos,  Baltasar  Martinez  Coxedor,  Alonso  San- 
chez, Isidro  Juarez  de  Figueroa.    Before  me,  Juan  Gutierrez 
BocANEGRA,  Secretary. 

And  I,  the  said  Juan  Gutierrez  Bocanegra,  secretary  and 
captain  of  this  kingdom,  was  present  at  all  this,  and  have 
signed  it  by  order  of  the  governor,  who  here  signed  his  name. 
I  made  this  copy  from  the  original,  which  remains  in  the  gov- 
ernment archives.  It  is  a  true  copy,  in  witness  whereof  I  here 
sign.  Don  Juan  de  Onate.  Juan  Gutierrez  Bocanegra, 
secretary. 

iQq  the  map  made  by  the  Indian  Miguel  settlements  were  likewise  rep- 
resented liy  drdes. 


JOURNEY  OF  ONATE  TO  CALIFORNIA   BY 

LAND,  [ZARATE,  1626] 

Journey  of  Don  Juan  de  Oflate  to  California  by  Land.^ 

44.  In  the  year  1604,  on  the  7th  of  the  month  of  October, 
Don  Juan  de  Onate  set  out  from  the  villa  of  San  Gabriel  to 
discover  the  South  Sea.  He  took  in  his  company  Father 
Fray  Francisco  de  Escobar,  who  was  then  commissary  of  those 
provinces,  and  a  lay-brother  called  Fray  Juan  de  Buenaven- 
tura, apostoUc  men ;  and  the  Father  Commissary  was  a  very 
learned  man  and  had  a  gift  for  languages,  as  he  learned  them 
all  with  great  facihty.  He  took  on  this  journey  thirty  sol- 
diers,* most  of  them  raw  recruits,  and  they  did  not  carry 
more  than  fourteen  pairs  of  horse  armor.  After  having  trav- 
elled towards  the  west  sixty  leagues,  they  arrived  at  the  prov- 
ince of  Quni,  which  is  in  some  plains  more  inhabited  by  hares 
and  rabbits  than  by  Indians.  There  are  six  pueblos;  in  all 
of  them  there  are  no  more  than  three  hundred  terraced  houses  of 
many  stories,  like  those  of  New  Mexico.  The  largest  pueblo 
and  head  of  all  is  the  pueblo  of  Cfbola,  which  in  their  lan- 
guage is  called  Havico.'  It  has  one  hundred  and  ten  houses. 
The  food,  like  that  general  in  all  the  land,  is  maize,  beans, 
gourds,  and  wild  game.  They  dress  in  rnardas  of  izM^  wov^i 
of  twisted  cord.  These  Indians  have  no  cotton.  They  set 
out  from  this  pueblo,  and  having  travelled  twenty  leagues* 
between  northwest  and  west  th^  arrived  at  the  province  of 
Mooqui.  There  are  five  pueblos  and  in  all  four  himdred  and 
fifty  houses — ^the  same  kind*  of  houses  and  man&is  of  cotton. 

^  Z&rate  Salmer6n,  Rdacumes  de  .  .  .  Ntseto  Mexico,  paragraphs  44n57,  in 
Doe.  Hist.  Mex.,  tercera  s^e.  III.,  30-38  (Mexico,  1856). 

*  Soidodos,  a  corruption  of  ecUiadoe  in  the  text. 

'Hawikuh.    See  Hodge,  Ha7u26ooi:,  I.  539.         «  See  note  7,  p.  235,  abofve. 

*  Onate  gave  the  distance  as  twmty-two  leagues  to  the  first  pud>lo  and  thirt^r- 
two  to  the  last 

*  It  is  quite  obtain  thst  there  is  a  corruption  here.    Hie  sense  is  better 
satisfied  by  "manner''  {manera)  in  place  of  "number"  (ftteero). 

268 


1604]  JOURNEY  TO  CALIFORNIA  269 

45.  In  the  province  of  Zuni  are  deposits  of  silver  of  so  fine 
a  blue  that  they  use  it  for  paint  and  cany  it  to  sell  to  the 
settlements  of  New  Mexico.  I  brought  some  stones  to  show, 
and  the  painters  told  me  it  was  the  best  blue  in  the  world, 
and  that  in  this  city^  each  poimd  of  it  was  worth  twelve 
pesos,  and  that  there  was  not  a  pound  to  be  had.  Likewise 
the  green  of  New  Mexico,  in  particular  that  of  Homex,*  is 
extremely  fine  in  the  leaf ;  and  of  these  two  sorts  whole  car- 
goes could  be  gathered  to  bring  here. 

46.  They  set  out  from  Mooqui  and  at  ten  leagues  toward 
the  west  they  arrived  at  the  Colorado  Eiver.'  They  called 
it  thus  because  the  water  is  nearly  red ;  the  river  runs  from 
southeast  to  northwest,  afterwards  tinning  to  the  west,  and 
they  say  it  enters  California.  From  here  to  where  it  empties 
iato  the  sea  there  are  more  than  a  himdred  leagues  of  pine 
forests.  From  this  river  they  travelled  toward  the  west, 
crossing  a  mountain  range  of  pine  forest  which  was  eight  leagues 
across,  on  whose  southern  slope  runs  the  San  Antonio  River, 
seventeen  leagues  distant  from  San  Jose,^  which  is  the  Colo- 
rado ;  it  runs  from  north  to  south  through  rough  mountains 
and  very  high  cliffs.  It  carries  Uttle  water,  but  has  many 
good  fish.  From  this  river  forward  the  land  has  a  temperate 
climate.  Five  leagues  farther  on  toward  the  west  is  the 
Sacramento  River.  ^  It  has  as  much  water  as  the  San  Antonio, 
and  as  many  and  as  good  fish.  It  rises  eleven  leagues  towards 
the  west,  and  runs  from  northwest  to  southeast,  along  the  skirts 
of  some  very  high  mountains  where  the  Spaniards  took  out 
very  good  ores  ;•  and  there  are  many  mineral  deposits.  Until 
ihey  arrived  at  this  place  the  Spaniards  had  not  foimd  any- 
thing that  satisfied  them.  The  place  is  very  well  suited  for 
the  dwelling  of  the  Spaniards ;  it  is  a  place  where  reduction 

*  The  City  of  Mexico.  *  X6mez. 

*The  Little  Colorado;  the  Rio  de  la  Alameda  of  Farf&n.  Farfdn  gave  the 
distance,  perhaps  from  a  different  pueblo,  as  nine  leagues. 

*  Farfdn  gave  the  distance  from  the  Little  Colorado  to  the  Agua  del  Valle 
as  thirteen  and  one-half  leagues.  It  is  probable  that  the  San  Antonio  River  is 
the  same.  From  the  course  described,  it  is  clearly  the  western  branch  of  the  Rio 
Verde. 

*  Farfdn  reached  "a  very  good  river''  at  six  leagues  from  the  Agua  del  Valle. 

*  From  this  it  is  inferred  that  prospecting  was  done  in  a  region  farther  east 
than  that  in  which  Farf in  did  most  of  his. 


270         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS        ri«04 

works  can  be  erected ;  there  are  good  lands  for  crops,  beauti- 
ful fields  and  pasture  for  stock,  and  plentiful  water.  In  this 
mountain  range  the  Cruzados  Indians^  have  their  homes. 
They  live  in  scattered  dwellings,^  the  houses  being  of  straw ; 
they  plant  no  crops ;  they  hve  on  the  game  which  they  kill, 
deer  and  mountain  sheep,  of  which  there  are  many.  With 
the  skins  both  the  men  and  women  cover  their  loins ;  all  go 
shod,  little  and  big.  They  also  use  for  |ood  mescali,  which  is 
a  preserve  of  the  root  of  maguey. 

47.  Th^  call  these  Indians  Cruzados  on  account  of  some 
crosses  which  all,  little  and  big,  suspend  from  the  lock  of  hair 
that  falls  over  the  forehead ;  and  tiiis  they  do  when  they  see 
the  Spaniards.  The  origin  of  this  custom  was  not  known  at 
that  time ;  subsequently  it  has  been  learned  that  many  years 
ago  there  travelled  through  that  land  a  religious  of  my  f  atiier 
San  Francisco  who  told  them  that  if  at  any  time  tiiey  should 
see  men  bearded  and  white,  in  order  that  they  might  not  molest 
or  injure  them  they  should  put  on  those  crosses,  which  is  a 
thing  esteemed  by  them.  Tliey  remembered  it  so  well  that 
they  have  not  forgotten  it.  The  men  are  well-featured  and 
noble;  the  women  are  handsome,  with  beautiful  eyes,  and 
they  are  affectionate.'  These  Indians  said  that  tiie  sea  was 
distant  from  there  twenty  days'  journey,  of  those  which  they 
travel;  which  are  calculated  at  about  five  leagues.  It  is  to 
be  noticed  that  none  of  these  nations  was  caught  in  a  lie. 
They  also  said  that  two  days'  journey  from  there  was  a  river 
of  Uttie  water,*  by  which  they  went  to  another  very  large  one* 
which  enters  into  the  sea,  and  on  whose  banks  there  was  a 
nation  called  Amacava,*  and,  a  short  distance  beyond,  many 
nations  who  plant  and  gather  maize;  beans,  and  goiuxls. 

They  left  the  Sacramento  Kiver,  travelling  between  west 
and  southwest  fifteen  leagues,  finding  at  every  step  good  water- 
ing-places.   They  arrived  at  the  river  of  Uttie  water;   it  is 

^  The  YavapaL  See  note  to  the  Farf 6n  documents^  p.  242,  above,  note  2. 
Farf 4n  encountered  the  Cruzados  two  leagues  beyond  the  Agua  del  Valle.  This 
confirms  the  conclusion  that  the  latter  was  identical  with  the  San  Antcmio  River. 

*  "Son  rancheros."  A  rancho  usually  meant  a  separate  house;  a  ranekeria, 
a  group  of  houses.  To  say  that  they  are  ranchers  conveys  an  entirdy  aroiieous 
idea. 

*  The  Yavapai  women  are  still  noted  for  their  good  locks, 

« Bill  Williams  Fork.  •TheColorada  'Mohave. 


^^tt4I  JOURNEY  TO  CALIPORNIA  271 

J^^tHed  Saa  Andr^.^  *From  here  the  country  has  a  hot  climate, 
^^^ere  were  many  pitayci^  and  diflferent  kinds  of  trees.  They 
^^J^tavefled  along  it  twenty-four  leagues,  and  arrived  at  the  large 
""^  ,  which  titey  sought  because  of  the  report  which  the  Jnr 
had  given.  It  is  called  Buena  Esperanza  River,*  and 
rC  the  sea  it  is  called  Tizon  River.  It  carries  as  much  water 
the  Duero,  and  is  as  quiet  as  the  Guadalquivir.  It  runs 
northwest  to  southeast  and  soon  forms  a  narrow  channel 
ween  high  mountains  which  cross  it;  and  after  passing 
narrows  it  flows  from  northwest  [sic]  to  southwest,  hav- 
en both  sides  very  high  mountains*  which  run  in  the  same 
^^irection,  forming  on  the  banks  a  wide  river  bottom.** 

48.  The  next  day  after  having  arrived,  the  adelantado  sent 
^l^ptain  Grer6nimo  Mdrquez  with  four  soldiers  up  the  river  to 
^liscover  this  nation  of  the  Amacavas  Indians.    In  a  short 
'Cdme  he  brought  two  Indians,  whom  the  adelantado  r^aled 
^md  sent  to  call  the  rest.    They  said  that  they  would  do  it 
^tnd  that  they  would  bring  something  to  eat.    On  the  day 
:f  oUowing,  as  the  adelantado  saw  that  the  Indians  were  mak- 
ing loads,  he  ordered  that  twelve  soldiers  should  prepare  to 
go  to  the  settlement  for  provisions;   but  before  the  soldiers 
went,  there  arrived  more  than  forty  Indians  loaded  with 
maize,  beans,  and  gourds.    Then  arose  an  Indian  who  was 
called  Curraca,  which  in  their  language  means  Lord,  and  made 
a  long  speech,  giving  to  understand,  as  was  supposed,  that  he 
was  pleased  to  have  seen  the  Spaniards  and  that  he  desired 
their  friendship. 

49.  Here  was  heard  the  first  news  of  the  Lake  of  Copalla,' 
whence  they  suppose  the  Mexicans  set  out  who  settled  this 
New  Spain.    They  described  this  lake  and  land  and  all  its 

^  Hie  main  stream  of  Bill  Williams  Fork.  The  name  San  Andres  was  given 
to  ome  of  the  richest  mines  discovered  by  the  Farf&n  party. 

*  Pitahaya,  the  cereus  gigarUeiu,  whose  fruit  was  much  used  as  food  by  the 
tribes  of  the  Southwest. 

*The  Colcvado  River.  It  is  about  fifty  miles  from  the  junction  of  Big 
Sanely  and  Santa  Maria  rivers  to  the  Colorado. 

*  The  Chocolate  Mountains  run  parallel  with  the  river,  on  both  sides,  for  a 
longdistance. 

*  Hie  lines  between  the  *  *  are  omitted  from  the  translation  in  the  Land 
cf  Suiukine.    See  vol.  XII.,  p.  48. 

*  The  country  sought  by  Ibarra  in  1563  was  called  Copala. 


272         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS        [1604 

banks  as  densely  populated.  An  Indian  said  Copalla  very 
plainly,  and  Captain  Ger6nimo  Mdrquez  told  me  that,  hear- 
ing those  Indians  talk  to  a  Mexican  Indian,  servant  of  a  sol- 
dier, one  of  them  asked,  '^Whence  comes  this  man?  Is  he 
perhaps  from  Copalla?  because  those  from  there  talk  thus." 
And  those  Indians  also  said  that  those  of  that  language  wore 
bracelets  of  gold,  on  the  wrists  and  on  tiie  fleshy  part  of  the 
arms  and  in  their  ears,  and  that  from  there  they  were  fourteen 
dajrs'  journey,  of  those  which  they  travelled.  They  pointed 
to  this  language  between  west  and  northwest.  The  Indians 
also  said  that  the  Spaniards  could  travel  by  this  river  bottom 
all  the  way  to  the  sea,  and  that  it  was  ten  days'  joiuney,  of 
those  which  they  travel,  and  that  it  was  all  populated.  This 
river  can  be  navigated. 

They  set  out  from  here  and  travelled  five  leagues  without 
seeing  Lidians,  because  the  mountain  was  very  rough  and  the 
road  narrow  and  steep ;  but  beyond  this  narrow  pass  there  is 
a  wide  river  bottom,  very  thickly  settled.  Here  as  many 
Indians  came  out  with  food  to  receive  the  Spaniards  as  in  the 
last  rancherfa.  They  are  of  the  same  nation.  Being  asked 
about  the  sea  they  said  that  down  the  river  it  was  nine  days' 
journey,  but  if  they  crossed  the  river  it  was  only  fom:.  This 
river  they  kept  on  the  north  and  they  travelled  toward  the 
northwest.  It  did  not  seem  proper  to  the  adelantado  to  leave 
off  following  the  river  down  stream,  so  he  continued,  travelling 
through  its  bottom  lands,  seeing  alwa}rs  many  Indians,  asking 
aU  of  them  about  the  sea,  which  they  now  knew  was  called 
''acilla,"  and  all  answered  pointing  to  the  west,  northwest, 
north,  northeast,  and  east,  saying  that  thus  the  sea  curved,  and 
was  rather  near,  for  they  said  that  from  the  other  side  of  the 
river  it  was  only  four  days'  journey,  and  that  that  Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia is  not  closed,^  but  is  an  arm  of  the  sea  which  corresponds 
to  the  North  Sea  and  coast  of  Florida.  All  the  Indians  of  this 
river  are  comely  and  good-featured ;  and  the  women  are  hand- 
some, and  whiter  than  those  of  New  Spain,  being  people  of 
whom  the  men  go  naked  and  the  women^  in  skins,  having  the 

^  Father  Z&rate  was  writing  at  a  time  when  it  was  generally  bdieved  that 
California  was  an  island,  which  was  not  the  case  when  Oiiate  made  his  journey. 
See  the  relation  by  Father  Ascensi6n. 

>  EUos  for  eUas. 


1604]  JOURNEY  TO  CALIFORNIA  273 

loins  covered.  Always  when  these  Indians  travel  they  cany 
a  lighted  firebrand  in  the  hand,  for  which  I  think  it  should 
be  called  Tizon  River.  Thus  declared  a  soldier  of  this  journey 
^who  had  gone  with  Sebastian  Vizcaino  to  California ;  he  said 
t:hat  he  went  in  search  of  the  Tizon  River,  and  I  believe  that 
liad  he  reached  it  he  would  not  have  returned,  as  he  did,  for 
lack  of  food,  because  there  is  much  here. 

50.  Having  passed  this  nation  of  Amacabos,  of  which,  as 
of  the  others,  they  saw  only  what  was  along  the  road,  they  ar- 
rived at  the  nation  of  Bahacechas.^  The  language  is  almost 
^he  same,  they  are  friends,  and  they  conmiunicate  with  each 
other.  The  dwellings  of  all  those  of  this  river  are  low,  of  wood, 
smd  covered  with  earth.  The  chief  of  this  nation  is  called 
dJohota.  He  came  out  with  a  great  following  to  the  road  to 
receive  the  Spaniards  and  to  beg  them  not  to  pass  on  that 
day,  but  to  remain  over  night  in  his  pueblo;  and  this  was 
done  to  please  him.  This  Indian  and  his  people  told  of  many 
-things  and  secrets  of  the  land.  They  asked  them  about  the 
lake  of  Copalla  and  he  said  the  same  as  has  been  told ;  and  on 
showing  them  a  gold  toothpick,  he  put  it  to  his  wrist  as  if 
^putting  it  around,  giving  to  understand  that  the  Indians  of 
'thsit  lake  wore  bracelets  of  that  material.  The  adelantado 
showed  them  a  coral,  and  being  asked  where  there  was  some 
of  that,  they  pointed  toward  the  south.  They  said  that  the 
Indiana  of  the  coast  took  them  out  of  the  sea,  and  that  the  sea 
^^rhen  it  is  rough  casts  many  ashore,  and  that  the  Indians  dig 
xn  the  sand  and  take  it  out  to  sell.  This  about  the  coral  was 
said  by  all  the  Indians  where  they  passed,  and  it  was  seen  to 
\}e  the  truth,  as  much  was  found  in  the  possession  of  the  In- 
dian women. 

51.  After  having  passed  this  place,  and  while  resting  in 

iihe  pueblo  of  Captain  Otata,  of  the  same  nation,  they  a&ked 

liim  and  his  people  some  questions  and  showed  them  some 

sQver  buttons;   and  they  declared,  in  the  presence  of  many 

soldiers,  that  near  there,  pointing  toward  the  west,  there  was 

much  of  that  substance,  and  that  it  was  called  fiafie  querro. 

They  showed  them  a  silver  spoon,  and  as  soon  as  they  saw  it 

they  said  that  the  bowls  and  pots  from  which  they  ate  were 

^  Baodelier  thought  this  tribe  to  be  either  a  branch  of  the  Mohave  or  of  the 
Huallapais.    AzcL  Inst  of  Am.  Payera,  III.  110. 


274         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS        rie04 

of  the  same  subBtance,  and  they  indicated  that  they  were 
very  big  and  deep.  They  rolled  a  plate  of  sQver  so  that  it 
would  make  a  noise,  giving  to  understand  that  the  others 
sound  the  same  when  they  fall  on  the  ground,  and  that  they 
do  not  break ;  and  putting  a  silver  plate  on  the  fire  with  water 
in  it  they  said  that  in  the  place  they  told  about  tiiey  boiled 
meat  in  those  articles;  but  that  the  others,  altiiough tiiey 
were  of  the  same  material,  were  laige.  And  this  performance 
was  of  their  own  accord,  without  anyone's  suggesting  it  to 
them.  And  striking  the  plate  several  times  with  a  knife 
and  letting  it  fall  upon  it  with  violence,  so  that  it  would  make 
more  noise,  they  said  that  the  others  sounded  the  same,  and 
that  they  were  no  farther  than  five  days'  jomney  from  there, 
drawing  on  the  groimd  the  sea,  and  in  the  middle  of  it  an  island, 
which  they  call  Zinogaba,  which  is  the  name  of  the  nation  that 
inhabits  it.  To  this  island  one  goes  by  sea  in  canoes  or  boats, 
and  since  from  the  coast  thero  it  is  only  one  day's  sail,  they 
set  out  in  the  morning  and  are  thero  beforo  sunset.  They 
showed  on  the  ground  the  size  of  the  boat,  drawing  a  line  on 
the  groimd;  he  commenced  to  measure,  and  the  boat  was 
seventy  feet  long  and  twenty  wide.  On  asking  them  if  the 
boat  carried  a  sail  in  the  middle,  the  Indian  took  a  stick  and 
put  it  in  the  middle  of  the  boat  which  he  had  drawn,  with  an 
Indian  at  the  stem,  making  as  if  he  managed  the  rudder.  He 
then  took  a  cloth  and,  stretching  out  his  arms  on  the  stick  that 
he  had  set  up,  started  to  run  as  fast  as  he  could,  saying  that 
thus  the  others  ran  through  the  water,  and  much  faster.  It 
is  certain  that  if  the  Indians  had  not  seen  it  they  would  not 
know  how  to  draw  it  so  perfectly.  They  said  also  that  the  in- 
habitants of  that  island  all  wear  around  the  neck  and  in  the 
ears  pearl  shells,  which  they  call  "xicullo."  They  also  told  of 
an  instrument  with  which  they  make  the  sound  when  tJiey 
dance.  It  is  a  long  stick  from  which  are  pendant  many  pieces 
of  that  metal  of  which  they  make  dishes  from  which  they 
eat;  and,  making  a  great  noise,  they  dance  in  pairs  to  the 
soimd. 

52.  With  all  these  reports,  the  adelantado  did  not  wish  to 
leave  off  going  in  search  of  a  port,  as  it  was  so  easy  to  see, 
with  the  advantage  of  guides,  for  they  volimteered  for  that 
pmpose.    Having  passed  this  nation  of  Bahacecha  they  ai^ 


leMJ  JOURNEY  TO  CAUFORNIA  275 

nved  at  the  nation  of  Ozaras^  Indians,  a  difficult  tongue; 
the  Indians  are  ill-featured,  less  affable,  and  from  them  Uttle 
satisfaction  and  less  security  can  be  had.    These  Indians  are 
settled  along  a  large  river,  although  not  of  as  much  water  as 
that  of  Buena  Esperanza.  It  is  called  Nombre  de  Jesus  River  ;* 
^t  runs  between  bare  mountains,  and  flows  into  the  Buena 
^^speranza  from  southeast  to  northwest,  twenty  leagues  before 
Reaching  the  sea.    It  was  learned  that  all  the  river  is  inhab- 
ited by  this  nation,  and  that  the  people  are  numerous.    They 
^l^ew  on  the  ground  twenty  rancheri as  or  pueblos  of  this  nation, 
^^ey  make  marUas  of  cotton ;  the  dress  and  hair  are  different 
*i^m  the  rest ;  the  hair  is  long  and  they  wear  it  braided,  and 
^:ien  covered  with  a  cloth  or  deer  skin.    The  river  makes  many 
t^^ains*  in  this  meadow.    Here  they  saw  some  good  and  sweet 
^^«k  acorns,  which  the  Indians  said  were  from  the  other  side  of 
^iie  river,  and  that  there  were  many  of  them.    On  asking  about 
^^6  source  of  the  Buena  Esperanza  River,  the  Indians  said 
"J-liat  it  is  near  the  sea,  toward  the  northwest,  and  that  from 
^t»  source  to  where  it  enters  the  sea  it  is  one  hundred  and  sixty 
X^agues,  all  populated,  and  that  at  its  source  range  buffaloes 
^nd  deer  of  the  kind  as  big  as  horses,  from  which  it  is  seen  that 
it  is  good  level  coimtry  and  well  watered. 

'From  this  river  of  Nombre  de  Jesus  to  the  sea  it  is  very 
tJiickly  settled  with  more  people  than  had  been  seen  hitherto ; 
l)ut  the  language  is  like  that  of  Bahacecha,^  and  if  it  is  not 
the  same,  they  differ  very  little.    The  dress,  the  manner  of 
living,  and  the  houses  are  the  same,  and  they  are  well-featured 
and  comely.    All  came  out  to  receive  the  Spaniards,  and  offered 
them  their  food.    Among  these  Indians  were  found  many 
white  pearlnshells  and  other  shells,  very  large  and  shining, 
which  they  make  into  squares*  and  drills,  which  are  very 
sightly.    These  Indians  said  that  on  the  coast  toward  the  west 
there  were  many  of  those  shells,  and  they  indicated  that  the 
sea  ran  behind  a  very  large  moimtain,  on  the  skirts  of  which 
the  Buena  Elsperanza  River  enters  the  sea.    From  these  In- 
dians they  again  informed  themselves  anew  of  all  the  things 

^  Supposed  by  Banddier  to  be  the  Maricopa.    Arch.  Inst,  of  Am.  Papers, 
ULllO. 

«  "Name  of  Jesus'";  the  GUa. 

*  Oflerot.  *  The  Yuman.  '  TVanalation  unoertaiiu 


276         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS        [1604 

that  Captain  Otata  had  told  of,^  and  they  did  not  differ  in 
anything.    And  showing  them  a  pearl,  they  gave  it  a  name 
and  said  there  were  many  and  very  laige.    And  one  Indian, 
coming  up  to  the  Father  Commissary  and  taking  a  rosary  of 
large  beads  that  he  wore  on  his  neck,  said  that  there  were 
pearls  as  large  and  thick  as  the  beads  of  that  rosary ;  and  in 
r^ard  to  the  island  of  Zinogaba,  they  said  that  the  mistress 
or  chieftainess  of  it  was  a  giantess,  and  that  she  was  called 
Cinacacohola,  which  means  chieftainess  or  mistress.    They 
pictured  her  as  the  height  of  a  man-and-a-half  of  those  of  the 
coast;  and  like  them  very  corpulent,  very  broad,  and  with  big 
feet ;  and  that  she  was  old,  and  that  she  had  a  sister,  also  a 
giantess,  and  that  there  was  no  man  of  her  kind,  and  that  she 
did  not  mingle  with  anyone  of  the  island.    The  mystery  of  her 
reigning  on  that  island  could  not  be  solved,  whether  it  was  by 
inheritance,  or  tyranny  by  force  of  arms.    And  tJiey  said 
that  all  on  the  island  were  bald,  having  no  hair  on  the  head. 
53.  The  first  nation  after  passing  the  Nombre  de  Jesus 
River  is  the  Halchedoma.*    There  are  eight  pueblos:   the 
first  has  one  himdred  and  sixty  houses,  and  was  judged  to 
have  about  two  thousand  persons.    I  have  already  said  that 
they  saw  only  what  lay  along  the  road.    Next  is  the  nation 
of  Cohuana.'    There  are  nine  pueblos.    A  great  many  of 
these  went  along  with  the  Spaniards.    There  must  have  beea 
more  than  six  himdred  men  and  women.    They  camped  for 
the  night  with  the  Spaniards.    Next  is  the  nation  HagUi.^ 
There  are  one  hundred  pueblos.    Next  the  Tlalliquamallas,'^ 
six  pueblos.    Here  more  than  two  thousand  persons  assem- 
bled when  they  brought  the  maize.    Next  the  Cocapas;* 
there  are  nine  pueblos.    This  is  the  last  nation  seen,  and  they^ 
reached  to  the  last  place  where  one  can  drink  fresh  water, 
which  is  five  leagues  from  the  sea,  because  the  salt  comes  up 

^  Hecho  for  dicho, 

*  Alchedoma,  a  Yuman  tribe.    See  Hodge,  Handbook,  I.  36. 

*  Bandelier  identified  this  tribe  with  the  Yuma  proper  or  CuchaiL    AicL* 
Inst  of  Am.  Papers,  III.  110.    See  also  Hodge,  Handbook,  I.  520,  U.  1046. 

^Regarded  as  part  of  the  Halliquamayas,  or  Quigyumas  (Hodge,  Htmd^ 
book,  I.  520 ;  Bandelier,  Arch.  Inst.  Am.  Papers,  HI.  110). 

*  Halliquamaya,  or  Quigyuma  (Hodge,  Handbook,  H.  340, 1059). 

*  Still  so  called.   See  Rodge,  Handbook,!.  319.   They  are  noted  for  the  grea«^ 
size  of  the  men. 


ie05]  JOURNEY  TO  CALIFORNIA  277 

stream  that  far.  In  the  space  between  the  Nombre  de  Jesus 
River  and  the  arrival  at  the  sea  they  saw  more  than  twenty 
thousand  persons  on  that  side  of  the  river  alone.  They  said 
that  on  the  other  side  they  were  innumerable,  but  only  the 
smokes  were  seen.  The  Indians  said  that  they  did  not  cross 
to  the  other  side  because  the  others  were  their  enemies,  al- 
though of  the  same  nation,  and  that  they  came  and  killed 
them  and  did  great  harm  to  them,  by  which  it  can  be  seen 
that  the  others  are  numerous. 

They  arrived  on  San  Udefonso's  day^  at  the  last  stopping 
place,  nearest  to  the  sea,  and  the  last  where  water  can  be 
drunk.  Then,  the  day  of  the  conversion  of  San  Pablo,^  having 
sung  mass,  the  adelantado  and  religious,  with  nine  soldiers. 
Bet  out  and  arrived  at  a  wonderful  port,  which  port  and  bay 
are  made  by  the  Buena  Esperanza  River  when  it  enters  the 
sea.  We  call  it  Port  of  the  Conversion  of  San  Pablo.  So 
large  is  this  port  that  more  than  a  thousand  vessels  can  anchor 
in  it  without  hindrance  to  one  another.  The  river  enters  the 
sea  by  a  mouth  foiu:  leagues  wide.  It  forms  in  the  middle  of 
the  mouth  a  small,  low  island,  not  of  sand,  as  is  all  the  coast, 
but  of  mud,  the  whole  island,  which  must  be  about  two  leagues 
long  from  northwest  to  southeast.' 

Prom  what  could  be  seen,  it  forms  a  great  shelter*  to  the 
bay;  the  island  enters  it  by  that  river,  southeast-by-east, 
dividing  it  into  two  mouths,  one  to  the  east  and  one  to  the 
southeast,  each  being  more  than  a  league  and  a  half  wide. 
The  port  is  guarded  and  protected  from  the  south  and  west 
by  a  mountain  range,^  between  whose  bases  the  river  enters 
the  sea,  which  there  trends  nearly  north  and  south,  or  north- 
west and  southeast ;  and  a  point  of  the  range  runs  more  than 
ox  leagues  into  the  sea.^  On  the  east  this  port  or  bay  has 
another  mountain  range,  ^  which  runs  seaward  from  north- 
east to  southwest.  It  is  seen  seven  leagues  distant  from  the 
bay ;  it  ends  .and  terminates  at  the  sea  in  seven  or  eight  small 
hifls  or  buttes,  with  low  points.    Beyond  these,  on  the  edge 

^  January  23.  *  January  25. 

'  Montague  Island  answers  this  description. 

*  Or  barrier ;  the  word  is  reparo,  •  Sierra  Gigantia  (  ?) 

•This  might  be  Shell  Point,  or  Point  Diggs  farther  south. 

^  Sierra  Soni^yta. 


278         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS        U606 

of  the  land,  it  forms  a  point,  higher  than  the  rest,  in  which 
the  range  ends.    On  the  west  side,  which  is  the  one  next  to 
the  bay,  it  ends  in  three  small  hills  or  round  points,  somewhat 
more  elevated  than  those  of  the  other  range,  and  the  last  of 
these  is  higher  than  the  other  two.    Beyond  these,  toward  the 
edge  of  the  land,  it  forms  a  more  elevated  point,  whence  the 
range  forms  a  sharp  ridge  which  runs  inland  more  than  twenty 
leagues  south-southeast  and  north-northwest.    The  gulf,  on 
this  coast  where  they  were,  trends  east  and  west,  and  doubling^^^ 
the  point  of  this  mountain  range  on  the  west  side,  which  aT^ 
have  already  said  enters  the  sea  more  than  six  leagues,  it 
behind  this  mountain  northward,^  according  to  what  all  th< 
Indians  said,  both  those  of  the  coast  and  t^ose  of  the  riveri^' 
for  they  declared  that  it  turns  to  the  north,  northeast,  and  east.^^  ^^ 

54.  The  adelantado,  Don  Juan  de  Ofiate,  took  possessioa^:^ 
of  this  port  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty,  and  gave  po8se88ion.^=« 
in  his  Majesty's  name  to  the  Father  Commissary,  Fray  Fran-  — --" 
Cisco  de  Escobar,  in  order  that  our  sacred  religion  may  settle^^^ 
and  people  that  land  and  the  others  next  it  and  round  about,  <^.^i 
and  that  we  may  occupy  ourselves  in  the  conversion  of  the^^^ 
natives  in  the  place  and  places  most  suited  to  our  mode  of  ^9=^*^ 
life. 

55.  We  took  this  possession  on  the  25th  of  the  month  of 
January,  day  of  the  conversion  of  the  Apostle  St.  Paul,  patron 
of  those  provinces  and  of  the  Custodia  of  New  Mexico,  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  1605,  for  the  glory  and  honor  of  God  our 
Lord. 

56.  This  done,  the  adelantado  and  those  who  had  gone 
with  him  returned  to  the  camp,  in  order  that  the  rest  of  the 
soldiers  might  go  and  certify  to  the  sea.  They  did  so,  the 
space  of  four  days  being  spent  therein.  Some  soldiers  stated 
that  they  had  seen  timny-fish,  and  that  they  knew  them  be- 
cause they  were  men  from  Spain.  BEaving  seen  this,*  they 
came  back  by  the  same  way  they  had  gone,  being  as  well  re- 
ceived by  the  Indians  and  with  the  same  hospitality  as  when 
going. 

Having  arrived  among  the  Ozaras  Indians,  as  they  had 

^  This  mterpretation  of  what  the  Indians  said  agreed  with  the  theoiy  cur- 
lent  when  Z&rate  wrote,  that  California  was  an  island. 

'  He  refers  now  to  the  return  6t  the  whde  party  to  New  Mezioou 


f 


leoSl  JOURNEY  TO  CALIFORNIA  279 

already  inquired  of  the  other  nations,  and  all  had  said  that 

this  nation  is  very  extensive  and  runs  along  the  coast;  and  that 

these  are  the  ones  who  get  from  the  sea  the  coral  which  they 

call  giuicame,  they  made  inquiry  and  found  a  few.    They  said 

that  since  they  were  a  long  distance  from  the  coast  they 

did  not  have  many;   but  further  up  the  Buena  Esperanza 

Biver,  among  Indians  of  this  same  nation,  a  few  more  were 

found,  and  in  the  province  of  Zuni  still  more  were  found 

and  bartered  for.    They^  said  the  Indians  of  the  valleys  of 

Senora^  brought  them  there  to  sell;   and  that  they  are  no 

ocQore  than  seven  days'  journey  from  there,'  and  that  they  get 

Uiem  out  of  the  sea,  and  are  not  far  from  there ;  and  that  this 

nation  extends  to  that  place.     This  sea  they  pointed  out 

t^o^w^ard  the  south  and  southwest.    Father  Fray  Francisco  de 

Sscobar  found  that  from  the  province  of  New  Mexico  to  the 

sea,  on  the  road  alone,  there  were  ten  different  languages.^ 

This  priest  was  so  able  and  had  so  fine  a  memory  that  wherever 

lie  went  he  promptly  learned  the  tongue,  and  so  on  the  retiun 

journey  he  talked  with  all  the  nations  and  they  all  understood 

hum. 

They  arrived  at  the  Bahacechas  where,  on  going.  Chief 

Otata  and  the  others  had  given  so  many  reports  of  the  coun- 

t;ry^  of  the  lake  of  Copalla  and  of  the  gold,  and  of  the  island 

of  gold  and  silver.    On  examining  them  again,  they  made  the 

QBxae  statement  as  on  the  journey  going,  without  varying  it 

in  any  respect.    They  went  through  the  same  performance 

'With  the  plate  of  silver  as  on  the  outward  journey,  as  has  been 

Baid ;   only  they  added  that  this  silver  was  taken  out  of  the 

"top  of  a  hfll  which  was  on  the  further  side  of  the  island,  behind 

^hich  the  sun  hides  when  it  sets;   and  they  said  that  they 

cut  it  out  with  a  hard  instrument.    Being  asked  if  it  was  of 

the  same  they  said  no,  and  gave  to  understand  that  it  was 

Bomething  dark-yellow;    and  being  shown  a  small  sheet  of 

brass,  they  said  it  was  not  of  that  material.    Seeing  that  they 

were  not  understood,  one  of  them  rose  and  went  to  the  ade- 

lantado's  kitchen  and  took  hold  of  a  copper  kettle  and  said 

that  the  instrument  with  which  was  cut  the  metal  of  which 

they  made  their  bowls  and  pots  was  like  that. 

^TheZufiis.  'Sonora.  *ZufiL 

*  Legtuu,  a  misprint  for  lenguas  (Lummis). 


280         NEW  MEXICO:  THE  ONATE  EXPEDITIONS        [1605 

The  Spaniards  set  out  from  here,  and  Chief  Otata  came 
forth  to  the  road  to  receive  them,  with  a  great  following  and 
a  tumult  of  ceremonies;  as  is  their  custom,  flinging  their  bows 
and  arrows  to  earth.  He  gave  the  governor  a  string  of  white 
beads  which  he  wore  on  his  neck,  and  the  Father  Conmiis- 
sary  another,  which  among  them  is  a  great  gift.  These  he 
had  sent  to  the  island  of  Zinogova  to  purchase  with  some  cotton 
mantas,  which  on  going  the  governor  had  given  him  for  that 
purpose.  It  is  plainly  to  be  seen  that  the  island  is  near  since 
he  had  gone  and  returned  in  so  short  a  time.  They  again  ex- 
amined them  about  everything  and  in  nothing  did  they  con- 
tradict themselves. 

67.  They  told  of  many  prodigies  of  nature  which  God  has 
created  between  the  Buena  Esperanza  River  and  the  sea,  and 
which  have  caused  incredulity  in  the  hearers.  When  we  see 
them  we  will  affirm  them  under  oath ;  but  in  the  meantime  I 
refrain  from  mentioning  them,  and  pass  them  by  in  silence. 
And  to  put  an  end  to  this  journey,  I  will  say  that  after  having 
endured  much  hardship  and  hunger  (even  coming  to  eat  their 
horses)  which,  lest  I  be  too  long,  I  do  not  recount,  they  reached 
the  villa  of  San  Gabriel  on  their  return,  all  sound  and  well, 
and  not  a  man  missing,  on  the  25th  of  April  of  the  year  1605. 
There  they  rested,  and  were  as  well  received  as  they  had  been 
anxiously  awaited. 


I.   EXPLORATION  AND  SETTLEMENT 

IN  TEXAS,  1675-1690 

THE  BOSQUE-LARIOS  EXPEDITION,  1675 


INTRODUCTION 

In  the  course  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries 
*^^  frontiers  of  New  Spain  had  expanded  northeastward  as 
"^^  as  northward  and  northwestward.    In  the  sixteenth  cen- 
^^^^  the  three  columns  of  advancing  outposts  had  kept  a 
^^^rly  equal  pace.    In  1522  CJortfe  founded  Pdnuco,  and  by 
^^C5  the  advance  up  the  central  plateau  had  resulted  in  con- 
^^Xcsts  as  far  to  the  northeast  as  Saltillo  and  perhaps  as  far 
Monterey.    Advance  was  now  made  again  along  the  Gulf 
when  in  1579  Luis  de  Carabajal  was  authorized  to  found 
new  Kingdom  of  Nuevo  Le6n.    This  province  was  to  ex- 
two  hundred  leagues  north  from  Pdnuco,  thus  embracing 
^*Mach  territory  now  within  the  state  of  Texas.    In  (or  by) 
^"^SS  Carabajal  took  a  colony  inland,  opened  the  mines  of 
Gregorio,  and  founded  the  capital  city  of  Ledn,  now  Cer- 
Ivo,  a  few  miles  south  of  the  Rio  Grande.    Within  the  next 
years  several  points  were  settled  between  Cerralvo  and 
-^lonterey,  and  in  1590  Carabajal  founded  the  Villa  de  Alma- 
^€n,  where  Monclova  now  stands.    While  there  he  was  arrested 
"%)y  order  of  the  Inquisition  and  taken  to  Mexico,  leaving  Cas- 
^tafio  de  Sosa  in  charge.    But  Sosa,  as  has  been  stated  else- 
where, promptly  deserted  the  place  and  led  his  colony  to  New 
M«ico.    In  1603  and  again  in  1644  efforts  were  made  to  open 
the  mines  at  Almad^n,  but  without  success,  and  Cerralvo  re- 
mained the  northeastem  outpost. 

Attention  was  drawn  beyond  this  frontier,  however,  by 
various  interests.  There  was  frequent  talk  of  establishing 
communication  with  Florida  by  land.  To  discover  a  rumored 
SQver  Hill  (Cerro  de  la  Plata)  somewhere  to  the  north,  several 

283 


«4  TEXAS:  BOSQOE-LARIOS  EXPEDITION 

attempts  were  made  before  1650  from  both  Nuevo  Le6n  and 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  but  were  frustrated  by  Indian  hostilities. 
Soon  after  that  date  the  pursuit  of  Indians  led  the  frontier  sol- 
diery across  the  lower  Hio  Grande.  In  1655,  after  long  con- 
tinued troubles;  a  troop  of  one  hundred  and  three  soldiers, 
supported  by  more  than  three  himdred  Indian  allies,  was  led 
by  Fem^dez  de  Azcu6  against  the  Cacaxtles.  Going  north 
from  Monterey,  at  a  place  twenty-four  leagues  beyond  the 
Rio  Grande  they  encountered  the  enemy,  slew  a  hundred  war- 
riors, and  took  seventy  prisoners.  This  expedition  made  by 
Azcu6  is  the  first  to  cross  the  lower  Rio  Grande  northward  of 
which  we  have  expUcit  information.  And  it  was  nearly  twenty 
years  more  before  another  was  made  of  which  we  have  record. 

Thus  by  1670  the  Spaniards  had  barely  broken  over  the 
Rio  Grande  below  the  Pecos.  Now,  however,  another  forward 
step  was  taken,  the  frontier  of  settlement  pushed  northeast- 
ward, Coahuila  f  oimded,  and  missionary  work  extended  beyond 
the  Rio  Grande.  The  pioneers  in  this  advance  were  the  mis- 
sionaries ;  their  leader  was  Father  Juan  Larios,  a  Franciscan 
friar  of  the  province  of  Santiago  de  Jalisco,  whose  headquarters 
were  at  Guadalajara. 

The  principal  factor  in  bringing  this  movement  about  was 
the  Indian  situation.  The  needs  of  the  frontier  settlements 
demanded  that  the  Indians  of  the  Coahuila  be  pacified.  Not 
only  the  settlements  of  Nuevo  Ledn,  but  also  those  of  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  and  even  of  Nueva  GaHcia,  were  greatly  troubled  by 
the  tribes  of  the  Coahuila  district  and  of  the  region  beyond 
the  Rio  Grande.  The  roads  between  the  frontier  outposts 
were  tmsaf e  for  travellers,  while  mines  and  ranches  were  being 
abandoned.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  clear  that  for  several 
years  some  of  the  Indians  of  Coahuila  and  even  from  beyond 
the  Rio  Grande  had  been  asking  for  missionaries,  and,  und^ 
what  influences  we  do  not  know,  had  sent  messengers  to  Sal- 
tillo,  Parral,  Guadalajara,  and  Mexico  City  to  seek  th^n. 


INTRODUCTION  285 

Whfle  on  one  of  these  journeys  to  Guadalajara  they  came  into 
contact  with  Father  Larios,  whom  they  begged  to  go  to  aid 
them. 

In  response  to  this  call  Father  Larios  went  in  1670  to  the 
troubled  Coahuila  frontier,  where  he  seems  to  have  remained 
alone  for  some  three  years.  Returning  to  Guadalajara  for 
help,  in  1673  he  went  again  to  Coahuila,  accompanied  by 
Father  Dionysio  de  Penasco  and  Fray  Manuel  de  la  Cruz,  a 
lay  brother.  Aided  by  soldiers  from  Saltillo  imder  Captain 
Elisondo,  early  in  1674  they  foimded  of  the  roving  tribes  two 
Indian  settlements,  one  on  the  Sabinas  River  and  one  to  the 
northward  of  that  stream.  On  one  of  his  missionary  trips 
made  at  this  time  Fray  Manuel  is  known  to  have  crossed  the 
Rio  Grande,  where  he  came  into  contact  with  the  Yrbipiames, 
Gueiquesales,  and  Boboles. 

Thus  far  the  conquest  had  been  only  "en  lo  espiritual." 

But  in  May,  1674,  Don  Antonio  Balcdrcel  Riva  de  Neira 

Sotomayor  was  made  alcalde  mayor  of  the  province  of  Coahuila, 

or  Nueva  Estremadura,  and  charged  with  its  conquest  and 

Settlement.    At  the  same  time  the  missionary  field  was  more 

completely  organized.    In  November  Balcdrcel  set  out  from 

Saltillo  with  settlers,  stock,  implements,  and  provisions,  and 

a  following  of  Coahuila  Indians.    Balcdrcel's  lieutenant  was 

Fernando  del  Bosque,  who  had  been  with  Elisondo.    Father 

Xiarios,  who  now  had  the  title  of  comisario  of  the  missions,  met 

^alcdrcel  a  few  leagues  out.    Fray  Manuel  was  also  with  the 

party,  as  well  as  Father  Dionysio  de  San  Buenaventura,  a  new 

xnissionary.    Father  Penasco  does  not  appear  in  the  records 

tiU  the  following  April;  he  may  have  remained  in  the  mis- 

cdonaiy  field  while  Father  Larios  made  preparations  for  larger 

work. 

Beginning  at  a  point  twenty  leagues  from  Saltillo,  which 
point  was  regarded  as  the  border  of  Coahuila,  Balcdrcel  cere- 
moniously took  possession  of  all  the  important  watering  places 


286  TEXAS:  BOSQUE-LARIOS  EXPEDITION 

on  the  way,  till  on  the  23d  he  reached  the  site  of  thrice  de- 
serted Nuevo  Almadto.  This  place  he  selected  as  the  head 
of  his  jurisdiction;  and  the  site  of  a  city  called  Nuestra  Senora 
de  Guadalupe,  province  of  Nueva  Elstremadura.  Municipal 
officers  were  elected,  crops  planted,  ditches  opened,  a  church 
b^un,  and  by  February  25  the  outlines  of  a  civil  settlement 
were  complete. 

Meanwhile  Father  Larios  and  Fray  Manuel  were  sent  out 
to  assemble  the  northern  Indians  with  a  view  to  establishing 
them  in  pueblos.  In  the  com^e  of  the  next  five  months  they 
brought  in  the  chiefs,  sometimes  with  followers,  of  band  after 
band,  who  made  submission,  received  pardon  for  past  wrongs, 
and  were  promised  aid.  By  the  end  of  April  an  Indian  set- 
tlement, called  Pueblo  de  la  Luna,  had  been  foimded  near 
Guadalupe.  It  was  designed  in  the  first  place  for  the  Bobole 
following,  but  as  other  bands  arrived  they  were  temporarily 
added  to  it,  imtil  the  host  was  foimd  to  be  too  great  and  com- 
posed of  too  many  hostile  elements  to  be  cared  for  on  one  spot.* 

By  this  time,  moreover,  because  of  the  declarations  of  the 
chiefs  concerning  the  great  number  of  Indians  beyond  the 
Rio  Grande,  especially  near  Sierra  Dacate,  of  the  petitions 
which  they  brought  from  their  bands,  and  of  the  aversion  of 
the  different  groups  toward  settling  together,  it  was  decided 
before  proceeding  further  to  send  an  expedition  across  the  Bio 
Grande,  to  learn  the  facts  of  the  Indian  situation. 

Being  in  ill  health  himself,  Balcdrcel  entrusted  the  mission 
to  Fernando  del  Bosque.    Besides  Fathers  Larios  and  San 


^  For  a  sketch  of  the  expansion  of  the  northeastern  frontier  of  New 
in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries,  see  Bolton,  "The  Spanish  Oocupatioii 
of  Texas,  1519-1690,"  in  the  Southwestern  Historical  Quarterly,  XVI.  11-17. 
See  also  Alonso  DeLe6n,  Hiatoria  de  Nuevo  Le6n  (Mexico,  1909) ;  E^st^ian  L. 
Portillo,  ApurUee  para  la  Historia  Antigua  de  Coahuila  y  Texas  (Saltillo,  1888) ; 
£.  J.  Gonz&lez,  Lecciones  Orales  de  Historia  de  Nuevo  Le6n  (Monterey,  1887); 
£.  J.  Gonz&lez,  ColecMn  de  Noticias  y  Documentos  para  la  Historia  del  Esiado 
de  Nuevo  Ledn  (Monterey,  1885) ;  Alejandro  Prieto,  Historia,  Qeografla  y 
distica  del  Estado  de  Tamaulipas  (Mexico,  1873). 


INTRODUCTION  287 

Buenaventura,  who  went  to  take  ecclesiastical  possession  of 
the  country,  Bosque  was  ordered  to  take  ten  Spaniards;  lA- 
zaro  AgustfU;  governor  of  the  Pueblo  de  la  Luna  and  inter- 
preter,  the  Bobole  chief,  Juan  de  la  Cruz,  accompanied  by 
twenty-one  of  his  men,  and  one  himdred  Gueiquesale  warriors, 
these  to  be  recruited  beyond  the  Nadadores.  He  was  to  go 
as  far  as  the  Sierra  Dacate  (Sacatsol)  or  farther,  if  necessary, 
to  take  royal  possession,  see  the  Indians,  aid  the  missionaries, 
and  bring  back  a  full  report. 

On  the  same  day  that  he  received  his  instructions  Bosque 
set  out  northward,  which  direction,  according  to  his  diary,  he 
continued  to  follow  to  the  end  of  his  journey.  His  return  was 
by  a  more  westward  route.  Of  each  of  the  stopping  places  on 
the  way  he  took  possession,  giving  it  a  name,  while  the  mi^ 
sionaries  set  up  a  portable  altar  which  they  carried,  said  mass, 
and  instructed  the  Indians  whom  they  encoimtered. 

In  regard  to  the  names  and  numbers  of  Indians  no  details 
are  given  before  the  crossing  of  the  Rio  Grande,  Bosque's 
objective  point  being  the  country  beyond.  The  distances 
given  in  the  diary  are  thirty  leagues  to  the  Sabinas,  thirty-one 
from  that  stream  to  the  Rio  Grande,  nineteen  to  Sierra  Dacate, 
and  twenty-three  leagues  beyond  that  point  to  San  Pablo, 
the  last  place  reached.  From  the  statements  regarding  direc- 
tions and  relative  distances  to  the  Sabinas  and  the  Rio  Grande, 
it  is  inferred  that  the  route  was  northeast,  toward  Eagle  Pass 
or  above.  The  Ona  River,  crossed  eleven  leagues  beyond  the 
Bio  Grande,  was  in  all  probability  a  branch  of  the  Nueces, 
and  it  seems  not  improbable  that  the  Sierra  Dacate  was  the 
present  Anacacho  Moimtain,  and  that  San  Pablo,  the  limit 
of  the  journey,  was  in  Edwards  Coimty.^ 

North  of  the  Rio  Grande,  Bosque  and  Larios  encoimtered 
Indians  of  the  Yorica,  Jeapa,  Bibit,  Pinanaca,  Xaeser,  Teni- 

^From  other  data  we  know  that  Sierra  Sacatsol  was  between  San  Juan 
Btiitistaand  the  Pecos. 


4 


288  TEXAS:  BOSQUE-LABIOS  EXPEDITION 

mama,  Cocoma,  Xoman,  Teroodan,  Teaname,  Teimamar, 
Gueiquesale,  and  Geniocane  tribes,  some  of  whom  lived  on  the 
other  side  but  had  crossed  over  to  hmit  buffalo.  Among  the 
Gueiquesales  he  rescued  a  Spanish  boy  who  had  lived  among 
the  Indians  so  long  that  he  had  forgotten  his  own  language. 

Returning  to  Guadalupe  in  June,  Bosque  reported  that 
the  country,  so  far  as  he  had  seen  it,  comprised  three  chains 
of  settlements.  That  extending  northward  from  Guadalupe  on 
the  left  hand  was  of  the  following  of  Chief  Estdban,  Gueique- 
sale;  the  middle  one  comprised  the  followers  of  the  Bobole 
chief,  Juan  de  la  Cruz ;  that  on  the  right,  or  to  the  northeast, 
was  of  the  Catujane  following.  Other  reports  added  a  fourth 
group  lying  to  the  northwest,  imder  the  leadership  of  the  Sali- 
neros,  but  included  by  Bosque  in  the  Gueiquesale  following. 
In  view  of  their  great  nmnbers,  of  their  racial  differences,  and 
of  their  hostility  toward  each  other,  Bosque  reconunended 
three  principal  settlements,  independent  and  separate,  served 
by  twelve  missionaries,  and  kept  in  order  by  a  presidio  of  not 
less  than  seventy  soldiers. 

The  Bosque-Larios  expedition  across  the  Rio  Grande, 
though  not  great  in  size  or  extent,  was  important  in  its  bear- 
ings. Taken  with  the  preliminary  reconnaissance  of  Fray 
Manuel  de  la  Cruz  a  few  months  before,  it  is  the  earliest  wdl- 
authenticated  missionary  expedition  on  record  to  cross  the 
Rio  Grande  from  the  south  at  any  point  below  the  Pecos. 
Bosque's  report  on  the  Indian  situation  is  one  of  the  most  valu- 
able extant  for  the  region  and  period.  As  a  result  of  the  re- 
ports and  recommendations  of  Bosque  and  Father  Larios, 
four  missions  were  soon  established  in  the  Coahuila  district, 
to  serve  Indians  Uving  to  the  north  as  well  as  to  the  south  of 
the  Rio  Grande.  And  now  the  Tejas,  Indians  living  far  on 
the  Louisiana  border,  rose  above  the  Coahuila  horizon.  In 
1676  the  Bishop  of  Guadalajara  visited  Monclova,  and  one 
of  the  reasons  which  he  gave  for  favoring  the  adoption  of  the 


INTRODUCTION  289 

:2Deasures  urged  by  Bosque  waa  the  opportunity  it  would  af- 

:Jord  to  reach  and  convert  the  more  important  Tejas,  beyond. 

The  principal  source  of  information  for  the  Bosque-Larios 

«q)edition  is  a  manuscript  in  the  archives  of  SaltillO;  Coahuila, 

^^ntitled:   '^  Autos  de  la  conquista  de  la  Prov^  de  Coahuila 

liecha  en  este  ano  por  D.  Antonio  Balcarcel,  Ale®  Mayor  de 

<Ila :  gente  que  condujo :  asiento  y  fimdacion  de  la  ciudad  de 

IN.  Sra.  de  Guadalupe  Prov*  de  la  Nva.  Extremadura  a  8  de 

n!)bre  de  dho  ano  (hoy  Monclova) :  Religiosos  que  lo  acom- 

3>anaron  en  esta  empresa:  conversiones  de  las  naciones  bar- 

T)ara8  que  encontraron :  Expedicion  de  Fernando  del  Bosque, 

Ten**  de  Ale®  Mayor  a  la  parte  del  Norte :  descubrim***  de 

3a  tierra  y  nombres  que  puso  &  los  diversos  parajes  en  que 

^«Btubo,  hasta  la  otra  banda  del  Rio  g®  del  Norte.    Ereccion 

^e  las  primeras  miciones  y  naciones  de  que  compusieron. 

"Tiene  este  Quad^®  64  foxas  sin  19  que  le  faltan  al  principio, 

'^  quedan  en  45  utfles"  (Archivo  de  la  Secretaria  de  Gobiemo 

^^el  Estado  de  Coahuila^  legajo  no.  1,  Anos  1688  &  1736). 

This  document  consists  of  the  original  records  (autos)  of 

^he  preparation  of  the  Balcdrcel  expedition,  the  march  to  the 

^Bite  of  abandoned  Nuevo  Almad^,  the  foimding  there  of  the 

^^ty  of  Guadalupe  and  of  Pueblo  de  la  Luna,  the  Bosque- 

ILarios  expedition,  and  some  subsequent  events.    These  autos 

^are  followed  by  copies  of  the  original  records  of  the  preparation 

^f  Father  Larios  at  Guadalajara  and  Saltillo  for  his  expedition 

in  1673,  and  of  his  expedition  with  Elisondo  to  Coahuila  in 

167^1674.    They  contain  also  a  report  by  Balcdrcel  dated 

July  6,  1675,  to  the  audiencia  of  Guadalajara.    In  1888  these 

documents  were  printed,  with  essential  completeness,  but  with 

numerous  minor  inaccuracies,  in  Esteban  L.  Portillo's  Apuntes 

para  la  Historia  Antigua  de  Coahuila  y  Texas,  pp.  44-181.    In 

1903  an  abstract  of  the  autos  of  the  Bosque  expedition  across 

the  Bio  Grande  was  printed  in  the  Naiional  Geographic  Maga- 

zine  (XIV.  339-348),  as  "Translated  from  an  Old  Unpublished 


1 


290  TEXAS:  BOSQUE-LARIOS  EXPEDITION 

Spanish  Manuscript  by  Betty  B.  Brewster."  Presumably  the 
translator  used  the  manuscript  in  the  archives  at  Saltillo,  since 
it  is  evident  that  she  had  not  seen  the  printed  version  which 
had  appeared  in  the  same  city  fifteen  years  bef oi:e.  The  intro- 
duction preceding  that  translation  gives  a  brief  abstract  of  a 
part  of  the  earUer  documents^  but  besides  containing  grave  in- 
accuracies it  conveys  no  idea  of  the  bearing  of  the  expedition. 
The  translation  is  likewise  unsatisfactory.  It  is  very  much  ab- 
breviated, especially  in  the  difficult  places.  While  it  gives 
most  of  the  essentials  with  general  accuracy,  it  is  exceedingjiy 
free  and  inexact  in  matters  of  detail.  A  new  translation, 
therefore,  has  been  made. 


DIARY  OF  FERNANDO  DEL  BOSQUE,  1675^ 

In  the  province  of  Nueba  Estremadura  de  Quaguila,  on 
the  30th  day  of  April,  1675,  I,  Fernando  de  el  Bosque,  lieu- 
tenant alcalde  mayor^  of  the  province,  its  settlements  and  con- 
quest, and  its  royal  ensign,  acting  as  notary  public,  according 
to  orders,  there  being  no  public  or  royal  notary  within  more 
than  one  hundred  leagues,  set  out  this  day  from  the  city  of 
Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe,  of  said  province,  in  fulfillment 
of  the  orders  of  Captain  Don  Antonio  de  Balcarcel  Riba  de 
Neira  Sotomaior,  alcalde  mayor  of  said  province,  which  appear 
in  an  autc^  which  he  drew  this  day  (and  which  is  filed  in  the 
original  autos  of  settlement  and  conquest)  arising  from  the 
petition  of  Pablo,  Indian  chief  of  the  nation  of  Manosprietas, 
and  the  other  nations  from  the  Rio  del  Norte  and  its  vicinity,* 
and  the  rest  contained  in  the  auto  to  which  I  refer. 

And  having  set  out  with  the  Spaniards  and  governor,  cap- 
tain, ensign,  and  the  Indians  of  the  pueblo  of  San  Miguel  de 
Luna,  of  said  city,  and  in  company  with  the  fathers,  the  com- 
missary missionary,^  Fray  Juan  Larios,  and  Fray  Dionisio  de 
San  Buena  Venting,  chaplain  of  said  conquest,  of  the  order  of 
the  Seraphic  San  R:ancisco ;  and  having  travelled  down  the 
river*  from  said  city  toward  the  north,  I  arrived  at  a  place 
which  they  said  was  called  Pajarito,  on  said  river,  about  six 
leagues  from  said  city.  Finding  it  imoccupied  and  uninhab- 
ited, and  with  no  sign  of  having  formerly  been  inhabited,  I 
took  royal  possession  in  the  name  of  the  King,  our  Lord  Carlos 
II.,  God  preserve  him.    I  took  said  possession  in  legal  form, 

^  ''Autos  de  la  conquista  de  la  Prov*  de  Coahuila"  (manuscript  in  the  Archivo 
de  la  Secretarfa  de  Gobiemo  del  Estado  ^  Coahuila,  legajo  no.  1,  AiLos  1688  4 
1736). 

*  TenierUe  de  alcalde  mayor,  "Lieutenant"  is  a  rather  free  translation  for 
tenierUe,  and  yet  in  this  case  it  conveys  the  essential  meaning. 

*  An  aiUo  is  a  judicial  act,  such  as  a  decree,  writ,  or  legalized  record.  In 
the  following  pages  the  meaning  is  usually  conveyed  by  "legal  record." 

*  They  had  asked  to  be  settled  in  missions.  '  Comitario  mirionero. 

*  Rio  de  Mondova,  which  runs  through  Mondova. 

291 


292  TEXAS:  BOSQUE-LARIOS  EXPEDITION  [1675 

made  a  legal  record,^  ordered  a  high  wooden  cross  erected,  and 
walked  over  the  place  and  along  the  bank  of  the  river,  in 
which  I  saw  many  fish,  some  of  which  they  caught,  to  which 
I  certify.  And  I  named  the  place  San  Felipe  de  Jesus ;  and 
in  order  that  it  may  always  be  known  I  set  it  down  in  a  l^al 
record,  which  I  signed  with  the  assisting  witnesses,  namdy 
Ambrosio  de  Berlanga  and  Diego  Luis  Sanches ;  and  the  said 
fathers,  the  commissary  missionary  and  the  chaplain,  being 
witnesses,  also  signed  it.  Fernando  de  el  Bosque  (rubric)  ; 
Ambrosio  Berlanga  (rubric),  witness;  Diego  Luis  Sanches 
(rubric),  witness;  Fray  Juan  Lakiob  (rubric) ;  Fray  Dionysio 
DE  San  Buena  Ventura  (rubric). 

In  said  province,  on  the  2d  day  of  the  month  of  May  of 
said  year,  I,  said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayor  of  said  conquest 
and  its  settlements,  having  already  left  the  post  of  San  Felipe 
de  Jesus  on  the  first  day  of  this  month,  and  always  travelling 
toward  the  north  and  down  the  river,  in  company  with  the 
said  fathers,  the  commissary  missionary  Fray  Juan  Larios, 
and  Chaplain  Fray  Dionisio  de  San  Buena  Ventura,  the  Span- 
iards,  the  governor,  and  Indians,  anived  and  saw  at  about 
four  leagues,  apparently,  that  this  river  joined  another.  And 
travelling  along  it  toward  the  north,  having  on  the  right  hand 
and  toward  the  sunrise  some  large  hills  with  sharp  peaks  of 
rock,  like  sugar  loaves,  and  passing  beyond  them,  I  arrived 
at  the  ford  of  a  river  called  Nadadores.'  Finding  it  unpos- 
sessed and  uninhabited  I  took  formal  possession  of  all  of  it 
in  the  king's  name.  I  walked  over  the  ground  and  made  a 
legal  record ;  this  day  Christian  instruction  was  given  to  the 
Indians ;  they  caught  fish  from  the  river,  which  cames  much 
water.  It  has  cotton  woods  and  many  mesquite  trees  on  its 
banks.  It  is  distant  from  San  FeUpe  about  ten  leagues.  I 
had  a  high  wooden  cross  erected  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  and 
named  the  ford  and  post  San  Francisco  del  Paso.  I  certify 
that  I  saw  taken  from  the  river  large  catfish,  bream,  mojarros, 
tortoises,  mud-turtles,  hobos,  and  eels,  and  had  them  in  my 
hands.' 

^  Rise  auto.  <  Still  so  caDed. 

*Iii  this  and  the  following  entries  the  formal  statements  about  signing 
have  been  omitted  to  save  space,  since  they  are  practically  identical  inth  that 
in  the  foregoing  entry. 


16751  DIARY  OF  BOSQUE  293 

In  said  province,  on  the  4th  of  the  said  month  and  year, 
I,  said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayor,  set  out  from  San  Francisco 
del  Paso  de  Nadadores  in  the  company  of  the  fathers  com- 
missary missionary  and  ch^^lain,  and  of  the  Spaniards,  the 
governor,  and  Indians;  and  having  crossed  said  river,  and  jour- 
neying north,  keeping  always  on  the  left  a  high,  long  moun- 
tain range  which  forms  what  resembles  a  chain,  and  runs  from 
south  to  north,^  and  having  travelled  apparently  about  four 
leagues,  I  arrived  at  an  arroyo  near  a  long  hill,  which  flows 
apparently  from  west  to  east  and  has  running  water,  for  which 
reason,  the  Indians  said,  it  was  called  in  their  language  To- 
porica.^  I  took  possession  of  it  in  the  royal  name  for  said 
settlement  and  conquest,  in  witness  whereof  I  had  a  high 
wooden  cross  erected,  made  a  l^al  record,  and  named  it  Santa 
Crus. 

In  said  province,  on  said  day,  month,  and  year,  I  the  said 
lieutenant  alcalde  mayor,  having  set  out  from  the  post  of 
Santa  Crus  in  said  company,  and  having  journeyed  toward 
the  north  about  f  oiu*  leagues,  with  the  mountains  on  the  same 
hand  as  before,  arrived  at  an  arroyo  which  is  at  the  foot  of 
a  hill  and  in  front  of  a  Uttle  peak  like  a  nipple.'  In  it  I  found 
running  water  and  a  growth  of  tule.  I  took  possession  of  it 
in  the  royal  name  for  said  settlement  and  conquest,  and 
named  it  Santa  Catalina  Martir.^  As  evidence  of  possession 
I  had  a  high  wooden  cross  erected,  made  a  legal  record,  and 
performed  other  necessary  legal  acts.  Instruction  was  given 
to  the  Indians.    I  found  this  post  and  the  former  iminhabited. 

In  said  province,  on  the  5th  day  of  the  said  month  and 
year,  I,  said  Ueutenant  alcalde  mayor,  left  the  post  and  water- 
ing place  of  Santa  Catalina  Martir  in  company  with  the  fathers 
commissary  missionary  and  chaplain,  the  Spaniards,  governor, 
and  Indians,  and,  having  jomneyed  apparently  about  six 
leagues  toward  the  north,  keeping  the  mountain  range  on  the 

^  Ph>bably  the  Sierra  de  Obayas,  which  lies  between  Bio  Nadadores  and  Rio 
Aura,  and  trmds  from  northwest  to  southeast.  Between  Rfo  Aura  and  Rfo  de 
Sabinas  the  mountains  are  called  Sierra  de  Santa  Rosa. 

«  Evidently  Rio  Aura. 

*  At  about  this  point  there  is  a  branch  of  the  Rio  Nadadores  flowing  from 
Sierra  de  Santa  Rosa. 

«St  Catharine  the  Martyr. 


294  TEXAS:  BOSQUE-LARIOS  EXPEDITION  [1676 

same  hand,  I  arrived  at  a  large  river,  very  beautiful  with  many 
groves  of  very  large  cedars,  cottonwoods,  and  mesquite  brush, 
and  with  great  plains  of  land  which  are  very  pleasing  with 
green  grass.  I  found  it  imoccupied  and  iminhabited.  The 
Indians  said  it  was  called  Bio  de  las  Savinas,^  and  in  their 
language  Muero.  Of  it  I  took  possession  in  the  royal  name, 
for  said  settlement  and  conquest,  and  named  it  San  Antonio. 
And  as  evidence  of  possession  I  made  a  legal  record,  and  or- 
dered erected  a  high  wooden  cross.  In  th^  river  are  fish  of 
all  kinds  in  abundance.  They  caught  piUontes,  bream,  and 
catfish ;  and  the  Christian  doctrine  was  taught  to  the  Indians 
by  the  commissary. 

In  said  province,  on  the  7th  day  of  said  month  and  year  I, 
said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayor,  having  set  out  in  company 
with  the  fathers  commissary  missionary  and  chaplain,  the 
Spaniards,  governor,  and  Indians,  and  having  travelled  north- 
ward apparently  about  twelve  leagues  from  San  Antonio  de 
las  Sabinas,  arrived  at  a  post  and  watering  place  which  the 
Indians  said  was  called  San  Ylef  onso.'  Finding  it  unoccupied 
and  uninhabited,  with  only  some  ruins  of  two  grass  huts,  al- 
ready almost  rotten,'  I  took  royal  possession  of  it  in  the 
name  of  his  Majesty,  for  said  settlement  and  conquest,  in 
witness  whereof  I  miade  a  legal  record,  and  ordered  a  high 
wooden  cross  erected. 

In  said  province,  on  the  8th  day  of  said  month  and  year,* 
I,  said  Ueutenant  alcalde  mayor,  set  out  in  company  with  the 
fathers  conmiissary  missionary  and  chaplain,  the  Spaniards, 
governor,  and  Indians,  from  said  post  of  San  Ylefonso,  and 
having  travelled  northward  apparently  about  seven  leagues, 
I  arrived  at  a  watering  place  where  there  was  plentiful  water, 
with  wide  plains,  in  the  middle  of  which  was  much  mesquite, 
and  which  I  found  unoccupied  and  uninhabited.  The  said 
Indians  said  that  in  their  language  it  was  called  Cocomarque 
Jojona.    I  took  possession  of  it  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty 

^  Bio  de  Sabinas,  called  Salado  lower  down. 

*  San  Yldef  onso. 

*  Perhaps  the  remains  of  the  mission  settlement  established  in  the  previous 
year  by  Father  Larios. 

*  In  the  Brewster  translation  the  entry  for  May  8  is  omitted,  but  a  part  ol 
it  is  run  into  that  for  May  7.    In  this  way  one  day's  march  is  lost. 


KSI  DIARY  OF  BOSQUE  295 

for  said  settlement  and  conquest^  and  named  it  San  Juan 
£nuijelista;^  and  as  evidence  of  possession  I  made  a  legal 
tecard,  and  ordered  a  high  wooden  cross  erected.  Christian 
iostniction  was  given  to  the  Indians  by  said  father  commissary. 

In  said  province,  on  the  9th  day  of  said  month  and  year, 
I;  said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayor,  set  out  in  company  with  said 
k^beiQ  commissary  missionary  and  chaplain,  the  Spaniards, 
governor,  and  Indians,  from  the  post  of  San  Juan  Evangelista, 
and  having  travelled  northward  apparently  about  six  leagues, 
through  some  plains  with  mesquite  groves,  I  arrived  at  a 
watering  place  consisting  of  a  marsh  with  a  growth  of  tule, 
among  some  low  hills  having  oak  trees.  Finding  it  unoccu- 
pied and  iminhabited,  I  took  possession  of  it  in  the  name  of 
bis  Majesty  for  said  settlement  and  conquest  and  named  it 
Ban  Reymundo  de  Pena  Forte  de  Fuertes  Aires ;  and  in  evi- 
dence of  possession  I  made  a  legal  record  and  ordered  a  high 
wooden  cross  erected.  Religious  instruction  was  given  to 
tie  Indians  by  Father  Fray  Dionisio  de  San  Buenabentura. 

In  said  province,  on  the  10th  day  of  said  month  and  year, 

I,  said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayor,  set  out  from  said  post  of  San 

Keymmido  in  company  with  said  fathers  commissary  mission- 

^  and  chaplain,  the  Spaniards,  governor,  and  Indians,  and 

having  journeyed  northward  apparently  about  three  leagues, 

I  arrived  at  a  river  which  runs  from  west  to  east,  which  the 

Indians  said  was  called  El  Agua  Asul.*    In  it  there  are  many 

fish  of  all  kinds.    It  is  very  pleasing  to  the  sight,  having  many 

cottonwoods,  willows,  mesquites  and  guisadies,^  and  wide  plains 

with  very  green  grass.    Finding  it  unoccupied  and  uninhabited, 

I  took  possession  of  it  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty  for  said 

settlement  and  conquest,  and  named  it  San  Jocefe^  River.    As 

evidence  of  possession  I  made  a  legal  record  and  ordered  a 

high  wooden  cross  erected ;  and  religious  instruction  was  given 

to  the  Indians  by  the  fathers. 

In  said  province,  on  the  11th  day  of  said  month  and  year, 
I,  said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayor,  set  out  from  the  post  and  San 
Jocefe  River  in  company  with  the  fathers  commissary  and 
chaplain,  the  Spania^/govemor,  and  Indians,  and  having 
travdled  northward  apparently  about  three  leagues  through 

1  St.  John  the  Evangelist.  *  The  blue  water. 

*  A  small  shrub.  ^  St.  Joseph. 


296  TEXAS:  BOSQUE-LAMOS  EXPEDITION  [1675 

plains  with  much  mesquite,  and  with  fine  pastures  of  green 
grass,  I  arrived  at  a  very  copious  and  very  wide  river,  with  a 
current  more  than  four  hundred  varas  across,  which  the  In- 
dians said  was  called  Bio  del  Norte.  I  found  it  unoccupied 
and  uninhabited,  with  only  rancherfas  of  Indians,  consisting 
of  dwellings  of  grass  huts  after  their  custom.  Having  passed 
up  stream  in  search  of  a  ford  and  not  having  found  one,  as  it 
is  very  deep,  the  said  Indians  decided  to  take  us  across  at  a 
place  where  the  river  forms  three  branches.^  It  was  neces- 
sary to  make  a  raft  of  poles  to  cross  the  middle  one,  having 
forded  the  first,  which  is  more  than  two  hundred  varas  wide 
and  a  vara  and  a  half  deep,  with  the  water  above  the  stirrup 
and  near  the  hind  bow  of  the  saddle,  with  a  current  the  whole 
width,  and  with  willow  and  osier  brush  on  a  little  island  which 
is  in  the  middle.  On  its  banks  it  is  very  pleasing,  and  it  had 
many  fish,  such  as  catfish,  jyiUontes,  very  large  turtles,  and 
eels,  all  of  which  kinds  were  caught  in  my  presence,  and  which, 
I  certify,  I  took  in  my  hands.  I  took  royal  possession  of  the 
river  and  its  territory  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty.  It  runs, 
apparently,  from  west  to  east.  And  for  said  settlement  and 
conquest  I  named  it  San  Buena  Ventura  River ;  and  as  evi- 
dence of  possession  I  made  a  legal  record  and  ordered  a  high 
wooden  cross  erected;  and  reUgious  instruction  was  given  to  the 
Indians  by  the  father  chaplain. 

In  said  province,  on  the  13th  day  of  said  month  and  year, 
I,  said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayor,  set  out  from  said  Rio  de  San 
Buenabentiu'a  del  Norte  in  company  with  said  fathers  com-' 
missary  and  chaplain,  the  Spaniards,  governor,  and  Indians, 
and  having  travelled  northward  apparently  about  four  leagues, 
I  arrived  at  an  arroyo  between  luUs,  where  I  found  fiifty-four 
adult  heathen  Indians  of  the  Yorica  and  Jeapa  nations,  loaded 
with  tierces  of  jerked  buffalo  meat.  I  had  them  examined 
through  interpretation  of  Don  Lasaro  Augustin,  the  governor, 
who  is  versed  in  their  language  and  in  Castilian ;  and  having 
asked  many  questions,  they  said  that  they  came  to  kill  buf- 
faloes and  get  meat  for  sustenance  for  themselves  and  their 
families  and  rancherfas,  since  they  were  obliged,  through  hav- 
ing no  food  in  the  places  where  they  lived,  to  come  to  seek  it 

^  Evidently  a  place  where  the  river  widened  out  and  formed  isluids.  Tbe 
Bio  Grande  is  notable  for  its  shifting  back  and  forth. 


1075]  DIARY  OF  BOSQUE  297 

at  a  distance;  that  they  were  numerous,  but  could  not  say 
exactly  how  many ;  that  they  wished  to  be  Christians  and  set- 
tled in  a  pueblo,  and  that  the  religious  should  give  them  Chris- 
tian instruction;  that  through  fear  of  other  nations,  their 
enemies,  they  have  not  come  out  to  seek  it,  but  wander  at  a 
distance ;  that  the  enemies  had  kUled  one  of  them,  and  that 
the  ones  who  did  it  were  of  the  Ocane,  Pataguaque,  and  Yur- 
bipame  nations ;  and  that  as  evidence  that  they  were  obedient 
to  the  King  our  lord,  they  would  go  with  me  to  the  place  where 
the  Indian  nations  of  the  Sierra  Dacate  y  Yacasole^  are,  and 
would  send  to  their  rancherfas  to  have  them  come  out  to  a 
place  where  they  might  be  given  Christian  instruction.  Of 
this  place  I  took  royal  possession  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty 
for  said  settlement  and  conquest,  and  in  evidence  of  it  I  made 
a  l^al  record,  and  ordered  a  high  wooden  cross  erected. 
Christian  instruction  was  given  to  all  the  Indians  by  said 
father  chaplain,  and  I  named  said  post  San  Gregorio  Nasian- 
seno. 

In  said  province,  on  the  14th  day  of  said  month  and  year, 
I,  said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayor,  having  set  out  in  company 
with  the  fathers  coromissary  missionary  and  chaplain,  the 
Spaniards,  governor,  and  Indians,  both  those  who  came  from 
the  city  of  Guadalupe  and  the  Yoricas  and  Jeapas  mentioned 
in  the  preceding  avio,  and  having  travelled  from  the  post  of 
San  Gregorio  Nasianseno  about  three  leagues  toward  the  north, 
arrived  at  a  watering  place  in  a  plain  without  any  trees  ex- 
cept mesquite  groves.  Finding  it  unoccupied  and  iminhabited 
I  took  royal  possession  of  it  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty,  and 
named  it  San  Bisente  Ferrer ;'  and  Christian  instruction  was 
fidven  to  said  Indians  by  said  commissary  missionary. 
^  In  said  province  and  in  said  post  of  San  Bisente  Ferrer  on 

^  It  seems  quite  possible  that  the  Sierra  Dacate  (Yacasol,  Sacatsol,  Yacatsol), 
was  Anacacho  Moiintain.  Early  in  the  eighteenth  century  Captain  Diego 
Ramdn  pursued  Indians  above  San  Juan  Bautista,  and  having  crossed  the  hills 
called  "Yacatsol"  he  reached  wide  plains  and  beyond  them  the  Pecos  Biver. 
Thus  the  Sierra  Yacasol  was  between  San  Juan  Bautista  and  the  Pecos  ("Relaci6n 
dd  P*  Hidalgo  De  la  Quivira/'  MS.)*  Assuming  the  word  Yacasol  to  have 
been  accented  on  the  penult,  "  Yacdsol,"  it  would  approach  Anac&cho  in  sound. 
Father  Massanet  stated  in  1690  that  Sacatsol  meant  "stone  nostrib''  (see  his 
letter,  p.  356). 

'  San  Vicente  Ferrer. 


LQ75]  DIARY  OF  BOSQUE  299 

listing  me,  who  were  Anbrosio  de  Berlanga  and  Di^o  Luis 
Banches. 

In  said  post  of  San  Bisente  Ferrer;  on  said  day,  month  and 
year,  before  me,  said  Lieutenant,  came  and  appeared  six 
adult  Indians  who  said  they  were  heathen  of  the  Finanaca, 
Zaeser,  Tenimama,  and  Cocoma  nations,  of  the  band  of  Don 
Esteban  Gueiquesal.  I  had  them  examined  through  interpre- 
tation of  Don  Lasaro  Augustin,  who  knows  both  Castilian  and 
their  language ;  and  having  asked  them  what  they  had  come 
for,  they  said  to  see  me  in  the  name  of  their  chiefs  and  to  ren- 
der obedience  to  his  Majesty,  thus  ratifying  that  rendered  by 
Don  Esteban  in  their  name;  and  to  let  it  be  known  that 
they  are  waiting  to  be  Christians  and  to  Uve  under  instruc- 
tion in  the  Christian  doctrine,  and  to  settle  in  a  pueblo ;  and 
that  all  their  people  and  others  remain  in  the  Sierra  de  Matoat. 

In  said  province  on  the  15th  day  of  said  month  and  year 
I,  said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayor,  having  set  out  from  said 
post  of  San  Vicente  Ferrer  in  company  with  said  fathers  com- 
missary missionary  and  chaplain,  the  Spaniards,  governor,  and 
Indians,  and  haying  journeyed  toward  the  north,  and  arrived 
at  a  river  which  is  distant  from  the  post  of  San  Vicente  appar- 
ently about  four  leagues,  and  which  the  Indians  said  was  called 
in  tibeir  language  Ona,  which  in  Spanish  means  salty,  took 
royal  possession  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty  for  said  settlement 
and  conquest,  in  witness  whereof  I  had  a  high  wooden  cross 
erected,  had  a  legal  record  made,  and  named  the  place  San 
Ysidro  Labrador.  This  place  has  many  groves  of  oak  and 
mesquite ;  there  are  many  buffalo ;  the  country  has  fine  pas- 
tures; and  there  are  many  fish  in  the  river,  which  I  found 
imoccupied  and  uninhabited. 

In  said  province,  on  said  day,  month,  and  year,  in  said  post 
of  San  Ysidro,  before  me,  said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayor ,  ap- 
peared the  chiefs  Xoman,  Teroodan,  Teaname,  and  Teimamar, 
with  their  people.  I  had  them  examined  through  sworn  in- 
terpreters who  understand  their  language,  Mexican,^  and  Cas- 
tilian, namely  Don  Lasaro  Augustin,  governor  of  the  pueblo 
of  San  Miguel  de  Luna  of  the  city  of  Guadalupe  of  this  prov- 
ince, and  an  Indian  named  Pasqual.  Various  questions  hav- 
ing been  asked  of  these  chiefs,  each  one  separately,  they  said 

^  Aztec  is  probably  meant  here. 


300  TEXAS:  BOSQUE-LAMOS  EXPEDITION  [1675 

unanimously  and  in  agreement  that  they  were  heathen ;  that 
in  their  lives  they  [never]  ^  had  seen  Spaniards ;  and  had  lived 
as  heathen  without  knowledge  that  there  was  a  God,  or  who 
He  was,  and  without  knowledge  of  the  true  way  to  salvation, 
and  in  the  dark  regarding  it ;  that  they  wished  to  be  Chris- 
tians and  be  baptized,  with  their  children  and  wives,  and  to 
live  as  such  in  a  pueblo  or  pueblos  where  they  might  place 
them,  so  that  while  they,  being  old,  would  not  enjoy  it,  their 
children  would  enjoy  it  and  be  reared  as  Christians,  but  that 
they  would  continue  in  the  same  way  ;*  and  that  at  once  they 
were  rendering  and  did  render  obecfience  to  his  Majesty  the 
King  our  lord  Don  Carlos  the  Second ;  and  that  they  would 
be  friends  of  the  Spaniards.  Thereupon  they  shouted  "Viva, 
viva,  viva,*  the  King  our  lord ! " 

Seeing  this,  and  that  they  appeared  to  be  eager  and  to 
give  signs  of  sincerity,  I  received  them  in  the  King's  name  under 
the  royal  protection,  and  assured  them  in  the  name  of  his 
Majesty  that  peace  should  not  be  withheld  from  them,  but 
that  what  had  been  promised  on  his  part  would  be  fulfilled. 
And  I  ordered  them  to  live  quiet  and  peaceful  and  to  come  to 
be  taught  the  Christian  doctrine  in  the  place  most  convenient 
for  that  purpose,  both  because  of  the  remoteness  of  their 
dwelling  places,  and  because  of  some  dissensions  which  the 
nations  of  Indians,  as  barbarous  natives  of  this  country,  have 
with  one  another,  and  as  a  result  of  which  they  kill  each  other ; 
and  because  they  have  nothing  with  which  to  sustain  so  many 
people,  until  his  Majesty  provides  what  may  please  him,  in 
order  to  settle  them  in  the  most  convenient  place. 

This  being  understood  by  the  chiefs,  they  replied  through 
the  interpreters  that  they  would  comply.  And  at  once  their 
people  approached,  and  both  men  and  women  devotedly  kissed 
the  sleeves  of  the  habits  of  the  fathers,  the  commissary  mis- 
sionary. Fray  Juan  Larios,  and  chaplain  Fray  Dionisio  de  San 
Buenabentura ;  and  they  asked  permission  to  give  them  as 
alms  something  of  what  they  possessed,  as  a  mark  of  gratitude 
to  Gk)d  for  having  opened  to  them  the  way  to  the  trutii.    And 

^  Both  my  transcript  from  the  original  and  the  Portillo  veraioa  omit  the 
negative,  but  I  feel  confident  from  the  sense  that  it  is  intended. 

*  That  is,  the  old  people  would  remain  heathen. 

•  "Long  live  the  King  our  lord." 


1075]  DIARY  OF  BOSQUE  301 

at  once  they  b^an  throwing  things  upon  the  ground^  some  a 
piece  of  tallow,  others  hides  or  skins  of  animals,  of  the  kind 
with  which  they  clothe  themselves  or  cover  themselves,  and  in 
which  they  sleep.    To  all  of  this  I  certify. 

In  said  post  and  river  of  San  Ysidro  of  said  province,  its 
settlement  and  conquest,  on  the  16th  day  of  said  month  and 
year,  I,  said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayor,  certify  that  this  day 
there  was  erected  in  said  post  a  portable  altar,  and  that  it  was 
prepared  to  say  mass ;  and  at  a  signal  made  with  a  small  bell 
the  people  came  to  hear  it.  It  was  chanted  by  the  father  com- 
missary missionary,  Fray  Juan  Larios,  and  was  attended  by 
all  the  people.  After  it  was  concluded  they  asked  the  said 
father  to  baptize  them ;  and  when  they  were  given  to  imder- 
stand  by  him  through  an  interpreter  that  he  could  not  bap- 
tize them  until  they  knew  their  prayers,  to  console  them  he 
baptized  fifty-five  infants,  the  Spaniards  acting  as  their  god- 
facers.  They  were  instructed  in  the  doctrine  and  counted, 
and  the  people  of  the  four  chiefs  named  in  the  preceding  auto 
were  found  to  comprise  four  hundred  and  twenty-five  warriors^ 
and  seven  hundred  and  forty-seven  women,  boys,  and  girls,  of 
all  ages,  making  in  all  eleven  hundred  and  seventy-two  persons. 

In  said  post  of  San  Ysidro,  on  said  day,  month,  and  year, 
I,  said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayor,  put  the  father  commissary. 
Fray  Juan  Larios,  in  possession  of  his  office  and  of  the  admin- 
istration in  said  post,  in  virtue  of  a  royal  provision  and  of 
licenses,  as  is  stated  and  appears  in  them,  and  to  which  I 
refer.  Of  this  legal  record  was  made  in  his  despatches,  fol- 
lowing the  rest  of  the  ecclesiastical  despatches  regarding  this 
settlement. 

On  said  day,  month,  and  year,  in  said  post,  before  me,  said 
lieutenant  alcalde  mayor,  a  heathen  Indian  of  the  Gueiquesal 
nation,  made  a  demonstration  and  brought  to  my  presence  a 
Spanish  boy  apparently  about  twelve  years  of  age,  with  a 
black  streak  on  his  face  running  from  the  forehead  to  the  nose, 
and  two  on  the  cheeks,  one  on  each,  like  o's,  and  many  rows 
of  them  on  the  left  arm  and  one  on  the  right.  And  having 
examined  said  Indian,  through  the  interpretation  of  Don 
Lasaro  Agustin,  versed  in  their  language  and  in  Castilian,  and 
through  an  Indian  named  Pasqual,  likewise  versed  in  it,  and 

^  De  aroo  y  flecha,  i,  e.,  carrying,  or  capable  of  carrying  bow  and  arrow. 


302  TEXAS:  BOSQUE-LARIOS  EXPEDITION  [1675 

asking  him  where  he  had  got  him,  he  replied  that  his  mother 
had  raised  him,  he  having  been  given  by  her  to  the  Cavesas 
many  years  ago ;  that  they  had  told  him  that  they  had  brought 
him  with  others  from  Yndee,  near  Parral ;  and  that  although 
they  loved  him  like  a  brother,  and  were  keeping  him  in  this 
place,  they  would  give  him  to  me  as  a  sign  of  friendship  for 
the  Spaniards,  and  that  he  might  be  sent  to  his  relatives. 
The  boy  was  not  examined  for  the  present  to  learn  what  other 
Spaniards  they  have,  because  he  cannot  speak  the  Castilian 
language.  The  Indian  was  asked  if  there  were  other  Spanish 
boys  among  the  Indians.  He  replied  that  all  he  knew  was  that 
at  the  time  when  they  brought  the  boy  the  Cavezas  brought 
another  boy  and  a  Spanish  girl;  that  they  killed  the  boy  with 
arrows,  having  made  him  stand  up  for  the  purpose;  that 
when  the  boy  saw  this  he  took  a  cross  in  his  hands  and  began 
to  say  his  prayers,  and  was  praying  till  he  died;  that  the 
Spanish  girl  they  brought  with  them  likewise,  as  a  servant, 
and  because  during  an  expedition  which  the  Cabesas  made  to- 
rob  and  kill,  they  killed  one  of  their  companions,  they^  cap- 
tured and  diot  her  with  arrows  until  she  died,  leaving  her" 
lying  where  she  fell ;  that  two  years  later  they  passed  by  there- 
and  foimd  her  just  as  they  had  left  her,  the  body  being  unde- 
cayed  and  the  animals  not  having  eaten  it.^  In  view  of  thia 
they  took  it  and  carried  it  to  a  cave,  where  it  now  is ;  and  that 
it  has  long  hair ;  that  he  knows  no  more,  and  that  this  is  the 
truth. 

In  said  province,  on  the  18th  day  of  said  month  and  year, 
I,  said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayor,  having  set  out  from  the  post 
of  San  Ysidro  in  company  with  the  fathers  commissary  mis- 
sionary and  chaplain,  the  Spaniards,  governor,  and  Indians, 
and  having  travelled  about  eight  leagues  northward,  and  hav- 
ing arrived  at  a  post  and  small  river  which  they  said  was  called 
Dacate,  and  finding  it  unoccupied  and  uninhabited,  took  royal 
possession  of  it  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty,  and  named  it 
San  Bernardino,  in  testimony  of  which  I  m^de  a  legal  i«cord 
and  ordered  a  high  wooden  cross  erected.  This  day  there  came 
before  me  Chief  Geniocane,  a  heathen  Indian,  who  said  that 

^  It  is  not  dear  from  the  syntax  who  did  the  killing. 
*  Stories  of  miraculous  happenings  of  this  particular  sort  were  rtanmtm  in 
New  Spain. 


1875]  DIARY  OF  BOSQUE  303 

he  was  awaiting  the  religious  with  his  people  at  another  place 
farther  on^  that  they  might  give  them  Christian  instruction 
and  catechise  them  in  it;  that  the  reason  why  he  and  his 
people  had  not  come  out  was  the  multitude  of  enemies  on  the 
way  who  would  not  let  them  pass  to  seek  aid ;  and  that  over 
this  matter  they  were  killing  each  other.  In  view  of  this  and 
of  their  petition  to  the  religious,  it  was  decided  to  give  them 
the  consolation  of  the  spiritual  nourishment  of  Christian 
instruction. 

In  said  province,  on  the  20th  day  of  said  month  and  year, 
I,  said  Ueutenant  alcalde  mayor ^  having  set  out  from  the  post 
of  San  Bernardino  in  company  with  said  fathers  commissary 
missionary  and  chaplain,  the  Spaniards,  governor  and  Indians, 
and  having  travelled  about  eight  leagues  northward,  the  In- 
dians of  t^e  Geniocane  nation  having  come  out  to  meet  us 
and  the  rest  of  the  Indians  on  the  way,  I  arrived  at  the  ran- 
cherfa,  or  camp,  at  an  arroyo  between  some  hills  where  there 
are  many  grapevines  like  wild  grape  stocks,  many  being  like 
vineyards,  the  green  fruit  being  large  like  that  of  Castile.  In 
this  place  I  took  royal  possession  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty, 
m  testimony  whereof  and  for  said  settlement  and  conquest  I 
made  a  legal  record  and  ordered  a  high  wooden  cross  erected, 
Christian  instruction  being  given  the  Indians  by  Father  Fray 
Dionisio  de  San  Buenabentura. 

In  the  said  province  and  in  the  place  named  above,  which 
I  called  San  Jorje,  on  the  21st  day  of  said  month  and  year,  I, 
said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayor,  certify  that  this  day  the  father 
commissary  missionary  orfe^ed  arx'^altar  erectedf  and  at  it 
Father  Fray  Dionisio  de  San  Buenabentura  said  mass.  It  was 
attended  by  the  Geniocane  Indians  and  the  rest,  and  after  it 
was  concluded  they  were  taught  the  doctrine  by  the  father 
commissary  missionary.  They  were  counted  and  there  were 
found  sixty-five  adult  Indians  and  one  hundred  and  thirteen 
Indian  women,  boys,  and  girls,  making  a  total  of  one  hundred 
and  seventy-eight  persons  of  this  nation  of  Geniocanes.  They 
told  the  father  commissary  missionary  that  they  wished  to  be 
Christians,  and  he  consoled  them  by  saying  that  they  should 
learn  to  pray  and  he  would  baptize  them.  This  day  the 
father  commissary  missionary  took  official  possession,  of  which 
I  made  a  l^al  record  in  the  original  avtos  of  his  despatches. 


304  TEXAS:  BOSQUE-LARIOS  EXPEDITION  [1676 

In  said  post  of  San  Jorje^  on  the  23d  day  of  said  month 
and  year;  I,  said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayor,  having  seen  that 
there  are  many  nations  of  Indians  who  are  asking  to  be  Chris- 
tians and  who  wish  to  settle  in  pueblos,  since  their  chiefs  come 
to  me  every  day  to  ask  it ;  and  being  so  far  from  the  city  of 
Guadalupe ;  and  because  some  are  hostile  to  others ;  and  be- 
cause all  ask  instruction  in  the  Christian  doctrine  at  the  same 
time ;  and  because  when  they  come  together  over  their  bar- 
barous discords  they  kill  each  other  like  barbarians ;  and  since 
the  country  thus  far  seen  is  divided  into  three  tiers  of  settle- 
ments, according  to  the  custom  of  such  people,  the  one  extend- 
ing from  the  city  of  Guadalupe  northward  on  the  left  hand 
obeying  and  following  Don  Esteban  Gueiquesal,  the  one  in 
the  middle  being  devoted  to  Juan  de  la  Cms,  chief  of  the 
Bobole  nation,  and  the  one  on  the  right  hand  including  the 
Catujanos,  Tilijaes,  Apes,  Pachaques,  and  their  chiefs,  all 
being  very  numerous ;  and  to  obviate  dissensions  among  these 
natives,  since  all  desire  religious  and  Spaniards;  and  there 
being  only  hostility  among  them  in  the  district  seen ;  and  not 
having  force  to  prevent  their  plans,  I  decided  to  return  to  the 
city  of  Guadalupe  to  report  to  the  alcalde  mayor,  counting  if 
possible  on  the  way  back  the  people  of  said  Don  Esteban 
which  are  lacking,  in  order  that  in  view  of  the  report  he  may 
provide  what  is  best  for  the  service  of  both  Majesties.  And 
I  ordered  said  nation  of  Jeniocanes  to  await  in  the  place  which 
would  be  the  most  convenient  to  them  for  their  conversion 
and  quietude. 

In  said  province,  on  the  25th  day  of  the  said  month  and 
year,  I,  said  Ueutenant  alcalde  mayor,  having  set  out  from  the 
post  of  San  Jorje  in  company  with  the  father  commiasaiy 
missionary,  the  chaplain,  Spaniards,  governor,  and  Indians, 
and  having  travelled  about  fourteen  leagues  northward,  ar- 
rived at  a  small  arroyo  with  heavy  timber,  between  some 
knolls  and  high  hills  like  nipples,  where  I  took  possession  in 
the  name  of  his  Majesty  for  said  settlement  and  conquest, 
naming  the  place  San  Pablo  Ermitano.^  In  witness  thereof 
I  made  a  legal  record,  and  ordered  a  high  wooden  cross  erected, 
instruction  being  given  to  the  people  by  Father  Fray  Dionissio 
de  San  Buenabentura.  And  I  ordered  the  nations  of  Indians 
of  the  four  chiefs  mentioned  in  the  record'  of  the  post  of  San 

1  Saint  Paul  the  Hennit  ^AmUk 


16761  DIARY  OF  BOSQUE  305 

Ysidro,  of  the  faction  of  Don  Esteban  and  his  following,  to 
remain  quiet  in  their  country  and  Uve  good  Uves,  without  kill- 
ing each  other,  and  to  join  with  the  other  followers  of  their 
great  chief.  On  hearing  this  they  said  they  could  comply, 
and  remained  awaiting  a  religious  who  should  go  to  instruct 
them  until  they  should  settle  in  a  pueblo. 

In  said  province,  on  the  29th  of  said  month  and  year,  I, 
said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayor,  having  set  out  from  the  post 
of  San  Pablo  Ermitano  to  return  to  the  city  of  Guadalupe  in 
company  with  the  governor  and  Indians,  arrived  at  another 
place  on  the  River  of  San  Buenabentura  del  Norte,  ^  where  I 
found  part  of  the  Bobole  Indians  with  their  women  and  chil- 
dren. They  were  killing  buffalo  for  food,  and  it  was  some 
time  since  tiiey  had  gone  out  to  their  pueblo  and  settlement.* 
I  ordered  them  to  go  to  it,  which  in  fact  they  did,  joining  their 
chief  and  the  rest  of  their  nation.  They  were  taught  the  doc- 
trine by  said  father  commissary  missionary,  and  I  made  a 
legal  record  of  it,  which  I  signed  with  said  fathers  and  wit- 


In  said  province,  on  the  1st  day  of  June  of  said  year,  I, 
said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayor,  having  already  set  out  from  the 
San  Buenabentura  Biver,  in  company  with  said  fathers  com- 
missary and  chaplain,  Spaniards,  and  Indians,  and  having  trav- 
elled about  twenty  leagues  to  the  west,  arrived  at  a  river 
which  they  said  was  called  the  Nueses,'  where  I  found  chiefs 
Bacora  and  Pinanaca,  at  some  springs  formed  at  a  river  with 
many  walnuts  and  other  kinds  of  trees.  Here  I  took  royal 
possession  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty  for  said  settlement  and 
conquest.  As  evidence  of  it  I  made  a  legal  record  and  ordered 
a  high  wooden  cross  erected,  the  doctrine  being  taught  to  the 
people  by  the  father  conmiissary  missionary,  who  ordered  an 
altar  erected  in  a  bower,  and  that  Father  Fray  Dionisio  de 
San  Buenabentura  should  say  mass.  This  concluded,  at  the 
sound  of  a  Uttle  bell  the  people  again  said  the  creed.  The 
people  of  Captain  Bacora  were  counted  and  were  found  to 

^Evidently  higher  up  than  the  place  where  it  was  crossed  before.  It  is 
dear  that  Bosque's  march  beyond  the  Rio  Grande  was  northward  instead  of 
eastward. 

*  That  is,  Pueblo  de  Luna. 

*  This  was  evidently  a  stream  flowing  eastward  into  the  Rio  Grande.  The 
stream  now  called  San  Diego  on  some  maps  fits  the  conditions  fairly  well ;  if  it 
was  hi^ier  up,  La  2kvra  might  answer. 


906  TEXAS:  BOSQUE-LARIOS  EXPEDITION  [1675 

comprise  one  hundred  and  fifty  persons,  sixty-two  warriors 
and  eighty-eight  women  and  children.  In  this  post  posses- 
sion was  given  him^  of  that  which  concerns  his  adnunistra- 
tion  and  I  made  a  legal  record  of  it  in  the  original  avios  of 
ecclesiastical  possessions. 

In  said  province,  on  the  5th  day  of  said  month  and  year,  I, 
said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayors  having  already  set  out  from  the 
River  of  Santa  Clara  de  las  Nueses  in  company  of  said  fathers 
missionary  commissary  and  chaplain,  Spaniards  and  Indians, 
and  having  journeyed  about  fourteen  leagues  to  the  south 
and  toward  the  city  of  Guadalupe,  arrived  at  a  river  where  I 
found  the  Gueiquesal  and  Manosprietas  people.  I  took  royal 
possession  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty  and  named  the  place 
gan  Diego,'  and  mass  was  said  by  the  father  commissary. 
The  people  were  coimted  and  found  to  comprise  three  hundred 
and  eighty-seven  persons,  one  himdred  and  three  warriors  and 
two  himdred  and  eighty-four  women,  boys  and  girls.  They 
said  that  of  the  rest  of  the  men  some  were  killing  buffalo  and 
others  were  with  their  chief,  Don  Esteban,  in  the  city  of  Guada- 
\}me.  This  day  ecclesiastical  possession  was  given  to  the 
father  commissary  missionary,  of  which  a  legal  record  was 
made  in  the  ecclesiastical  autos. 

In  this  province,  on  the  10th  day  of  said  month  and  year, 
1  said  Ueutenant  alcalde  mayor,  having  previously  set  out  for 
l)ie  river  and  post  of  San  Diego  in  company  with  said  fathers 
^ffgamsBBiy  missionary  and  chaplain,  and  the  Spaniards  and 
^i^lians,  and  having  travelled  about  twenty-two  leagues,  pass- 
w  through  the  valley  of  the  Biver  of  San  Antonio  de  Sabinas, 
jpd  entering  an  opening  in  some  large  mountains  called 
0l^«as,'  I  arrived  at  an  arroyo  with  water.  Finding  it  un- 
^l^^cd  and  uninhabited,  I  took  royal  possession  in  name  of 
1^  Majesty  for  said  settlement  and  conquest,  and  named  it 
^  Anbrossio,  in  witness  whereof  I  made  a  legal  record  and 

^Ttw  oomisario  minonero, 

iXkia  seems  to  be  further  south  than  the  stream  now  called  San  Di^go, 
the  Bio  Grande  about  twenty-five  miles  above  Eagle  Pass.    Tlie  stieam 


^^te^  ^°  ^^^  ^^^  Fernando,  which  enters  the  Rio  Grande  at  Piedras  Negras. 
^^Huiique  seems  to  have  followed  the  route  of  the  International  Railroad 
file  stream  was  evidently  the  Rfo  Aura.    It  is  just  possible  that  he  had 
of  the  Santa  Rosa  Mountains  and  followed  ^e  pass  made  by  the  R16 


1«76I  DIARY  OF  BOSQUE  307 

ordered  a  high  wooden  cross  erected.  Mass  was  said  by  the 
father  commissary  missionary^  and  was  attended  by  Don  Ber- 
nabe,  chief  of  the  Contotore  nation^  with  his  people.  Mass 
endedy  they  were  instructed  by  the  said  father  commissary. 
This  nation  was  counted  and  there  were  foimd  sixty-eight 
warriors  and  one  hundred  and  thirty  women  and  children. 

In  said  province,  on  the  12th  day  of  Jime,  1675, 1,  said  lieu- 
tenant alcalde  mayor,  having  previously  set  out  from  the 
post  of  San  Anbrossio,  and  having  travelled  apparently  about 
fourteen  leagues  toward  the  city  of  Guadalupe  and  opposite  it, 
at  the  foot  of  a  laige  mountain  and  toward  the  west  of  it,  in 
company  with  the  fathers  commissary  and  chaplain,  and  with 
said  Spaniards,  arrived  at  a  watering  place  which  I  f  oimd  im- 
occupied  and  iminhabited ;  taking  royal  possession  in  the  name 
of  his  Majesty  for  said  settlement  and  conquest,  in  testimony 
whereof  I  made  a  legal  record,  I  ordered  a  large  wooden  cross 
erected  and  named  the  place  San  Bartolome.  At  this  place 
there  came  to  me  Chief  Don  Salbador,  of  the  Babosarigame 
nation,  with  some  of  his  people,  saying  that  he  had  sent  for 
the  rest,  who,  for  lack  of  food,  were  scattered  about.  He  and 
the  people  whom  he  brought  were  instructed  in  the  doctrine 
by  the  father  commissary  missionary.  This  ended,  they  were 
cp^mted  aad  found  to  comprise  forty-two  warriors' and W 
six  women  and  children,  including  the  Tetecores.  I  ordered 
him  to  assemble  the  rest  and  to  keep  them  in  sight  of  chief 
Don  Bemabe  and  of  Don  Esteban. 

In  said  province  of  Nueba  Estremadura,  on  said  day, 
month,  and  year  I,  said  lieutenant  alcalde  mayor ,  make  known 
to  Captain  Don  Antonio  de  Balcarcel  Riba  de  Neira  Sotomaior, 
alcalde  mayor  of  this  province,  its  settlements  and  conquest 
for  his  Majesty,  that,  having  gone  at  his  orders  to  reconnoitre 
the  nations  of  Indians  of  the  following  of  Don  Esteban  Guei- 
quesale,  who  live  toward  the  Sierra  Dacate  and  in  its  vicinity, 
and  the  others  of  their  district  and  neighborhood,  they  mani- 
fested before  his  Majesty,  through  me  and  their  messengers, 
that  they  wish  to  settle  in  pueblos  and  be  Christians,  with 
religious  to  catechise  and  instruct  them.  And  having  passed 
through  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  country  which  appears 
m  the  records,  and  having  seen  it  and  its  inhabitants,  I  have 
learned  that  they  are  divided  into  three  followings  or  bands, 


308  TEXAS:  BOSQUE-LAMOS  EXPEDITION  U«75 

each  very  numerous;  since  the  least  numerous;  although  wfld 
and  the  most  bellicose;  is  that  of  the  following  of  Don  Esteban 
Gueiquesal;  which  are  the  nations  counted;  excepting  the  Yo- 
ricaS;  JimieeS;  Vivit;  and  Jeniocanes,  who  belong  with  the  Bo- 
boleS;  CatujanoS;  and  TilijaeS;  of  the  districts  aheady  stated ; 
and  of  the  great  discord  between  them,  from  which  they  kill 
and  eat  each  other  and  capture  each  other's  children,  for  they 
say  this,  being  now  actually  at  war  with  each  other,  the  band 
of  Don  Esteban  with  that  of  the  Jeniocanes  and  their  allies, 
and  the  Yoricas,  Jimiees,  and  Vivit  with  the  Arames,  Ocanes, 
and  those  of  their  following,  and  the  Boboles  with  the  Yurbi- 
pames.  These  tiers  of  people  are  very  nimierous  and  their 
limits  or  that  of  one  with  another  is  not  known,  for  neither  on 
the  north  nor  on  the  east  is  there  any  report  of  their  terminus. 
For  this  reason  these  Indians  begged  me  to  go  to  see  their 
rancherfas  and  those  of  their  allies ;  and  they  have  said  that 
they  wished  to  be  Christians,  and  that  all  wish  it,  and  to  settle 
in  pueblos,  and  to  ask  for  religious ;  and  they  wish  that  aid  be 
given  to  each  one  separately  and  not  together,  for  it  happens 
that  for  very  slight  causes  they  kill  each  other,  and  conditions 
become  bad.  I  decided;  therefore;  to  return  from  said  post 
of  San  Jorge,  coimting  on  the  way  the  people  of  Don  Esteban 
who  might  be  on  the  road,  to  inform  said  alcalde  mayor,  which 
I  now  do,  both  of  this  as  well  as  that  unless  for  these  three 
bands  or  f  ollowings  of  people  three  head  settlements^  be  made, 
in  which  each  shall  be  regarded  as  independent  of  the  other — 
one  in  the  valley  of  San  Antonio  and  Sabinas  River,  which 
will  accommodate  many  settlements,  and  another  at  Los  Balu- 
artes  and  San  Francisco  Biver,  which  is  of  the  same  sort,  and 
the  one  which  is  already  made  at  the  city  of  Guadalupe — ^it 
will  not  be  possible  to  maintain  these  nations  imder  instruc- 
tion in  the  Christian  doctrine.  For  they  are  people,  one  ex- 
tremely barbarous,  and  the  others  barbarous,  who  have  shown 
bad  conduct  toward  the  Spaniards  and  other  vassals  of  his 
Majesty  in  La  Viscaia,  the  Kingdom  of  Leon,  and  in  part  of 
La  Galicia,  robbing  and  killing  for  more  than  twenty  years. 

Even  less  will  it  be  possible  for  any  oflScer  of  his  Majesty  to 
keep  them  in  order  and  imder  instruction  imless  he  has  forces 
for  it,  although  he  may  have  to  use  much  love  and  blandish- 

^Cabe9era9. 


1675]  DIARY  OF  BOSQUE  309 

ment  when  having  to  coirect  them,  for  since  they  are  vicious 
people  and  not  habituated  to  labor  to  sustain  themselves^  they 
will  return  to  their  natural  habits,  and  greater  damages  wiU 
result.  And  there  will  not  be  Spaniards  who  wish  to  settle 
in  the  coimtry;  for  it  is  known  that  those  who  entered  it  have 
left  with  miogivings  or  fears  which  some  have  been  spreading 
abroad. 

The  most  important  post  f oimd  in  which  to  establish  forces 
is  Santa  CruS;  since  it  is  fourteen  leagues  from  the  valley  of 
San  Antonio,  a  little  less  from  Los  BaluarteS;  and  twenty  from 
the  city  of  Guadalupe,^  and  in  the  heart  and  centre  of  the 
coimtry.  These  forces  will  not  be  suflBcient  if  less  than  seventy 
men,  since  it  is  very  remote  from  settlements  and  aid,  for  that 
of  the  Villa  of  Saltillo  is  more  than  sixty-eight  leagues  away, 
and  the  Kingdom  of  Leon  the  same,  these  being  the  nearest. 
Likewise,  ministers  of  the  gospel  are  necessary,  since  these  na- 
tions ask  for  them ;  and  they  do  not  wish  to  have  those  of  one 
nation  attend  the  others,  because  they  are  of  different  languages, 
the  people  numerous,  and  their  homes  far  apart.  There  are 
necessary  for  the  present  at  least  four  religious  for  each  group, 
if  his  Majesty,  God  preserve  him,  is  pleased  to  have  it  settled 
and  given  s^  grain,  oxen,  and  some  families  of  Tlaxcalteco 
Lidians.^ 

This  report  I  make  to  said  alcalde  mayor  on  the  basis  of 
what  I  have  seen  and  observed,  and  of  my  experience  of  more 
than  twenty  years  with  barbarian  natives  and  others.  And 
in  order  that  it  may  be  on  record  I  set  it  down  as  an  auto,  which 
I  signed  with  the  ^tnesses  assisting  me,  who  were  Die^o  Luis 
Sanches  and  Anbrosio  de  Verlanga. 

Fernando  de  el  Bosque  (rubric). 

Witness,  Ambrosio  Berlanga  (rubric). 

Witness,  Diego  Luis  Sanches  (rubric). 

^  This  statement  gives  an  important  due  to  the  relation  of  the  going  and 
return  routes  to  each  other. 

*  The  Indians  from  Tlascala  played  an  important  part  in  the  founding  of 
frontier  settlements,  they  being  used  as  teachers  of  the  new  converts.  About 
1590  a  colony  of  them  was  established  at  Saltillo,  with  the  name  of  San  Esteban. 
In  subsequent  times  this  colony  was  freely  drawn  upon  in  the  establishment  of 
new  Indian  pueblos  on  the  northern  frontier. 


TEXAS 

2.     THE  MEND0ZA-L6PEZ  EXPEDITION  TO 

THE  JUMANOS,  1683-1684 


i 


INTRODUCTION 

XoNG  before  the  Bosque-Larios  expedition  had  crossed  the 
^^er  Rio  Grande,  Spaniards  from  New  Mexico  had  frequently 
^^e  their  way  into  western  Texas.    Interest  in  Gran  Quivira 
^^d  the  Aijados,  and  in  the  country  beyond — ^an  interest  which 
^^  inspired  the  long  northeastward  expedition  of  Onate — 
^T)ntinued  to  attract  the  frontier  explorers  and  missionaries, 
,^^riting  of  these  "kingdoms"  in  1630,  Father  Benavides,  who 
^^^ad  just  ceased  to  be  custodian  of  the  missions  of  New  Mexico, 
described  them  as  rich  in  gold,  and  in  danger  of  being  possessed 
V^y  the  English  and  the  Flemings.    As  a  means  of  securing, 
Subduing,  and  converting  them,  and  at  the  same  time  of  estab- 
lishing a  shorter  route  from  Havana  to  New  Mexico,  he  pro- 
posed opening  a  port  at  the  so-called  Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo, 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  River.    Four  years  later,  it  is 
said  by  Father  Posadas,  Alonso  de  Vaca  led  an  expedition 
three  hundred  leagues  eastward  from  New  Mexico  to  a  great 
river  across  which  was  Quivira.    What  his  route  and  its  ter- 
minus were  is  unknown. 

Another  interest,  more  tangible  and  immediate,  led  the 
New  Mexicans  frequently  southeastward  in  the  early  seven- 
teenth century  into  what  is  now  western  central  Texas.  This 
interest  was  the  Jumano  Indians.  In  1629  Father  Salas,  ac- 
companied by  soldiers,  went  more  than  a  hundred  leagues  east- 
ward and  worked  for  a  time  among  this  nation.  In  1632  he 
made  another  expedition  to  the  tribe,  whom  he  found  two 
hundred  leagues  southeast  of  Santa  F6,  on  a  stream  called  the 
Nueces  River.    It  was  clearly  a  branch  of  the  upper  Colorado. 

313 


314  TEXAS:  MEND0ZA-L6PEZ  EXPEDITION 

No  other  expedition  to  the  Jumanos  is  recorded  till  1650, 
when  one  was  made  by  Captains  Hernando  Martin  and  Diego 
del  Castillo,  with  a  party  of  soldiers.  While  there  they  found 
pearls  in  the  Nueces  River.  Before  returning  some  of  the 
party  went  fifty  leagues  beyond  the  Jumanos  and  reached  the 
borders  of  the  territory  of  a  people  called  "Tejas,"  who  were 
ruled  by  a  king.  These  two  new  objects  of  interest — pearls 
and  the  kingdom  of  the  Tejas — now  became  motives  to  further 
journeys  to  the  east.  Hearing  of  the  pearls,  the  viceroy  at 
once  ordered  another  expedition,  and  in  1654  Diego  de  Guada- 
lajara went  with  thirty  soldiers  to  the  same  place.  Passing 
beyond  the  Jumanos  thirty  leagues^  they  engaged  in  a  battle 
with  the  Cuitaos,  taking  two  himdred  prisoners,  and  rich  spoils 
in  the  way  of  peltry.  No  other  specific  expedition  to  the 
Jumanos  is  recorded  till  that  of  Juan  Domfnguez  de  Mendoza 
in  1683-1684.  But  in  the  interim,  we  are  told,  trade  and  friend- 
ship had  been  maintained  with  these  Indians  ''with  such  se- 
curity that  the  Spaniards,  six,  eight,  and  ten,  went  to  their 
lands  and  villages  every  year  to  trade  with  these  Indians." 

Meanwhile  there  had  occurred  in  New  Mexico  the  great  up- 
rising of  the  Pueblo  Indians  in  1680,  during  which  a  part  of 
the  settlers  were  massacred,  the  rest  fleeing  from  the  upper 
Bio  Grande  and  taking  refuge  at  El  Paso,  where  a  settlement 
had  existed  since  1659.  This  catastrophe  cut  off  communica- 
tion with  the  Jimianos  for  a  time,  but  relations  were  soon  re- 
established through  the  initiative  of  the  Indians.  In  1683  two 
delegations  from  the  tribe  visited  Governor  Otermin  at  El 
Paso,  asking  for  aid  against  the  Apaches,  and  that  the  Span- 
iards might  return  to  trade  with  them.  As  Otermfn's  term 
had  expired,  they  were  referred  to  his  successor,  Domingo 
Gironza  Petris  de  Cruzate. 

Accordingly,  on  October  15  of  the  same  year,  a  del^ation 
of  seven  Indians,  Jmnanos  and  others,  appeared  before  Gov- 
ernor Cruzate  to  repeat  the  request.    The  leader  of  the  em- 


INTRODUCTION  315 

l3assy  was  Juan  Sabeata,  a  JumanO;  who  had  been  baptized 
«t  Parral  and  now  lived  at  La  Jiinta^  as  the  Spaniards  called 
tiie  r^on  about  the  junction  of  the  Conchos  with  the  Bio 
Orande.    A  part  of  his  own  tribe  lived  to  the  eastward  of  La 
Junta  on  the  buffalo  plains  and  near  the  Nueces  River.    They 
'Y^ere  clearly  the  Jumano  whom  the  Spaniards  had  so  often  vis- 
ited in  former  times.    Sabeata  had  been  at  £1  Paso  with  one 
of  the  former  delegations.    He  now  returned  as  representative 
of  the  chiefs  of  his  neighborhood,  as  well  as  of  tribes  to  the  east, 
including  the  TexaS;  to  ask  for  missionaries  and  for  help  against 
the  Apaches.    Among  thirty-odd  tribes  of  which  he  spoke,  he 
told  particularly  of  the  "great  kingdom  of  the  Texas,"  a  pop- 
ulous realm  situated  some  fifteen  or  twenty  days  eastward  of 
La  Junta,  and  ruled  by  a  powerful  king.    As  for  the  chief  who 
had  visited  Diego  del  Castillo,  who  had  been  to  the  east  many 
years  before,  he  was  not  the  king  of  the  Texas,  but  merely  the 
king's  lieutenant.    The  Texas  were  a  settled  people,  he  said, 
and  raised  grain  in  such  abimdance  that  they  even  fed  it  to 
their  horses.    They  were  neighbors  of  Gran  Quivira,  so  close, 
indeed,  that  the  two  peoples  visited  back  and  forth  almost 
daily.  ^ 

Governor  Cruzate  forwarded  to  the  viceroy  Sabeata's  dec- 
laration, saying  that  he  would  consider  it  a  great  triiunph  if, 
in  the  present  viceroy's  day,  "another  New  World"  should  be 
discovered,  and  "two  realms  with  two  crowns"  should  be 
added  to  the  king's  dominions.    Equally  interested  was  Fray 

^  F<»r  a  sketch  of  the  Spanish  approach  to  western  Texas  see  Bolton,  "The 
Spanish  Occupation  of  Texas,  151^1690/'  in  the  Sovthwestem  Historical  Quarterly ^ 
XVI.  4-11.  See  also  Benavides,  "Memorial/'  translation  in  Land  of  Sunshine, 
XIV.  139-140;  Fr.  Alonzo  Posadas,  "Informe  i  S.  M.  sobre  las  tierras  de  Nuevo 
Mejico,  Quivira  y  Teguayo,"  in  Fem&ndez  Duro,  Pefkdosa,  pp.  53-67;  Fr. 
Amaodo  Niel, "  Apuntamientos,"  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  tercera  serie  (Mexico,  1856), 
pp.  91-93 ;  Bolton,  "The  Jumano  Indians  in  Texas,"  in  the  Texas  State  Hist. 
Assoc  Quarterly,  XV.  68-74;  Anne  Hughes,  "The  Beginnings  of  Spanish  Settle- 
ment in  the  El  Paso  District,"  in  University  of  Calif omia  Publications  in  History, 
1.295-301. 


816  TEXAS:  MEND0ZA-L6P£Z  EXPEDITION 

Nicole  L6pez,  custodiaa  of  the  missioiis,  who  at  onoe 
about  wyanding  to  the  Bsppal  fay  Immding  miseaoiis  at  La 
Junta.  After  some  preUminaries  he  set  out  for  that  place  on 
December  1,  accompanied  by  Fray  Juan  Zavaleta  and  Fray 
Antonio  Acevedo.  Arriving  at  their  destination  at  the  end 
of  thirteen  days,  they  f oimd  things  favorable,  and  soon  seven 
or  more  tribes  about  La  Jimta  had  built  churches  and  dwdlingp 
for  the  missionaries. 

Meanwhile  Governor  Gruzate,  without  awaiting  orders 
from  the  viceroy,  prepared  an  expedition  ''for  the  new  dis- 
covery of  the  Jumanas  and  all  other  nations  who  hold  friend- 
ship with  them."  As  leader  he  appointed  Captain  Juan 
Domfnguez  de  Mendoza,  who  had  gone  with  Guadalajara  to 
the  Jumanos  thirty  years  before.  At  La  Jimta  he  was  to  be 
joined  by  Father  L6pez.  He  was  instructed  to  examine  care- 
fully the  Nueces  Biver,  bring  back  samples  of  pearls  and  other 
products,  and  learn  everything  possible  about  the  Lidians. 
He  was  especially  required  to  impress  the  natives  with  the  re- 
spect shown  the  missionaries.  The  venture  had  a  conunerdal 
phase,  and  the  instructions  provided  for  the  r^ulation  of 
trade  with  the  Indians. 

On  December  15  Mendoza  set  out,  opening  his  diaiy  at 
Real  de  San  Lorenzo,  a  few  leagues  below  El  Paso,  on  the  south 
bank  of  the  Bio  Grande.  He  kept  close  to  that  stream  aU 
the  way  to  La  Jimta,  passing  on  the  way  numerous  rancherias 
of  Suma  Lidians.  Leaving  Father  Acevedo  in  charge  at  La 
Junta,  Fathers  L6pez  and  Zavaleta  joined  the  e}q)edition  to 
the  plains.  From  the  starting  point  the  route  was  northward 
to  the  Salado  (Pecos),  which  was  reached  after  seventy  leagues 
of  travel.  Following  down  the  river  nine  leagues,  they  crossed 
to  a  village  of  Jediondos,  apparently  near  Horsehead  Crossing. 

Leaviog  the  Pecos,  Mendoza  now  struck  out  eastward, 
across  an  unwatered  plain,  and  at  the  end  of  forty  leagues 
reached  a  river  which  flowed  east  and  was  remarkable  for 


INTRODUCTION  317 

nuts  and  dam  shells  (conchas).  It  was  evidently  the  Midcfie 
Concho.  Following  it  eastward  for  twenty-one  (or  twenty- 
four)  leagues;  he  reached  its  junction  with  the  Nueces  River, 
the  stream  which  he  had  come  to  explore  and  on  which  he 
had  been  with  Guadalajara.  He  must  have  been  where  San 
Angelo  now  is.  Nineteen  leagues  further  eastward  he  reached 
the  end  of  his  journey  at  the  San  Clemente  River,  an  east- 
flowing  stream,  apparently  the  Colorado  near  its  jimction 
\niii  the  main  Concho. 

At  the  San  Clemente  Mendoza's  party  remained  six  weeks, 
Idlled  over  four  thousand  head  of  buffalo,  and  received  mes- 
G^:iger8  from  numerous  eastern  tribes.  Mendoza  built  a  com- 
l>ined  stronghold  and  chapel,  where  numerous  Indians  were 
l>aptized,  and  before  leaving  the  commander  and  the  mission- 
aries promised  to  come  again  within  a  year. 

On  his  return  to  La  Jimta,  Mendoza  took  possession  of  the 
north  bank  of  the  Rio  Grande  as  a  part  of  New  Mexico  and 
delivered  rods  of  justice  to  four  native  chiefs.  Leaving  Fathers 
-Acevedo  and  Zavaleta  to  continue  missionary  work,  Mendoza 
sad  L6pez  returned  to  El  Paso,  going  by  way  of  the  Conchos 
sad  the  Sacramento,  because  the  Simias  were  in  revolt  and  the 
Hio  Grande  high. 

The  expedition  of  1684  now  became  the  basis  of  an  attempt 
tx>  occupy  the  Jumano  country  with  missionaries  and  soldiers. 
On  their  return  to  El  Paso  both  Father  L6pez  and  Mendoza 
"went  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  where  they  prepared  memorials, 
in  1685  and  1686,  urging  such  a  step,  and  it  is  not  at  all  im- 
probable that  if  danger  from  the  French  on  the  Gulf  coast  had 
not  just  then  arisen,  the  recommendations  would  have  been 
put  into  effect. 

The  principal  sources  of  information  regarding  the  Men- 
doza-L6pez  expedition  hitherto  printed  are:  "Memorial  de 
Fr.  Nicolds  Lopez  acerca  de  la  repoblaci6n  de  Nuevo  Mejico 
y  ventajas  que  ofrece  el  reino  de  Quivira,"  and  "  Memorial  del 


318  TEXAS:  MEND0ZA-L6PEZ  EXPEDITION 

Maestre  de  Campo  Juan  Dominguez  de  MendozE;  informando 
acerca  de  las  Naciones  de  Oriente/'  These  documents  are 
printed  in  Cesdxeo  Fem^dez  Duro,  Don  Diego  de  PefUilosa 
y  8u  Descybrimiento  del  Reino  de  Quivira  (Madrid;  1882),  pp. 
67-74,  74r-77.  The  L6pez  memorial  was  used  by  Barcfa,  in 
his  Ensayo  CronoUgico,  p.  266.  A  brief  contemporary  account 
is  contained  in  Fray  Alonso  de  Posadas's  '^Informe  &  S.  M. 
sobre  las  tierras  de  Nuevo  Mejico,  Quivira  y  Teguayo."  This 
also  is  printed  in  Femdndez  Duro's  Penalosa,  pp.  53-67. 

Of  much  greater  importance  is  the  expediente  of  xmpub- 
lished  manuscripts  entitled  ^'Viage  Que  a  solicitud  de  los 
Naturales  de  la  Prov*  de  Texas,  y  otras  Naciones  circun- 
vecinas,  y  de  orden  del  Govemador  del  Nuevo  Mexico  D. 
Domingo  Gironza  Petris  de  Cruzati,  Hizo  el  Maestre  de 
Campo  Juan  Dominguez  de  Mendoza,  en  fines  del  ano  de  1683, 
y  principios  de  1684,  Copiado  Del  Original  que  existe  en  d 
oficio  mas  antiguo  del  Virreynato  de  Nueva  Espana,  en  los 
Autos  sobre  la  sublevacion  del  Nuevo  Mexico,  Quademo  1®," 
Archivo  General  y  Publico,  Mexico,  Secci6n  de  Historia,  voL 
298. 

This  lengthy  expediente  contains,  besides  the  Itinerario  here- 
inafter printed,  reports  of  governor  Cruzate  to  the  viceroy; 
the  declaration  of  Juan  Sabeata,  made  at  El  Paso,  October 
20, 1683;  certificaciones  made  by  Mendoza  at  La  Junta  on  the 
way  back  from  the  Jumanos;  reports  sent  by  the  mission- 
aries at  El  Paso  to  Mexico  by  Father  L6pez ;  representaciones 
made  by  Father  L6pez  in  Mexico  in  1685  and  1686 ;  and  pro- 
ceedings of  the  central  government.  As  is  indicated  above, 
the  expediente  is  a  compilation  from  the  avios  of  the  Pueblo 
Revolt,  and  most  of  the  originals  of  the  documents  copied  in 
the  expediente  are  still  preserved  in  the  archives  of  Mexico. 
This  is  true  of  the  Itinerario,  which  is  here  translated  from  the 
original  in  expediente  no.  4  of  a  manuscript  volume  entitled 
'^Alsamiento  Gral.  de  los  Indies  de  Nuevo  Mexico  en  1680," 


INTRODUCTION  319 

whic^li  constitutes  vol.  37  of  the  Archivo  General  y  Publico, 

Sec(^x<^n  de  Provincias  Intemas.    There  are  few  essential 

differences  between  the  two  versions.    In  the  copy  dates  and 

disbctnces  have  been  added.    An  official  copy  of  Mendoza's 

instructions  is  in  the  Bancroft  Library. 


ITINERARY  OF  JUAN  DOMINGUEZ  DE 

MENDQZA,  1684^ 

Maestre  de  Campo  Juan  Dominguez  de  Mendoza,  com- 
mander and  chief  of  this  detachment  of  soldiers  which  is 
going  to  the  discovery  of  the  East  and  the  kingdom  of  the 
Texas  at  the  petition  of  Don  Juan  Sebeata,  an  Indian  of  the 
Jiunana  nation,  who,  with  the  other  chiefs  of  that  nation, 
went  to  petition  before  the  Senor  Captain  Don  Domingo 
Jironsa  Petris  de  Cruzate,  govemor  and  captain-general  of 
these  provinces  of  New  Mexico,  and  before  the  most  Rever- 
end Father  Fray  Nicolas  Lopes,  procm'ator,  custodian,  and 
ordinary  ecclesiastical  judge^  of  the  said  provinces,  in  order 
that  they  might  be  protected  from  both  directions,  by  both 
the  spiritual  and  temporal  care.  At  this  petition  the  said 
govemor  and  captain-general,  supporting  what  was  for  the 
best  service  of  both  Majesties,  considered  it  well  to  issue  to 
me  an  order  for  the  execution  of  the  aforesaid  journey ;  and 
in  order  that  it  may  be  in  the  form  which  is  required  and 
which  the  case  demands,  and  in  conformity  with  the  afore- 
said order  and  instruction,  I  have  considered  it  well  that  all 
should  appear  in  this  itinerary,  as  follows : 

We  set  out  from  the  Real  de  San  Lorenzo,'  which  is  ap- 
parently about  twelve  leagues  distant  from  tlie  mission^  of 
Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe  of  the  Mansos  and  Passo  del 
Rio  del  Norte.  From  the  irforesaid  Real  de  San  Lorenzo  to 
this  place  in  which  we  now  are,  it  is  about  five  leagues,  this 
place  being  an  adobe  house  where  Maestre  de  Campo  Thome 


ti 


^Alsamiento  Gral.  de  los  Indios  de  Nuevo  Mexico  en  1680"  (manuscript 
in  the  Archivo  General  y  Ptiblico,  Mexico,  IVovindas  Internas,  voL  37). 

*  Juez  ordinario  eclendstico. 

*  The  principal  Spanish  settlement  established  by  the  refugees  at  El  Paao 
after  the  retreat  of  1680.  See  Hughes,  The  Beginnings  qf  Spaniih  SMemenU  in 
the  El  Paso  District,  pp.  315-333. 

*  ConDersi6n. 

320 


1883]  ITINERARY  OF  MENDOZA  321 

Domingues  de  Mendosa^  lived.  It  was  given  the  name  San 
Bartolome.  It  has  a  very  good  watering  place ;  its  plain  is 
supplied  with  very  good  pasturage  and  an  abundance  of 
wood.  A  holy  cross  was  erected.  In  order  that  it  may  be 
better  attested;  I  signed  it  with  my  name,  with  my  assisting 
witnesses,  who  here  signed  it  in  my  presence,  as  captain,  com- 
mander and  chief.  Done  on  the  15th  day  of  the  month  of 
December,  1683.  Juan  Domingues  de  Mendosa.  Diego 
LucERO  DE  GoDOi.  Baltasar  Dominguez  de  Mendosa. 
ELbrnando  Martin  Serano. 

On  the  16th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  arrived 
at  this  place,  which  was  given  the  name  of  Santisima  Treni- 
dad,  and  which  is  distant  from  the  aforesaid  house  about 
seven  leagues.  It  is  on  the  top  of  a  hill  where  there  was  a 
rancheria  of  Indians  of  the  Suma  nation.  A  holy  cross  was 
erected  facing  toward  the  north.  Opposite  it  is  a  thick- 
trunked  cottonwood,*  where  the  Rio  del  Norte  passes.  Below 
this  Cottonwood  is  f oimd  the  watering  place  for  the  horse  herd, 
there  being  no  other,  because  the  river  has  such  high  and 
steep  banks.  I  crossed  it  with  difficulty'  on  the  said  day, 
month,  and  year.* 

In  this  place,  which  was  given  the  name  Nuestra  Senora 
del  Pilar  de  Saragosa,  and  which  is  distant  from  that  of  La 
Santissima  Trenidad  about  eight  leagues.  On  the  17th  day 
of  the  said  month  and  year  we  arrived  at  this  place  where 
we  found  a  populous  rancheria,  besides  others  which  we  passed, 
all  of  the  Simia  nation,  poor  people  who  live  chiefly  on  mescal, 
which  is  baked  palms.  ^  All  these  rancherfas  asked  of  me 
aid  and  help  against  the  common  enemy,  the  Hapaches  na- 
tion, alleging  generally  that  most  of  them  were  already  dis- 
posed to  becoming  Christians.  In  fact  a  considerable  por- 
tion of  them  were  already  reducing  themselves  to  settlements 

^  Father  of  Juan  Dominguez  de  Mendoza.  He  had  left  New  Mexico  with 
the  other  refugees,  settled  here,  and  subsequently  moved  farther  toward  the 
interior,  as  had  numerous  other  New  Mexicans. 

>  Alamo,  literally  poplar,  but  in  the  Southwest  the  term  is  commonly  applied 
to  the  Cottonwood. 

*  Par  diligencia.    This  may  mean  with  legal  formalities. 

*  Hereafter,  in  order  to  save  space,  the  formalities  concerning  the  signing 
we  omitted  at  the  end  of  each  entry  except  the  last. 

*  See  "Espejo's  narrative,  p.  170,  above,  note  5. 


322  TEXAS:  MEND0ZA-L6PEZ  EXPEDITION  [1683 

and  alleging  that  the  Apaches  'did  not  allow  them  in  their 
lands.  Seeing  that,  in  their  way,  they  asked  justice,  I  have 
promised  them  all  help  and  protection  on  the  return  journey. 
On  the  top  of  a  hill  I  had  a  cross  erected. 

On  the  ISth  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  arrived 
at  the  place  which  was  named  Nuestra  Senora  de  la  limpia 
Consepcion.  It  has  as  a  landmark  a  deep  arroyo  which 
forms  a  stony  beach  where  it  empties  into  the  Rio  del  Norte. 
This  is  the  watering  place.  It  is  distant  from  Nuestra  Senora 
del  Pilar  about  eight  leagues.  It  forms  a  nook  with  good 
pasturage  and  wood.    On  the  top  of  a  hill  I  had  a  cross  erected. 

On  the  19th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  arrived 
at  this  place  which  was  given  the  name  Nuestra  Senora  de  la 
Soledad.  It  is  about  three  leagues  west  of  the  Rio  del  Norte, 
where  there  is  a  mountain  from  which  issues  an  arroyo  of 
good  water,  in  suflBcient  quantity  for  any  army.  This  arroyo 
flows  toward  the  Rio  del  Norte,  and  has  a  very  good  grove  of 
cottonwoods.  It  is  distant  from  Nuestra  Senora  de  la  Limpia 
Concepcion  about  eight  leagues.  It  has  very  good  pastures 
and  wood.  I  had  a  holy  cross  placed  on  the  top  of  a  hill. 
Between  the  two  places  there  are  three  rancherlas  of  the 
Suma  nation. 

On  the  20th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  arrived 
at  this  place,  which  was  given  the  name  Nuestra  Senora  del 
Transito,  and  which  is  on  the  Rio  del  Norte.  Its  range  of 
hills  forms  a  pasture.  Its  bottom  lands  are  well  supplied  with 
pasturage  and  wood.  It  is  distant  from  Nuestra  Senora  de 
la  Soledad  about  eight  leagues,  over  country  rough  in  parts. 
Between,  there  is  a  hot  spring,  which  forms  the  said  river. 
The  land  is  intractable,  and  is  settled  by  some  rancherfas. 
The  watering  place  is  good.  On  the  top  of  a  hill  I  had  a  holy 
cross  placed. 

On  the  21st  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  arrived 
at  this  place,  which  was  named  Nuestra  Senora  del  Buen 
Suseso.  It  is  distant  from  Nuestra  Senora  del  Transito  about 
four  leagues.  It  has  very  good  land,  pasturage,  and  wood, 
which  is  near  by  in  the  canyon  formed  by  the  Rio  del  Norte, 
where  the  trail  leaves  it  and  turns  toward  the  west,  and  then 
immediately  turns  to  the  east.  It  is  necessary  to  stop  here 
because  on  the  next  day's  march  there  occurs  rough  land 


1683]  ITINERARY  OF  MENDOZA  323 

overgrown  with  mesquite  and  cat's-claw;  although  it  is  pass- 
able ;  and  soon  afterwards  there  occurs  a  high  steep  hill,  and 
towajxl  the  east  it  is  precipitous^  and  well  overgrown  with 
lechiiguiUa,'^  almost  to  the  Bio  del  Norte,  so  that  it  was  not 
possible  to  travel  by  night.  It  is  here  described  with  full 
specifications.  I  ordered  a  cross  placed  on  the  top  of  a  hill. 
In  this  district  were  three  inhabited  rancherfas  of  Sumas. 

On  the  22d  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  arrived  at 
this  place,  which  was  named  Nuestra  Senora  del  Rosario. 
It  is  distant  from  Nuestra  Senora  del  Buen  Suceso  about 
eight  leagues.  It  is  like  the  rough  land  aheady  described 
above.  We  arrived  at  Bio  del  Norte,  where  we  found  some 
rancherfas  of  the  same  Sumas  nation.  It  has  very  good 
meadows,  pastures,  wood,  and  a  watering  place.  I  caused  a 
holy  cross  to  be  placed  on  the  top  of  a  hill. 

On  the  23d  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out 
from  this  place,  which  was  named  Nuestra  Senora  de  Regla, 
and  which  is  distant  from  Nuestra  Senora  del  Rosario  about 
eight  leagues.  It  has  as  a  landmark  a  beautiful  meadow. 
The  hill  is  very  near  to  the  mountain.  Toward  the  north 
is  a  grove  of  cottonwoods;  then  comes  the  river;  it  forms 
a  long  valley  on  the  other  bank.  Then  follows  the  Rio  del 
Norte.  The  watering  place  is  good.  For  further  identifica- 
tion I  ordered  a  holy  cross  placed  on  the  top  of  this  hill,  which 
looks  to  the  north. 

On  the  24th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out 
from  this  place,  wMch  was  named  Nuestra  Senora  de  Belen' 
because  of  a  narrow  pass  which  is  found  on  the  top  of  a  steep 
moimtaln,  which  is  about  a  half-league  from  the  said  place. 
This  pass  is  something  like  a  window.  The  place  has  for 
marks  the  chain  of  hills  and  a  grove  in  the  form  of  an  0. 
The  watering  place  is  good.  It  has  in  the  middle  a  piece  of 
meadow  sufl&cient  for  the  river.  It  is  distant  from  the  last 
place  eight  leagues.  I  ordered  a  holy  cross  placed  on  the  top 
of  a  hill  which  faces  north. 

On  the  25th  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out  from 

^  Ocinada,  cf.  hocino, 

*The  maguey  plant  See  Espejo's  narrative,  p.  170.  Literally,  amall 
lettuce. 

*  Our  Lady  of  Bethlehem.    It  was  Christmas  Eve. 


324  TEXAS:  MEND0ZA-L6PEZ  EXPEDITION  [1683 

this  place;  which  was  named  Nuestra  Senora  del  Populo. 
It  has  for  marks  a  large  rock  separated  from  the  mountain, 
with  buttresses  on  the  sides,  and  the  length  to  the  north ;  in 
appearance  it  resembles  a  church.  It  is  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Rio  del  Norte ;  and  on  this  side  where  we  are,  which  is 
on  the  New  Mexico  side,^  is  the  part  which  faces  the  south. 
Behind  it  there  is  a  plentiful  grove  of  cottonwoods  and  other 
trees.  Toward  the  south  the  same  river  forks,  and  between 
the  branches  is  a  meadow  supplied  with  pasturage.  Here, 
on  the  top  of  a  hill,  I  had  a  holy  cross  placed.  From  Nuestra 
Senora  de  Belen  to  this  place  it  is  about  eight  leagues. 

On  the  26th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out 
from  this  place  which  was  named  Nuestra  S^ora  de  Atodia. 
It  has  these  marks :  it  is  closed  in  by  a  chain  of  hills ;  it  is 
elevated,  and  has  on  the  west  the  mountain ;  on  the  south 
there  is  a  little  pass  through  which  the  Rio  del  Norte  runs ; 
the  chain  of  hills  is  thickly  covered  with  cactus,  which  ap- 
pears to  bear  good  fruit.  Most  of  this  river  has  watering 
places  of  stone.  It  is  about  three  leagues  distant  from  Nues- 
tra Senora  del  Populo,  for,  because  of  the  accident  of  having 
lost  some  horses,  it  was  not  possible  to  go  farther.  The  pas- 
tiu'es  are  good  and  the  hills  have  plenty  of  wood  and  what- 
ever is  necessary. 

On  the  27th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out 
from  this  place,  which  was  named  Nuestra  Senora  de  los 
Remedios.  It  has  for  marks  on  the  north  a  high  moimtain. 
It  is  at  the  foot  of  a  hill  where  the  road  descends,  and  before 
reaching  the  place  there  is  a  dry  arroyo.  The  Rio  del  Norte 
flows  toward  the  east.  The  meadows  are  the  same  on  both 
sides  of  the  river ;  they  have  an  abundance  of  pastures  and 
wood,  and  there  is  a  good  watering  place.  I  ordered  a  holy 
cross  placed  on  the  top  of  a  hill.  From  the  place  of  Nuestra 
Senora  de  Atocha  it  is  about  seven  leagues. 

On  the  28th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out 
from  this  place,  which  was  named  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  Guadsr 
lupe.  To  the  foregoing  place  of  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  los  B^ne- 
dios  it  is  about  seven  leagues.    It  has  for  marks  two  moun- 

^  /.  e,f  he  regarded  the  south  bank  as  a  part  of  New  Mexioo,  but  not  th» 
north.  See  Hughes,  The  Beginnings  of  Spanish  Settlement  in  the  El  Paeo  Didrid^ 
chapter  VIII. 


1684]  ITINERARY  OF  MENDOZA  325 

tains.  The  one  which  is  toward  the  north  must  be  three 
leagues  away,  and  the  one  which  is  in  front  of  the  Bio  del 
Norte  a  quarter  of  a  league.  On  opposite  sides  of  the  river 
are  two  groves  of  cottonwood,  with  dense  canebrakes.  There 
is  a  good  watering  place.  I  ordered  a  holy  cross  placed  on 
the  top  of  the  hill;  close  to  the  road. 

On  the  29th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year,  we  arrived 
at  this  place;  which  was  named  La  Nabidad  en  las  Cruces,^ 
because  of  the  crosses  possessed  by  the  rancherias  which  were 
settled  on  both  sides  of  the  Bio  del  Norte.  These  rancherias 
are  of  people  of  the  Julimes  nation ;  they  are  versed  in  the 
Mexican  language,  and  all  sow  maize  and  wheat.  Here  we 
overtook  the  reverend  fathers  preachers,  Fray  Nicolas  Lopes, 
custodian  and  ordinary  judge  of  the  provinces  of  New  Mexico, 
Pray  Juan  de  Sabaleta,  commissary  of  the  Holy  Office,*  and 
Fray  Antonio  de  Asebedo.  Generally  all  these  Indians  asked 
for  the  water  of  baptism,  and  more  than  one  hundred  persons 
were  baptized.  AU  the  meadows  of  the  river  are  very  spacious, 
and  have  good  lands,  good  climate,  and  abundant  pasturage 
and  wood.' 

In  this  place,  which  was  named  El  Apostol  Santiago,^  and 
from  which  we  set  out  today.  New  Year's  day,  January  1, 
1684,  and  where  our  very  reverend  father  custodian  and  or- 
dinary judge.  Fray  Nicolas  Lopes,  and  Father  Fray  Juan  de 
Sabaleta,  commissary  of  the  Holy  Office,  celebrated  mass,  I 
had  a  holy  cross  placed  on  the  top  of  a  hill.  It  is  about  seven 
leagues  distant  from  La  Nabedad,  which  is  the  settlement 
where  Father  Fray  Antonio  de  Assevedo  remains  in  charge. 
This  district  is  very  stony  in  parts,  although  I  travelled  over 
it.    The  aforesaid  place  of  Senor  Santiago  has  for  marks  an 

^  When  Sabeata  and  hb  companions  went  to  El  Paso  to  ask  for  missionaries^ 
they  told  a  tale  of  the  miraculous  appearance  of  a  cross  in  the  sky  near  La  Junta. 
Ilie  place  where  the  i4>parition  was  said  to  occur  was  called  by  the  Spaniards 
La  Navidad  en  las  Cruces.  Sabeata  later  confessed  that  the  story  was  a  pure 
fabrication  intended  to  stir  the  Spaniards  to  action.  '  Inquisition. 

*  The  diary  gives  the  distance  from  Guadalupe  to  La  Navidad  as  one  hun- 
dred and  nine  leagues  plus  the  last  dajr's  march  (for  which  no  distance  is  given) 
or  about  one  hundred  and  fifteen  leagues.  The  air-line  distance  is  about  one 
hundred  and  ninety  miles,  but  by  the  windings  of  the  river  it  must  be  two  hundred 
and  fifty  miles. 

^  The  Apostle  Saint  James. 


326  TEXAS:  MEND0ZA-L6PEZ  EXPEDITION  [1684 

arroyo  which  flows  from  north  to  south.  It  has  very  abundant 
pasturage,  partly  green  and  partly  dry.^ 

On  January  2,  1684,  we  set  out  from  this  place,  which  was 
named  Nuestro  Padre  San  Francisco.  It  has  the  following 
marks:  a  spring  of  hot  water  which  flows  toward  the  south- 
east. Its  source  is  on  a  height.  The  water  and  the  pasturage 
are  good.  The  land  is  level  and  has  Uttle  wood.  A  cross  was 
not  erected  for  lack  of  timber.  It  is  distant  from  Senor  San- 
tiago about  seven  leagues. 

On  the  3d  day  of  the  aforesaid  month  we  set  out  from  this 
place,  which  was  named  San  Nicolas.  It  is  distant  from 
Nuestro  Padre  San  Francisco  about  seven  leagues.  It  has 
the  following  marks:  It  is  at  the  extremity  of  a  mesa  which 
extends  to  the  north.  It  is  a  watering  place  consisting  of  a 
beautiful  reservoir  which  is  supplied  by  the  rains.  The  pas- 
sage^ through  the  rocks  forms  two  steep  crags  on  the  sides; 
on  one  of  them  I  had  a  holy  cross  placed.  There  are  in  the 
environs  of  the  reservoir  some  ash  trees  and  other  kinds  of 
timber ;  and  in  the  cavities  made  by  the  rocks  adjoining  the 
reservoir  there  is  a  great  quantity  of  maidenhair  fern  and  most 
beautiful  grape-vines.  Toward  the  west  is  a  beautiful  plain, 
with  plentiful  pasturage  of  couch  grass.'  The  direction  which 
we  were  following  was  toward  the  north. 

On  the  4th  day  of  the  month  and  year  we  set  out  from  this 
place  which  was  named  Nuestro  Padre  San  Antonio.  It  is 
in  the  midst  of  some  hills,  where  there  is  a  reservoir  sufficient 
for  any  herd  of  horses.  It  is  surroimded  by  bare,  denuded 
rock.*  Its  inlet  is  an  arroyo  which  runs  toward  the  west. 
It  is  covered  with  oaks,  and  on  the  heights  with  cedars.  It  is 
distant  from  San  Nicolas  about  seven  leagues.  Midway  there 
are  some  little  pools  of  brackish  water.  AU  the  land  is  level. 
In  the  neighborhood  of  the  little  pools  there  is  a  great  quan- 
tity of  white  and  yellow  mesquites.  In  the  midst  of  so  much 
evil  there  is  a  little  spring  of  fresh  and  kindly  water,  and,  as 

^  The  party  apparently  went  down  the  Rio  Grande  seven  leagues  befoit 
turning  north.    The  arroyo  flowing  south  seems  to  have  been  the  Alamito. 

*  Esladeros,    I  cannot  find  this  word  in  any  dictionary.    Cf.  axd/odefOt  or 
ailadero,  which  is  frequently  used  in  the  De  Le6n  diaries  in  the  sense  of 
way."    See  p.  410,  Wow,  note  3. 

*  Orama,  ^  Fefia 


1684]  ITINERARY  OF  MENDOZA  327 

an  exquisite  thing;  I  had  it  noted  with  particular  care.  On 
the  top  of  some  rocks  near  this  little  spring  I  had  a  holy  cross 
placed. 

On  the  5th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year,  we  set  out 
from  this  place,  which  is  distant  from  San  Antonio  about  four 
leagues;  in  both  places  mass  was  celebrated.  This  district 
consists  in  parts  of  rocks  and  knolls,  and  in  parts  of  plain 
without  rocks.  It  is  at  the  foot  of  a  hill  which  is  toward  the 
east.  On  the  south  rises  a  Uttle  arroyo  which  flows  toward 
the  north.  ^  There  is  water  sufficient  for  any  herd  of  horses. 
The  pastures  are  good,  but  there  is  little  wood  and  that  which 
there  is  at  a  distance  is  oak.  It  was  named  San  Lorenso 
because  of  the  fire  which  threatened  to  bum  us  by  night,  but 
the  damage  which  might  have  occurred  was  prevented  by  the 
circle*  which  was  made  round  about.  The  cross  was  not 
erected  because  there  was  no  timber  of  which  to  make  it. 

On  the  6th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year,  the  day  of  Los 
Santos  Reyes,'  we  set  out  from  this  place,  where  two  masses 
were  celebrated.  It  was  named  the  place  of  Los  Reyes.  It 
is  on  the  left  hand,  as  we  come  from  San  Lorenso,  turning  aside 
from  the  path  about  a  half  league  for  a  valley  apart  with  good 
pasturage  and  with  mountains  on  both  sides.  In  the  valley 
is  a  dry  arroyo  with  some  pecans  ;^  continuing  up  stream  one 
finds  good  water ;  it  is  toward  the  north ;  it  is  distant  from 
San  Lorenso  about  five  leagues.    I  had  a  holy  cross  erected. 

On  the  7th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  remained 
in  this  place,  which  was  named  San  Pedro  de  Alcantara.  It 
is  distant  from  the  place  of  Los  Reyes  about  six  leagues.  This 
detention  was  at  the  general  request  of  the  Indians  of  the 
Jumana  nation  and  the  others  who  came  with  them,  who  were 
constrained  by  the  necessity  which  they  suffered  because  of 
not  having  any  food  to  eat ;  for  this  reason  they  arranged  to 
surround  the  deer  and  other  kinds  of  animals,  in  order  to  re- 
Ueve  the  necessity  which  we  all  shared.    This  place  has  a 

*  The  party  were  evidently  in  the  neighborhood,  of  Alpine. 

'  Cerco,  perhaps  a  circle  made  by  back  firing.  The  allusion  to  San  Lorenzo 
refers  to  his  death  by  burning. 

'  Day  of  the  Holy  Kings  (Epiphany). 

^  The  trees  called  nogales  in  the  diary  are  in  all  probability  pecans,  which 
•re  abundant  in  many  parts  of  Texas. 


328  TEXAS:  MEND0ZA-L6PEZ  EXPEDITION  [1684 

beautiful  plain  which  extends  eastward,  and  toward  the  north 
are  some  hills  without  any  trees.  From  the  slope  of  a  hill 
issues  a  beautiful  spring,  round  about  which  there  is  fine 
black  land.  The  place  has  little  wood.  The  holy  cross  was 
not  erected  for  lack  of  timber. 

On  the  8th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out  from 
this  place  of  San  Pedro  de  Alcantara,  whose  marks  are  already 
given.  We  camped  for  the  night  without  water  and  wood. 
All  the  road  is  level. 

On  the  9th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out 
from  this  place,  which  was  named  San  Bernardino  de  Sena, 
which  is  distant  from  San  Pedro  de  Alcantara  about  eight 
leagues.  It  is  in  a  plain  without  water,  and  the  watering  place 
is  apparently  about  three  leagues  away. 

On  the  10th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year,  we  set  out 
from  this  place,  wluch  was  named  San  Francisco  Xaviel.*  It 
is  distant  from  San  Bernardino  de  Sena  about  four  leagues. 
It  has  as  marks  three  small  hills  standing  toward  the  west; 
and  toward  the  north  a  cliff'  from  which  issues  a  spring  of 
alkaline'  but  pleasant  water.  The  pastures  are  good,  and 
there  is  an  abundance  of  mesquite  wood.  The  tracks  of  buf- 
falo began  to  appear,  but,  although  search  was  made,  none 
were  found.  The  holy  cross  was  not  erected  for  lack  of  suit- 
able timber. 

On  the  11th  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out  from 
this  place,  which  was  given  the  name  San  Juan  del  Rio.  It 
is  in  a  beautiful  plain.  In  its  environs  there  are  four  high 
mesas ;  from  the  small  one  toward  the  north  flows  a  spring ; 
within  three  arquebus  shots,  apparently,  there  issue  five  other 
springs,^  all  beautiful;  and  within  the  distance  of  half  a 
league  a  most  beautiful  river  is  formed,  although  without  any 
kind  of  tree,  it  having  only  camalote*^  patches.  The  water  is 
very  clear,  although  a  Uttle  alkaline ;  it  is  well  supplied  with 
fish.  Mass  was  celebrated.  It  is  distant  from  San  Francisco 
Xaviel  four  leagues,  rather  more  than  less.    The  holy  cross 

^  St  Francis  Xavier.      '  « Sexa,  cf,  ceja.  •  Qofdo. 

^  The  doubt  here  is  between  Barrilla  Springs  and  those  at  Fort  Stockton, 
but  the  distance  from  the  Salado  points  to  the  latter. 

•  The  camalote  is  an  aquatic  plant  of  the  family  pontederiacem  (Diocionano 
Salvai). 


1684]  ITINERARY  OF  MENDOZA  329 

was  not  erected  for  lack  of  suitable  timber,  although  there  is 
abundance  of  mesquite  wood.  Three  bulls  were  killed  in  this 
place,  and  with  them  came  relief  to  the  great  need  which  all 
the  camp  suffered. 

On  tlie  12th  day  of  the  month  and  year  we  set  out  from 
the  above  named  place  of  Senor  San  Juan,  and  camped  for 
the  night  about  five  leagues  from  it  without  water.  Half  way 
we  found  a  very  beautiful  spring  which  flows  toward  the  north ; 
toward  the  east  runs  a  chain  of  mesas,  on  the  right  hand  as 
we  came.  All  the  road  is  level,  without  stones,  covered  with 
much  pasturage  and  with  mesquite  and  other  kinds  of  wood. 
It  was  named  San  Anselmo.  The  holy  cross  was  not  erected 
for  lack  of  suitable  timber.    Mass  was  celebrated. 

On  the  13th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out  from 
San  Anselmo,  and  arrived  at  this  place  on  the  Salado  River, 
which  comes  from  New  Mexico;  its  course  is  southeast.^ 
Apparently  it  carries  as  much  water  as  the  Rio  del  Norte. 
The  water  is  muddy  and  somewhat  alkaline,  although  pleasant. 
It  has  no  trees,  but  it  is  very  well  supplied  with  mesquite  and 
good  pasturage.  Mass  was  celebrated,  but  the  holy  cross  was 
not  erected  for  lack  of  suitable  timber. 

On  the  14th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  were  de- 
tained on  the  Salado  River.  The  place  was  named  San  Chris- 
toval.  It  is  distant  from  San  Anselmo  about  six  leagues. 
In  front  there  is  a  little  mesa  separate  from  the  others.  The 
delay  was  for  providing  meat. 

On  the  16th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out 
from  this  place  of  San  Christoval,  where  mass  was  celebrated. 
The  day  before,  when  we  stopped,  six  buffalo  bulls  were  killed, 
with  which  the  camp  was  supplied.  A  great  saline  was  dis- 
covered, without  water,  but  abundantly  suppUed  with  salt  in 
white  and  good  grains.  It  is  about  a  league  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Salado  Rjver,  between  a  high  hill  and  a  mesa  which 

^LiteraUy,  from  north  to  east.  The  distance  from  La  Navidad  en  laa 
Cruoes  is  estimated  at  seventy  leagues,  or  sixty-three  from  Santiago,  which,  it 
is  inferred,  was  on  the  Rio  Grande.  It  is  clear  that  the  direction  was  generally 
northward,  and  that  the  Salado  (Pecos)  was  reached  some  distance  above  Horse- 
head  Crossing.  The  air-line  distance  from  the  mouth  of  the  Conchos  to  Horse- 
head  Crossing  is  about  one  hundred  and  sixty  miles,  but  by  the  trails  it  must  be 
neariy  two  hundred  miles. 


A 


330  TEXAS:  MEND0ZA-L6PEZ  EXPEDITION  [1684 

is  beyond.^  All  the  foregoing  are  toward  the  east.  In  this 
part  where  we  are  there  is  a  small  mesa  separated  from  the 
others  aheady  mentioned ;  in  front  of  the  small  mesa  is  the 
saline. 

On  the  16th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out 
from  this  place,  where  two  masses  were  celebrated.  It  is  on 
the  same  Salado  River,  and  is  distant  from  San  Christobal 
about  three  leagues.  The  water  in  the  river  became  better. 
Toward  the  west  it  has  a  great  mesa,  from  which  a  range  of 
hills  extends  toward  the  east.  On  the  other  side  of  the  river, 
toward  the  east,  about  four  leagues  apparently,  there  is  a  Uttle 
range  of  mountains ;  from  it  extends  a  small  mesa ;  above  this 
rises  another  little  mesa  which  conmiands  a  wide  prospect. 
The  holy  cross  was  not  erected  for  lack  of  suitable  timber. 
The  place  was  given  the  name  of  Santo  Domingo  Soriano  de 
la  Nocha  Buena,*  because  we  were  free  from  cold.  About  the 
middle  of  the  night  it  conmienced  to  rain  as  if  it  were  summer, 
but  the  glorious  saint  was  pleased  that  it  should  not  continue, 
for  all  the  companions  came  without  tents. 

On  the  17th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out 
from  this  place,  which  was  given  the  name  of  San  Juan  de 
Dios.  Mass  was  celebrated  in  it.  It  is  distant  from  Santo 
Domingo  about  six  leagues.  All  the  district  is  a  plain,  par- 
ticularly along  the  banks  of  the  said  Salado  River.  The  pas- 
tures are  apparently  good,  although  we  found  them  burned, 
and  because  of  this  we  halted,  a  league,  apparently,  from  the 
rancherla  of  the  people  whom  they  called  the  Jediondos. 
Their  chiefs  and  other  people  came  out  to  receive  us  with  much 
rejoicing,  most  of  them  on  foot,  others  on  horseback,  carrying 
a  holy  cross  very  well  made,  which  apparently  must  be  two 
and  a  half  varas  long,  of  somewhat  heavy  timber,  painted  red 
and  yellow,  and  fastened  with  a  nail  which  they  call  taxamanil. 
The  holy  cross  showed  that  they  had  made  it  some  time  be- 
fore. They  also  brought  forth  a  banner  of  white  taffeta,  a 
little  less  than  a  vara  long ;  in  the  middle  of  the  banner  were 
two  successive  crosses  of  blue  taffeta,  very  well  made.    At  the 

^  There  is  such  a  saline  north  of  the  Rio  Grande  in  Crane  County,  a  few 
miles  above  Horsehead  Crossing. 

*  St  Dominic  of  Bora,  of  the  Fortunate  I^^ght    Nocfae  Bueoa  b  also  the 
applied  to  Christmas  Eve. 


1684]  ITINERARY  OF  MENDOZA  331 

time  of  meeting  us  they  fired  several  shots,  Don  Juan  Sabeata 
firing  with  a  fuse  an  arquebus  barrel  without  a  lock ;  and  I 
ordered  the  salute  retiuned  on  our  part  with  two  volleys. 
As  soon  as  we  met  I  ordered  that  no  soldier  should  dismount, 
but  only  the  reverend  fathers  preachers,  Fray  Nicolas  Lopes, 
custodian  and  ordinary  ecclesiastical  judge,  and  Father  Fray 
Juan  de  Sabaleta,  commissary  of  the  Holy  OflBce.  Kneeling 
with  much  devotion,  they  kissed  the  holy  cross.  I  did  the 
same,  being  on  horseback,  with  the  other  comrades ;  and  the 
Indians  kissed  the  garments  of  their  reverences. 

Together  we  arrived  at  the  rancherfa,  to  the  middle  of 
which  we  crossed  the  Salado  River,  without  any  shelter. 
When  we  approached  the  rancherfa,  all  the  women  and  chil- 
dren came  shouting  in  token  of  the  great  pleasure  which  they 
felt  at  seeing  us.  All  the  women  and  children  kissed  the  holy 
habit  of  the  reverend  fathers.  All  of  the  chiefs  and  other 
people  wished  to  give  us  lodging  and  entertamment  in  their 
own  rancherfa  in  some  huts  of  tule,  which  they  had  made  for 
us,  but  I  did  not  consent  to  it,  because  of  the  evil  results  which 
might  follow,  excusing  myself  with  good  reasons.  I  pitched 
the  camp  on  a  hill,  according  to  the  usage  of  war,  separated 
from  the  said  rancherfa,  which  is  at  the  foot  of  a  great  rock 
that  serves  it  as  protection  against  the  hostile  Apaches.  It 
was  given  the  name  San  Ygnacio  de  Loyola.  Here  I  re- 
mained awaiting  news  of  a  great  ambuscade  which  the  enemy 
are  coming  to  make  on  them  in  order  to  carry  off  many  horses. 
On  the  19th  of  the  aforesaid  month  and  year,  in  the  place 
of  San  Ygnacio,  where  I  am  detained  at  the  request  of  all  the 
Jtimanos  and  the  other  nations,  and  being  occupied  with  pro- 
viding the  soldiers  with  supplies  of  arms  and  other  implements 
of  war,  on  the  said  day  all  the  chiefs,  with  the  governor  Don 
Juan  de  Sabeata,  assembled,  saying  that  they  wished  to  speak 
to  me,  the  said  governor  speaking  for  himself  and  all  the  chiefs 
and  different  nations.  For  this  purpose,  I  on  my  part  ordered 
all  the  chiefs  of  squad  and  soldiers  of  rank  to  assemble,  in 
order  that  they  might  be  present.  This  being  done,  I  com- 
manded Governor  Don  Juan  Sabeata  and  all  their  chiefs  to 
say  what  it  was  they  wished ;  and  all,  in  one  voice,  asked  that 
for  the  love  of  God  I  should  make  war  on  the  hostile  Apaches, 
who  were  enemies  of  theirs  and  of  the  Spaniards.    Because 


332  TEXAS:  MENDQZA-L6FEZ  EXFEDIUQK  pflM 

this  was  true,  and  because  the  said  gqfvemor  and  tlie  dnds 
protested  that  it  was  not  wise  to  leave  them  hehind^  on  ac- 
count ci  the  many  dang^ro  which  mi^t  follow,  and  seeing 
that  they  petitioned  forcibly,  I  granted  that  war  flboald  be 
made  upon,  them,  with  which  the  governor  and  other  chiefiB 
were  pleased. 

On  the  20th  day  oi  the  said  month  and  year,  in  the  said 
place  of  San  Ygnacio,  the  governor,  Don  Joan  Sabeata,  ap- 
peared before  me  saying  that,  in  order  that  some  men  mi^t 
be  armed,  he  was  bringing  me  seventeen  deerskins,  which  he 
did  bring,  and  they  were  divided  among  those  who  wene  most 
needy.  He  promised  that  as  soon  as  the  othera  which  woe 
lacking  could  be  cured,  he  would  bring  them.^  These  deer- 
ddns  were  divided  among  the  following  persons:  Ciq[>tain 
Hernando  Martin  Serano,  three ;  Nicolas  Lucero,  two ;  Migod 
Luxan,  two;  Melchor  de  Archuleta,  two;  F^pe  Montdla, 
two;  Captain  Felipe  Romero,  one;  Captain  Ygnacio  Baca, 
another;  Ensign  Antonio  Soils,  another;  Sarg^to  Baltasar 
Domingues,  another ;  Juan  Domingues,  the  youngs,  another ; 
Antonio  Gomes,  another. 

On  the  24th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out  bom 
this  place  of  San  Ygnacio  de  Loyola,  wherc  we  had  been  de- 
taineid  seven  days.  On  the  8th  we  set  out  from  the  said  place, 
in  which  mass  was  celebrated  every  day.  On  Saturday  it  was 
sung  in  honor  of  the  Most  Holy  and  Perfect  Virgin  and  with 
an  solemnity  another  prayer  was  celebrated,  llie  following 
Sunday  two  other  masses  werc  celebrated.  The  place  is  dis- 
tant from  San  Juan  de  Dios  about  a  league.  During  the  seven 
days  all  the  camp  killed  twenty-seven  beeves. 

From  this  plaice,  which  was  given  the  name  La  Conversion 
de  San  Pablo,*  whose  day  occurred  while  we  werc  here,  we  set 
out  on  the  25th  of  the  said  month  and  year.  On  arrival  here 
meat  was  killed,  and  in  the  place  two  masses  werc  celebrated. 
On  the  night  which  we  camped  there  without  water,  Juan 
Sabeata  told  us  that  the  spies  had  informed  him  that  they 
had  followed  the  tracks  of  the  horseherd  which  the  hostile 
Apaches  had  driven  off.  This  place  is  distant  from  San 
Ygnacio  about  five  leagues.    It  is  in  a  plain,  but  because  the 

^  Perhaps  th^  were  for  shields  or  budders. 

'  The  conversion  of  St.  Paul  is  celebrated  on  January  25. 


1684]  ITINERARY  OF  MENDQZA  333 

country  was  burned  we  stopped  on  a  hill  which  was  well  sup- 
pUed  with  pasturage. 

In  this  place,  which  was  given  the  name  San  Honofre. 
It  is  distant  from  La  Conversion  de  San  Pablo  about  five 
leagues.  It  is  level  country  with  wood,  although  without 
pasturage  because  of  its  being  burned.  By  the  time  of  our 
arrival  at  this  place  of  San  Honof  re  five  beeves  had  been  killed 
on  the  way  as  we  journeyed.  Here  God  our  Lord  was  pleased 
to  let  us  find  an  abundance  of  cattle  and  pasturage  and  sufii- 
cient  wood.  The  place  is  in  a  plain.  In  a  flat  it  has  a  spring 
of  clear  and  good  water.  We  arrived  here  on  the  25th  and 
remained  two  days  in  order  that  the  horses  might  recuperate. 
We  set  out  from  the  place  on  the  28th.  Mass  was  celebrated 
every  day.  Thirty-four  beeves  were  killed.  A  cross  was  not 
erected  for  lack  of  suitable  timber.  In  this  place  there  joined 
us  the  people  whom  they  call  the  Arcos  Tuertos  ;^  their  wear- 
ing apparel  and  all  the  rest  is  after  the  fashion  of  the  Suma 
nation. 

On  the  29th  day  of  said  month  and  year  we  set  out  from 
this  place,  which  was  given  the  name  San  Marcos,  because 
upon  arriving  at  it  a  bull  was  killed  within  the  camp.  It  is 
distant  from  the  place  of  San  Honofre  about  ten  leagues. 
The  location  is  good,  and  has  abimdant  pasturage  and  wood. 
The  watering-place  runs  from  a  hill  where  a  holy  cross  was 
placed,  for  there  was  suitable  timber.    Mass  was  celebrated. 

On  the  said  29th  day  we  did  not  set  out  from  San  Marcos, 
through  the  accident  of  some  horses  having  been  lost.  In- 
cludii^  the  first  beef  animal,  thirty-two  were  killed  in  this 
place.  A  holy  cross  was  erected,  two  masses  were  celebrated, 
and  we  set  out  on  the  30th  of  the  said  month  and  year. 

On  the  last  day  of  the  said  month  we  arrived  at  this  place, 
which  was  given  the  name  San  Joseph.  It  is  in  a  gorge  which 
has  a  pool  of  good  water,  much  wood,  and  pasturage.  It  is 
distant  from  San  Marcos  four  leagues,  rather  more  than  less. 
Mass  was  celebrated  and  a  holy  cross  erected.  We  remained 
to  take  advantage  of  the  good  pasturage  one  day,  which  was 
the  1st  of  February. 

On  the  2d  day  of  February  of  the  said  year  we  set  out  from 
this  place,  which  was  given  the  name  Nuestra  Senora  de  la 

'  Twisted  Bows. 


334  TEXAS:  MEND0ZA-L6PEZ  EXPEDITION  [1684 

Candelaria,  because  we  spent  that  day  there ;  our  arrival  was 
on  the  21st,^  I  having  decided  to  remain  that  day  here.  The 
day  of  the  Most  Holy  Virgin^  was  celebrated,  our  reverend 
preacher  custodian.  Fray  Nicolas  Lopes,  singing  mass  in  her 
honor;  the  reverend  preacher  Fray  Juan  de  Sabaleta  said 
prayer.  It  is  distant  from  the  aforesaid  place  of  San  Joseph 
about  sLx  leagues  and  is  at  the  point  where  the  Nueces  River 
is  reached.'  Here  we  ate  some  catfish.  The  somxje  of  the 
river  is  in  some  springs.  It  flows  toward  the  east.  The 
place  is  pleasant,  having  much  wood,  pasturage,  and  fish.  A. 
holy  cross  was  erected. 

On  the  5th  day  of  the  month  of  February,  1684,  we  seU 
out  from  this  place,  which  was  given  the  name  El  Arcanjel 
San  Migel,  and  where  we  remained  two  and  a  half  days  pas- 
turing the  horses  because  of  their  being  worn  and  thin.    Ifc 
is  distant  from  Nuestra  Senora  de  la  Candelaria  about  thre^ 
leagues.    There  is  in  the  said  place  a  river  bearing  much. 
water,  the  source  of  which  is  not  known  because  it  comes  from 
beneath  the  earth  and  issues  through  some  rocks.    A  holy 
cross  was  erected  above  the  orifice  from  which  the  river  emei^ges. 
This  place  is  very  aptly  named  Where-the-Dogs-Iive,  beci^ise 
there  come  out  from  the  water  many  dogs  of  all  colors,  of  the 
same  size  as  the  other  dogs,  and  of  the  same  species,  although 
bred  in  the  water.    They  say  that  they  are  more  savage. 
They  tear  the  people  in  pieces,  and  do  the  same  with  tiie 
buffalo  bulls  and  cows  that  come  to  drink  at  the  orifice.    We 
saw  the  skeletons  of  the  cows  and  the  bulls,  and  likewise  the 
excrement  and  tracks  of  the  dogs.* 

The  river  flows  toward  the  east.  The  water  is  clear  and 
good.  In  this  place  were  the  first  pecan  trees  that  we  saw, 
for  its  bottoms  have  many  groves  of  them ;  many  nuts  were 
gathered,  with  which  all  the  people  of  the  camp  were  provided; 

^  Clearly  an  error  for  the  31st  of  January.    It  is  in  both  traoacripta. 

'  Feast  of  the  Purification,  or  Candlemas,  February  2. 

'  The  distance  from  the  village  of  the  Hediondos  to  this  pcnnt  totals  thirty 
leagues,  and  from  the  place  where  the  Pecos  was  first  struck,  about  forty  leagues. 
The  stream  which  he  calls  the  Nueces  is  clearly  the  Middle  Concho.  The  obHj 
other  possibility  is  that  it  was  the  fork  of  the  Colorado  which  runs  through  BCid- 
land  County,  but  there  are  several  considerations  which  exclude  that  atream. 

*  This  report  is  perhaps  partly  fanciful.  It  may  be  that  the  MiSm^k  d^ 
acribed  were  wolves  <x  coyotes. 


384]  ITINERARY  OF  MENDOZA  335 

3r  we  had  been  subsisting  on  flesh  only.  The  river  flows  to 
^in  that  of  the  pearls.  It  also  has  shells,  a  variety  of  fish, 
nd  very  lofty  live  oaks,  so  large  that  carts  and  other  very 
•ulky  things  can  be  made  of  them.  There  is  a  great  variety 
f  plants  and  of  wild  hens  which  make  noise  at  dawn.  The 
iver  bottoms  are  very  extensive  and  fertile ;  in  its  groves  are 
tiany  grape  vines  and  springs,  and  many  prickly-pear  patches ; 
jid  all  of  the  foregoing  are  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  The 
catering  places  for  the  buffalo  are  so  near  to  the  roads  that  it 
3  not  possible  to  roimd  them  up.  Dining  this  stop  we  had 
ilways  threatening  us  a  rain  storm,  but  God  was  pleased  not 
o  let  it  descend  except  on  the  last  night,  which  was  stormy  and 
vindy. 

Tlie  hostile  Apaches  stole  nine  animals,  seven  from  the 
Fumana  Indians,  and  the  others,  a  horse  and  a  mule,  from  the 
jhief  and  Ensign  Diego  de  Luna,  respectively.  Because  of 
»relessness,  these  anirnals  joined  those  of  the  Indians.  It 
ras  not  possible  to  follow  them  because  of  the  great  advantage 
rhich  they  had. 

On  the  11th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out 
rom  this  place,  which  was  given  the  name  San  Diego.  It  is 
listant  from  San  Migel  about  six  leagues.  We  remained  here 
bur  days  because  we  were  awaiting  some  spies,  who  brought 
is  news,  saying  that  they  had  discovered  a  rancheria  of  hos- 
ile  Apaches,  wherefore  it  was  necessary  to  dispatch  new 
pies  in  order  to  learn  the  truth  of  the  matter.  The  first  news 
)roved  to  be  false,  though  not  altogether,  because  the  tracks 
rhich  they  saw  were  old.    Mass  was  celebrated  every  day. 

There  were  killed  at  Senor  San  Diego  forty-three  beeves ; 
ind  while  we  were  travelling  to  it  there  were  killed  by  the 
Spaniards  and  the  Indians  together  sixty  beeves,  rather  more 
;han  less,  by  means  of  surrounding  the  cattle.  The  place  is 
n  a  plaza  which  has  several  great  groves  of  very  tall  pecan 
md  live-oak  trees.  There  are  a  great  number  of  wild  hens 
md  other  kinds  of  game.  The  watering  place  is  a  beautiful 
iver  which  flows  toward  the  east. 

On  the  19th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out 
rem  this  place,  which  was  given  the  name  El  Angel  de  Guarda.^ 
[t  is  distant  from  Senor  San  Diego  about  four  leagues. 

^  The  Guardian  Angel. 


336  TEXAS:  MEND0ZA-L6PEZ  EXPEDITION  [1684 

Through  the  accident  of  the  bad  weather  a  stop  was  made 
half  way,  where  a  heavy  and  tempestuous  rain  storm  descended 
upon  us,  and  through  the  information  of  the  spies  who  many 
tunes  brought  us  supposititious  news  that  the  hostile  Apache 
were  near  and  that  it  was  best  to  stop.  This  craft  and  this 
deceitful  procedure  was  all  moved  by  Juan  de  Sabeata,  who  in 
nothing  had  told  us  the  truth.  The  aforesaid  places  are  on  the 
banks  of  a  river  which  flows  to  join  with  the  principal,  which 
they  call  Rio  de  las  Perlas.  The  water  is  good.  The  country  is 
well  supplied  with  nuts  and  other  food  products,  such  as  wild 
turkeys,  sweet  potatoes,  buffalo,  and  many  other  kinds  of 
animals.  The  river  is  supplied  with  many  fish:  catfish, 
hoquinete,  and  matalote;  and  with  shells;  and  with  a  variety 
of  very  agreeable  song-birds.  Mass  has  been  celebrated  eveiy 
day.  Ei^ty  beeves  have  been  killed,  rather  more  than  less. 
From  this  place,  imder  this  date,  I  dispatched  the  Jumana  spies 
with  the  said  Sabeata,  because  of  the  frauds  in  which  he  had 
been  caught.    There  went  in  his  company  two  Piros  Indians. 

On  the  22d  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out  from 
this  place,  which  was  given  the  name  San  Bissente  Ferrer. 
It  is  distant  from  El  Angel  de  la  Guarda  about  three  leagues. 
Our  delay  was  incurred  to  pasture  the  horses.  Mass  was 
celebrated  every  day.  It  is  on  the  same  river.  On  both  mdes 
are  great  bottoms ;  there  is  a  great  luxuriance  of  plants,  nut, 
and  other  kinds  of  trees,  and  wild  grapes,  good  pasturage,  a 
variety  of  birds,  and  wild  hens.  The  river  has  great  abimdance 
of  fish.  Eleven  beeves  were  killed  for  the  sustenance  of  the 
camp. 

On  the  24th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out  from 
this  place,  which  was  given  the  name  El  Bio  de  Sefior  San 
Pedro,  which  is  the  principal  branch  of  the  river  which  they 
call  Rio  de  las  Perlas  or,  by  another  name,  Nuesses  River,  al- 
though all  have  nuts.  This  river  is  the  one  named  in  the  order 
which  I  bring  from  Governor  and  Captain-general  Don  Do- 
mingo Xironsa  Petris  de  Crusate,  which  order  is  now  executed^ 
This  place  is  about  eight  leagues  further  down  the  said  river 


^Mendoza  was  now  twenty-one  (or  twenty-four)  leagues  from  the  place 
where  he  had  struck  the  Nueces  River,  which  he  had  followed  to  its  jtmctioD 
with  the  Rfo  de  las  Perlas,  or  Rfo  de  San  Pedro.  Mendosa  was  apparently  neir 
San  Angelo. 


1684]  ITINERARY  OF  MENDOZA  337 

than  the  place  where  Don  Diego  de  Gnadalaxara  arrived.^ 
It  is  distant  from  San  Bissente  Ferrer  about  five  leagues.  It 
is  very  luxuriant  with  plants,  as  are  the  others,  although  with 
greater  abundance  of  water,  because  the  rivers  are  united. 
In  it  were  Idlled  seven  beeves. 

On  the  27th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out 
from  this  place,  which  was  given  the  name  San  Pablo.  It  is 
without  permanent  water,  and  that  which  we  found  was 
rain  water.  It  is  distant  from  the  River  of  Senor  San  Pedro 
about  six  leagues.  Mass  has  been  celebrated  every  day,  and 
twice  on  holidays.    There  were  killed  about  twenty  beeves. 

On  the  15th  day  of  the  month  of  March,  1684,  we  set  out 
from  the  place  which  was  given  the  name  San  Isidro  Labrador. 
It  is  at  the  source  of  a  beautiful  river.  At  its  headwaters  it 
has  many  pecan  trees.  It  is  enclosed  in  a  valley  on  both  sides 
of  which  are  rocky  mesas.  It  is  distant  from  the  River  of 
Sefior  San  Pablo  about  eight  leagues.  The  road  is  level, 
with  much  pasturage  and  woods,  and  many  hens.  Mass  has 
been  celebrated  every  day.  The  beeves  that  were  killed  by 
the  whole  camp  were  two  himdred,  rather  more  than  less. 

On  the  River  of  the  Glorious  San  Clemente.  On  the  1st 
day  of  the  month  of  May  of  the  year  1684,  we  set  out  from  this 
place  with  the  advice  of  the  reverend  fathers  preachers.  Fray 
Nicolas  Lopes,  custodian  and  ordinary  ecclesiastical  judge  of 
the  provinces  of  New  Mexico,  and  Father  Fray  Juan  de  Saba- 
leta,  commissary  of  the  Holy  OflBce;  and  likewise  with  the 
advice  of  all  the  persons  of  rank — as  are  Sargento  Mayor 
Diego  Lucero  de  Godoi,  chief  of  squad;  Captain  Hernando 
Martin  Serrano,  whom  I  have  named  as  interpreter  of  the 
Jmnana  language ;  and  other  chiefs  of  squad,  namely.  Ensign 
Diego  de  Lima  and  Diego  Barela — ^and  of  other  soldiers,  con- 
forming to  this  advice  because  it  seemed  to  me  to  be  best  for 
the  service  of  both  Majesties  and  the  credit  of  the  camp,  be- 
cause of  my  not  being  able  to  sustain  the  great  war  which, 
from  the  north,  the  common  enemies,  the  Apache  nation, 
have  made  upon  us.  They  have  attacked  us  three  times  by 
night  and  by  day,  and  the  last  night  they  woimded  a  soldier, 

^  See  the  Introduction,  p.  314.  This  statement,  made  by  one  who  was  on 
both  the  expedition  of  1654  and  that  of  1684,  b  of  great  importance  in  establish- 
ing the  identity  of  the  points  reached  by  both. 


338  TEXAS:  MEND0ZA-L6PEZ  EXPEDITION  [1684 

inflicting  upon  him  three  arrow  wounds,  besides  other  injuries 
which  the  Apaches  have  caused. 

From  the  west  the  bandit  Indians  of  the  kingdom  of  La 
Bizcaia,  whom  they  call  the  Salineros,  with  great  boldness 
made  by  night  three  attacks  upon  the  aforesaid  camp,  and 
killed  in  the  field  two  friendly  Indians  who  had  gone  out  to 
himt,  because  they  were  asleep;  the  latter  Indians  were  of 
the  Jediondos  nation.  And  being  without  forces,  and  with 
only  few  munitions,  I  considered  it  best  to  return,  in  order  to 
give  an  accoimt  to  Captain  Don  Domingo  Xironsa  Petris  de 
Crusate,  governor  and  captain-general  of  the  province  of  New 
Mexico  and  its  presidio,  that  his  lordship  may  do  in  the  case 
what  he  may  consider  best  for  the  service  of  both  Majesties. 

We  arrived  at  the  said  place  of  San  Clemente  on  the  16tli 
of  the  month  of  March.  It  is  distant  from  the  place  of  San 
Isidro  about  five  leagues.  The  San  Clemente  River  flows 
toward  the  east.^  In  this  place  there  are  no  shells  whatever; 
but  I  learned  that  six  days'  journey  below  the  place  on  the 
same  road  there  was  a  great  quantity  of  large  shdls,  and  that 
most  of  them  had  pearls.  The  bottom  lands  of  the  river  are 
luxuriant  with  plants  bearing  nuts,  grapes,  mulberries,  and 
many  groves  of  plums;  with  much  game,  wfld  hens,  and  a 
variety  of  animals,  such  as  bear,  deer,  and  antelopes,  though 
few,  but  the  number  of  buffalo  is  so  great  that  only  the  divine 
Majesty,  as  owner  of  aU,  is  able  to  coimt  them.  The  stay  in 
this  place  was  to  await  forty-eight  nations — ^not  coimting  those 
who  were  present  with  us,  who  were  sixteen— besides  many 
others  whom,  through  their  ambassadors,  I  was  awaiting. 
Afterwards  they  will  be  set  down  with  their  names^  although 
curious. 

We  were  in  said  place,  as  already  stated,  from  the  16th  of 
March  to  the  1st  of  May.  Every  day  the  holy  sacrifice  of  the 
mass  was  celebrated,  for  which  purpose  I  built  a  bastion  with 
two  rooms ;  the  one  below  served  as  a  chapel  where  they  cele- 
brated mass,  and  they  celebrated  all  the  service  of  Holy  Week, 
singing  it,  many  Chnstian  Indians  who  were  among  so  many 
barbarous  nations  assisting  in  everything.    All  those  present 

^  The  distance  from  San  Vicente,  the  junction  of  the  two  branches  of  the 
Nueces,  totals  nineteen  leagues.  San  Clemente  would  seem  to  have  been  a  point 
on  the  Colorado  River  not  far  from  Ballinger. 


16841  ITINERARY  OF  MENDQZA  339 

in  our  company  asked  to  become  Christians.  The  other  room 
of  the  bastion  served  as  a  safeguard  against  the  aforesaid 
enemies,  because  it  was  on  a  hiU,  where  it  served  as  great 
security  both  for  all  the  camp  and  for  the  horses. 

There  occurred  in  this  place  a  noteworthy  event.  A 
water-snake  bit  Diego  Barela  on  the  little  finger,  a  deadly 
poisonous  thiog.  In  the  time  of  four  credos  the  poison  went 
down  to  the  stomach  causing  such  vehement  pain  that  we  all 
thought  that  he  would  die  at  once.  But  God  our  Lord  was 
pleased  that  our  reverend  father  custodian  should  have  with 
him  an  antidote  for  every  kind  of  poison,  and  his  reverence, 
caring  with  his  own  hands  for  the  bitten  part,  and  giving  him 
the  said  herb  to  drink,  caused  him  to  emit  at  once  a  great 
quantity  of  what  looked  like  carbon,  and  our  Lord  has  been 
pleased  to  spare  his  life. 

By  the  whole  camp  of  Spaniards  and  Indians  there  were 
kiUed  in  the  aforesaid  place  of  Senor  San  Clementi  four  thou- 
sand and  thirty  beeves.^  These  are  only  the  large  beeves 
which  were  brought  into  the  camp  and  do  not  include  those 
which  they  left  lost  in  the  fields,  only  removing  the  pelts  from 
them,  nor  the  little  calves  which  they  brought  to  the  camp,  and 
which  were  many. 

In  order  that  they  may  go  with  all  specification,  by  their 
names  the  aforesaid  nations  will  be  given.  First,  the  Jimiana 
nation ;  the  Ororosos,*  the  Beitonijures,  the  Achubales,  the  Cu- 
jalos,  the  Toremes,  the  Gediondos,*  the  Siacuchas,  the  Suajos, 
the  Isuchos,  the  Cujacos,  the  Caulas,  the  Hinehis,  the  Ylames, 
the  Cimquebacos,  the  Quitacas,  the  Quicuchabes,  Los  que 
asen  Arcos,*  the  Hanasines.  These  nations  are  those  who  are 
accompanying  us. 

Those  for  whom  we  are  waiting  are  the  following:  People 
of  the  Rio  de  los  Tejas,  who  had  sent  me  a  message  that 
they  would  come,  the  Huicasique,  the  Aielis,  the  Aguidas, 
the  Flechas  Chiquitas,^  the  Echancotes,  the  Anchimos,  the 
Bobidas,  the  Injames,  the  Dijus,  the  Colabrotes,  the  Unojitas, 
the  Juanas,  the  Yoyehis,  the  Acanis,  the  Humez,  the  Bibis, 

^  This  is  an  indication  of  the  size  of  the  throng  of  Indians  which  gathered 
at  San  Clemente,  and  also  suggests  the  interest  of  the  party  in  buffalo  hunting. 
« The  Horrible  Ones.  '  The  Stinking  Ones. 

«  The  Bow  Makers.  *  The  Little  Arrows. 


340  TEXAS:  MEND0ZA-L6PEZ  EXPEDITION  [1684 

the  Conchumuchas,^  the  Teandas,  the  Hinsas,  the  Pojues,  the 
Quisabas,  the  Paiabunas,  the  Papanes,  the  Puchas,  the  Pu- 
guahianes,  the  Isconis,'  the  Tojumas,  the  Pagaiames,  the 
Abas,  the  Bajuneros,  the  Nobraches,  the  Pylchas,  the  Deto- 
bitis,  the  PuchameS;  the  Abau,  the  Oranchos.  The  foregoing  na- 
tions could  not  be  awaited  for  the  aforesaid  reasons,  but  they 
remain  friendly  toward  us.  And  an  agreement  was  made  with 
the  messengers  of  the  nations  who  were  not  present  that  a 
return  would  be  made  at  their  appointment,  the  time  set  be- 
ing the  aforesaid  year  of  twenty-five.*  Separating  ourselves, 
some  nations  departed  toward  their  land  with  the  Indian  who 
governed  them,  who  is  a  Christian  and  is  proficient  in  the 
Mexican  language  and  in  Castilian.^ 

We  provided  meat  and,  with  the  other  nations  who  were 
with  us,  took  a  different  route  from  that  which  we  first  followed. 
There  remained  with  us  only  some  families.  Juan  Sabeata, 
fearful  of  his  bad  work,  fled,  for  he  had  plotted  with  some 
nations  to  kill  us,  and  then  found  out  that  we  had  learned  it 
already  from  the  same  nations,  who  dealt  with  the  Spaniards 
with  great  fidelity.  His  conduct  having  been  so  bad,  he  was 
perhaps  afraid  they  would  kill  him,  for  he  remained  in  bad 
repute  with  all  those  nations. 

On  the  2d  day  of  the  month  of  May  of  the  said  year  we  set 
out  from  this  place,  which  was  given  the  name  San  Atanacio, 
because  it  was  his  day.  It  is  on  the  same  river,  and  has  the 
same  plants,  a  quantity  of  fish,  and  the  same  animals.  It  is 
distant  from  San  Clemente  about  f oiu*  leagues. 

In  this  place,  which  was  given  the  name  of  Santa  Cruz, 
we  stopped  to  celebrate  its  day,  which  was  the  third,  when 
its  holy  day  was  celebrated.^  Mass  was  sung  in  its  honor. 
Another  prayer  was  celebrated  the  night  before,  eve  of  its 
day,  when  we  were  all  expecting  to  see  the  enemies  come  to 
attack  us ;  but  God  was  greatly  pleased  that  they  should  not 
do  so.    Thirty  beeves  were  killed.    The  place  is  distant  from 

1  The  People  of  Many  Shells. 

*  This  name  b  nearly  identical  with  that  of  the  Iscanis,  a  Wichita  tribe. 
» An  error  for  "eighty-five." 

«  This  might  be  taken  as  an  indication  that  these  tribes  had  oome  frcmdtf 
south. 

■  The  Finding  of  the  Holy  Cross  is  celebrated  on  May  3. 


im]  rriNERABY  of  MENDQZA  341 

San  Atanasio  about  three  leagues.  We  set  out  from  the  said 
place  on  the  4th  of  May. 

In  this  place  which  was  given  the  name  of  San  Agustin,  be- 
cause it  is  in  a  valley  with  many  pines.  It  is  on  a  river  which 
flows  toward  the  west.  It  has  many  mulberries  and  plums  and 
pond  ferns.  It  is  distant  from  Santa  Cruz  about  six  leagues. 
Mass  was  celebrated  eveiy  day.  One  hundred  and  twenty 
beeves  were  killed.  We  set  out  from  the  said  place  today, 
the  7th  of  May  of  the  said  year. 

In  the  place  of  La  Hasencion  del  Senor,  on  the  11th  of  the 
month  of  May,  which  was  the  aforesaid  day/  where  our  rev- 
erend father  custodian  sang  the  mass,  and  another  prayer 
was  said.  It  is  on  a  river  beautiful  with  pecan  trees,  grapes/ 
and  mulberries.  It  flows  toward  the  east.  We  remained  here 
four  days,  awaiting  some  spies  who  had  gone  to  explore  the 
country.  Two  himdred  and  fifty-five  beeves  were  killed.  We 
set  out  from  this  place  on  the  11th  of  the  said  month. 

On  the  13th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out  from 
this  place,  which  was  given  the  name  San  Lazaro,  and  where 
we  remained  one  day.  Half  way  between  the  two  places  is 
the  source  of  the  said  Biver  of  La  Hasencion.  It  is  all  rough 
land  with  much  timber,  although  traversable.  Its  watering 
place  is  composed  of  rain  water.  Mass  was  celebrated.  Thir- 
teen beeves  were  killed. 

On  the  19th  day  of  the  month  of  May  we  set  out  from  this 
place,  which  was  given  the  name  Nuestra  Senora  de  la  Piedad.' 
It  is  distant  from  San  Lasaro  about  fourteen  leagues.  In  that 
distance  four  stops  were  made  because  a  yoimg  man  named 
Francisco  de  Harchuleta,  who  had  gone  out  to  kill  meat,  got 
lost.  We  travelled  six  days  in  search  of  him,  but  although 
efforts  were  made  to  find  him  in  every  direction,  it  was  impos- 
sible to  find  him,  and  at  the  date  of  this  writing  he  has  not 
yet  appeared.  Our  reverend  father  custodian  sang  mass  in  his 
behalf  to  the  glorious  San  Antonio,  in  order  that  he  might 
favor  him  and  bring  him  to  this  camp ;  may  he  be  pleased  to 
do  so  if  it  should  be  best.  It  was  given  the  name  Nuestra 
SeiLora  de  la  Fiedad,  in  order  that  she  may  have  pity  on  this 
poor  young  man,  taking  him  to  a  place  where  he  may  not  lose 

^  Ascension  Day  fell  on  May  8  in  1684;  May  11  was  Sunday. 
*Abat,  perhaps  a  misprint  for  Ubaa.  *  Our  Lady  of  Mercy. 


342  TEXAS:  MEND0ZA-L6PEZ  EXPEDITION  [1684 

his  Ufe.  Mafis  was  celebrated  every  day;  and  during  all  these 
stops  there  have  been  killed  one  hundred  and  fifty  beeves, 
rather  more  than  less.  All  the  watering  places  have  been 
formed  of  rain  water,  all  the  coimtry  is  timbered  and  has  very 
good  pastm^,  and  all  the  land  is  pleasant. 

On  the  21st  day  of  the  said  month  and  year,  the  first  day 
of  the  feast  of  Espiritu  Santo,^  we  set  out  from  this  place  whidi 
was  given  the  name  El  Hespiritu  Santo.    It  is  distant  from 
Nuestra  Senora  de  la  Piedad  about  eight  leagues.    Its  water- 
ing place  is  not  stable,  it  being  rain  water.    All  this  land  is 
plain  and  traversable.     Our  reverend  father  custodian  sang 
the  mass,  and  our  reverend  Father  Fray  Juan  de  Sabaleta  the 
prayers.    Twenty  beeves  were  killed.    It  is  worthy  of  note 
that  from  the  place  of  San  Clemente  to  this  place  in  which  we 
are  we  came  by  a  different  road  from  the  one  which  we  took 
on  going,  turning  now  on  the  way  back  to  the  right,  and  we 
are  going  almost  straight  west,^  the  luxuriance  of  the  plants 
already  having  become  less,  as  the  fields  are  clothed  only  with 
good  pastiu^e  and  some  chaparral.    There  is  an  abundance 
of  wild  grapes  in  the  dry  arroyos. 

On  the  22d  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out  from 
this  place,  which  was  given  the  name  San  Geronimo.  It  is 
distant  from  Hespiritu  Santo  about  seven  leagues.  Its  water- 
ing place  is  of  rain  water.  The  country  and  v^etation  are 
the  same  as  the  preceding.  Mass  was  cdebrated.  Six  beeves 
were  killed. 

On  the  said  22d  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  arrived 
at  sunset  at  this  place  on  the  Salado  River,  where  God  our 
Lord  was  pleased  that  we  should  come  upon  the  track  of  the 
aforesaid  Francisco  de  Harchuleta,  who  was  lost  at  Nuestra 
Senora  de  la  Piedad.  Mass  was  celebrated.  The  Indians  of 
the  Xediondos  nation  withdrew  without  asking  permission  or 
telling  us.  Three  beeves  were  killed.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that 
the  place  where  we  arrived  at  the  Salado  River  is  much  below 
that  where  we  left  it  in  going,  which  was  at  San  Ygnacio. 

On  the  23d  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out  from 
the  Salado  River,  which  was  given  the  name  San  Pantaleon. 
We  arrived  at  a  beautiful  river  with  good  water.    The  bottom 

^  Whitsunday  came  on  May  18  in  1684. 

'  This  statement  gives  us  an  important  due  to  the  route. 


1884]  mNERARY  OF  MENDOZA  343 

lands  are  very  luxuriant  with  pasturage,  which  looks  like  bar- 
ley.  Our  reverend  father  sang  the  mass  of  the  Most  Holy 
Sacrament/  in  order  that  His  Divine  Majesty  might  be  pleased 
that  it  should  rain;  and  His  Divine  Majesty,  having  pity 
upon  us,  was  pleased.  To  this  river  was  given  [the  name  of 
Corpus  Christi.  From]  San  Pantaleon  it  is  distant  about 
five  leagues.    Two  bulls  were  killed. 

On  the  25th  day  of  the  said  month  and  year  we  set  out 
from  the  said  place  of  Corpus  Christi  and  again  struck  the 
Salado  Biver,  at  a  place  to  which  was  given  the  name  Santo 
Thomas  de  Villanueva,  distant  from  Corpus  Christi  about  ten 
leagues.  Here  we  crossed  the  Salado  River  and  struck  the 
road  which  we  followed  on  going,  at  San  Juan  de  Dios,  from 
where  we  again  followed  our  former  route.  Mass  was  cele- 
brated.   Only  one  bull  was  killed. 

In  order  tiiat  it  may  be  attested,  I  signed  it  with  my  assist- 
ing witnesses  in  my  presence,  on  the  said  day,  month,  and 
year.  Juan  Domingues  de  Mendosa.  Diego  Lusero  db 
GoDOi.    Hebnando  Mabtin  Serano. 

^  Corpus  Christi. 


TEXAS 

THE    DE    LE6N-MASSANET    EXPEDITIONS 
AND  THE  FOUNDING  OF  TEXAS,  1689-1690 


['■! 

It 


I. 

i  • 
•i  1 


INTRODUCTION 

Before  the  Mendoza  expedition  was  made^  the  King  of 
Spain  had  aheady  begun  to  consider  the  occupation  of  the 
country  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  River.  In  1678  news 
was  received  at  the  Spanish  court  that  Penalosa,  a  discredited 
ex-governor  of  New  Mexico,  had  proposed  at  the  court  of 
France  an  expedition  against  northern  New  Spain.  Incident 
to  the  investigation  of  the  report  the  royal  secretaries  brou^t 
forth  the  Benavides  memorial  of  1630,  and  noted  its  recom- 
mendation that  the  Bay  of  Esplritu  Santo,  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Mississippi,  be  occupied  as  a  base  of  operations  in  New 
Mexico  and  Quivira  and  as  a  defence  against  encroaching 
foreigners.  Thereupon  the  king  asked  the  viceroy  for  a  re- 
port on  the  geography  of  the  coimtry  east  of  New  Mexico, 
and  on  the  feasibility  of  Benavides's  plan — "what  advantages 
would  come  from  Christianizing  the  kingdoms  of  Quivira  and 
Tagago;  what  means  would  be  needed  to  effect  it;  whether 
it  could  be  done  better  by  way  of  Florida  than  through  the 
Bay  of  Esplritu  Santo ;  and  whether  any  danger  was  to  be 
feared  from  the  proposals  of  Penalosa." 

In  the  succeeding  years  there  were  numerous  raids  by 
French  corsairs  on  the  Florida  coasts,  and  in  1685  Martin  de 
Echegaray,  piloto  mayor  in  Florida,  was  commissioned  to  ex- 
plore the  Bay  of  Esplritu  Santo  with  a  view  to  its  occupation. 
At  the  same  time  the  king  repeated  his  order  of  1678  requiring 
from  the  viceroy  a  report  on  Quivira  and  Tagago.  Matters 
were  now  brought  to  a  focus  by  the  La  Salle  expedition. 

In  1684  La  Salle  left  France  with  his  colony  destined  for 
the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  but  by  accident  it  was  landed 

d47 


348        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS 

on  Matagorda  Bay.  News  of  La  Salle's  enterprise  soon 
reached  Spain  and  Mexico,  and  there  b^an  a  series  of  ex- 
peditions, four  by  sea  and  five  by  land,  in  search  for  the 
French  and  the  Bay  of  Esplritu  Santo.  In  January,  1686, 
Juan  Enrfquez  Barroto,  sent  by  the  viceroy  from  Vera  Crua, 
explored  west  from  Apalache  and  returned  to  Vera  Cruz,  re- 
porting that  the  Gulf  was  free  from  pirates.  In  1687  the  new 
viceroy  sent  out  two  brigs  imder  Bivas  and  Yriarte,  with 
Barroto  as  pilot,  and  two  frigates  imder  Fez  and  Gamarra. 
The  brigs  coasted  west  from  Apalache  to  Matagorda  Bay, 
where  they  found  the  wrecks  of  two  of  La  Salle's  vessels,  and 
concluded  that  the  French  party  had  perished.  Shortly 
afterward  the  frigates,  coasting  north,  also  saw  the  wrecks, 
and  continued  to  Apalache.  In  the  following  year  Fez  ex- 
plored from  Mobile  Bay  past  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi, 
in  another  search  for  La  Salle. 

The  five  land  expeditions  were  all  made  by  Alonso  de 
Le6n,  a  soldier  of  Nuevo  Le6n,  and  son  of  a  conq)icuous 
pioneer  of  the  same  name.  In  1686  he  led  a  company  from 
Monterqr  to  the  Rfo  Grande,  followed  the  right  bank  of  that 
stream  to  the  Gulf,  and  explored  south  along  the  coast  to 
Bio  de  las  Falmas.  Making  another  expedition  in  1687,  he 
succeeded  in  crossing  the  Bio  Grande,  but  was  turned  back 
by  a  river  called  Salado  or  Solo.  In  this  same  year  he  was 
made  govemor  of  Coahuila  and  captain  of  the  new  presidio 
of  Mondova.  Bdng  informed  early  in  1688  that  a  French- 
man was  living  among  the  Indians  across  the  Rfo  Grande,  in 
May  De  Le6n  crossed  the  river,  captured  Juan  Jam,  as  the 
Frenchman  was  called,  and  sent  him  to  Mexico.  In  the  fol- 
lowing year,  1689,  accompanied  by  Father  Maasanet,  De 
Le6n  again  crossed  the  Rfo  Grande,  went  to  Matagorda  Bay 
and  foimd  the  remains  of  La  Salle's  settlemoit,  and  on  ibe 
Guadalupe  River  hdd  a  conference  with  the  chief  of  the 
Nabedache,  one  of  the  Tejas  tribes. 


TiKiqnrttdDmlMdL  fay  DeLete  that  IlKreirareFVc^^ 
men  fiving  to  tiie  DordieHtmpd  itm  a  cause  for  frnther  on- 
eaflineflB;  and  Father  Mawwanflt  iras  eager  to  work  among  tihe 
kng^aDoed-of  Tqas;  eooaeqpieDtly,  in  the  foDowiog  year, 
1690,  De  Le6n  made  a  fifth  oqwditian,  in  wfaidi  he  aaButod 
Kaaaanet  in  foonding  two  miariniiB  near  the  Xedies  Kiver« 
They  were  loeated  among  the  Nabedadie,  the  westernmost 
division  of  the  Tqas,  or  Asinai  (Hasinai)  Conf edoracy.  Tliis 
was  the  bfginniiig  of  Spanirii  settlement  in  the  region  then 
eaDed  Texas. 

In  the  same  year  Francisoo  de  Llanos  and  Gre^cxio  de 
Salinas  were  sent  fnxn  Vera  Cmz  in  chaige  of  an  expedition 
to  eaqdore  Matagcnda  Bay  with  a  view  to  finding  a  navigable 
river  leading  thenoe  to  the  Tejas  country.  The  records  of 
this  expediticm  have  but  recently  come  to  lig^it,  and  have  en- 
abled us  to  detennine  the  exact  location  of  La  Salle's  colony. 
Li  the  following  year  an  e]q)edition  led  by  Domingp  de  Ter£n 
penetrated  to  the  Gadodacho  countiy  in  the  Bed  River  Valley 
and  made  explorations  on  the  coast.  But  in  1693  various  cir* 
cumstances  caused  the  Tejas  countiy  to  be  abandoned,  and 
it  was  more  than  two  decades  before  it  was  reoccupied.^ 

The  princq>al  sources  of  the  De  Le6n  expeditions  thus  far 
published  are  the  following:  (1)  Historia  de  Nuevo  Le6n  con 
Nolicias  sdbre  CoahuUa,  Tejas  y  Nuevo  M&xico,  Par  d  CapUdn 
AloMO  de  Le&n,  un  Autcr  ArUinimo,  y  d  General  Fernando  Sdn- 
chez  de  Zamora  (Mexico,  1909,  in  Garcia,  Documentos  Iniditos 
6  muy  Raroa  para  la  Historia  de  Mixko,  tomo  XXV.).    The 

^  For  account  of  the  De  Le6n  and  T&ia  expeditions  see  G.  P.  Garrison, 
Tex(u,  pp.  20-33;  R.  C.  Clark,  The  Beginnings  of  Texas,  pp.  7-42;  "Un 
Autor  An6nimo/'  in  Alonao  De  Le6n,  Historia  de  Nuevo  Le6n  (Mexico,  1909, 
edited  l>y  Genaro  Garcfa),  pp.  296-390,  passim.  On  the  location  of  La  Salle's 
colony,  see  H.  E.  Bolton,  in  the  AusHn  American,  July  19, 1914,  and  his  article 
on  ''The  Location  of  La  Salle's  Colony  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,"  in  the  Missis^ 
sippi  Valley  Historical  Review  for  September,  1915,  II.  165-182.  On  the  Hasinai 
Indians,  see  H.  E.  Bolton,  "The  Native  Tnbes  about  the  East  Texas  Missions,'* 
in  the  Texas  State  Histcvical  Association  (iuarterly,  XI.  249-276. 


350        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS 

first  part  of  this  work  is  by  Alonso  de  Le6n,  one  of  the  founders 
of  Nuevo  Le6n  and  father  of  Alonso  de  Le6n,  canquiaador  of 
Texas.  It  is  of  great  value  for  knowledge  of  the  De  Le6D 
family  and  of  the  early  career  of  Alonso  de  Iie6n,  the  young^. 
The  second  part  of  the  work  contains  a  continuation  of  De 
Le6n's  Rdacidn,  by  an  anonymous  author,  from  1650  to  1690, 
inclusive,  and  toward  the  end  broadens  in  scope  to  anbrace 
the  history  of  Coahuila  and  Texas.  It  is  dated  at  the  end, 
September  7, 1690,  just  after  the  last  De  Le6n  expedition  into 
Texas,  in  which  the  author  took  part.  The  writer  had  access 
to  De  Le6n's  papers,  and  the  work  is  clearly  intended  as  a 
biography  of  the  explorer.  It  is  of  highest  importance,  for, 
besides  throwing  additional  light  on  De  Le6n's  early  career, 
it  contsdns  a  diary  of  the  expedition  of  1686,  and  accoimts  of 
the  foiu"  remaining  journeys  of  De  Le6n  into  Texas  in  16S7, 
1688, 1689,  and  1690.  (For  a  description  of  this  work,  see  the 
American  Historical  Review,  XV,  640-642.) 

(2)  ''Carta  de  Don  Damidn  Manzanet  &  Don  Cailos  de 
Sigiienza  Sobre  el  Descubrimiento  de  la  Bahia  del  Espfritu 
Santo.''  Father  Damidn  Massanet,  author  of  this  document, 
was  a  member  of  the  CoU^e  of  the  Holy  Cross  of  Quergtaro, 
who  went  to  the  Coahuila  frontier  as  missionary  about  1687. 
He  accompanied  De  Le6n  to  Matagorda  Bay  in  1689,  and  was 
made  comisario  of  the  new  missions  which  were  ioDumediateiy 
thereafter  planned  for  eastern  Texas.  He  returned  to  Texas 
with  De  Le6n  in  1690,  and  supervised  the  founding  of  the 
missions  on  the  Neches.  In  1691  he  again  returned  to  Texas, 
with  the  Ter^  expedition,  of  which  he  wrote  a  most  impor- 
tant diary.  Shortly  afterward  the  Texas  missions  were  aban- 
doned, and  Father  Massanet  disappears  from  history,  so  far 
as  available  records  show.  He  was  a  man  of  great  peracmal 
force,  and  his  writings  are  among  our  most  important  sources 
of  information  r^arding  the  b^innings  of  Texas. 

The  Carta  was  published  in  1899,  in  facsimile,  in  the 


INTRODUCTION  351 

Texas  State  Historical  Association  Qiuirterly,  11.  253-312,  to* 
gether  with  a  traDslation  by  Miss  Lilia  M.  Casfs,  professor 
of  Spanish  in  the  University  of  Texas.  The  facsimile  is  from 
a  fidgned  manuscript  belonging  to  the  Agricultural  and  Me- 
chanical College  of  Texas,  and  formerly  belonging  to  Ramirez, 
Maximilian's  Secretary  of  State.  The  title  under  which  the 
manuscript  was  published  is  that  given  it  in  Quaritch's  catar 
logfie.  When  vol.  11.  of  the  Qiuirterly  was  reprinted  in  1911, 
the  translation  was  revised  somewhat.  The  version  printed 
hereinafter  is  that  of  Professor  Casfs  as  revised. 

(3)  "Derrotero  de  la  Jornada  que  hizo  el  General  Alonzo 
de  Leon  para  el  descubrimiento  de  la  Bahia  del  Espiritu 
Santo,  y  poblacion  de  Franceses :  Ano  de  1689."  This  itin- 
erary, by  De  Le6n,  is  contained  in  the  manuscript  collection 
known  as  "  Memorias  de  Nueva  Espana,"  vol.  XXVII.,  ff.  1-16. 
A  translation  of  this  version,  reproduced  here,  was  published 
in  1905  by  Miss  Elizabeth  Howard  West  in  the  Texas  State 
Historical  Association  Qiuirterly,  VIII.  199-224.  With  it  is 
published  a  map  of  the  route,  made  by  Sigiienza.  Other  man- 
uscripts of  this  document  are  noted  in  Bolton,  Guide  to  the 
Archives  of  Mexico  (Washington,  Carnegie  Institution,  1913). 

(4)  ^'Alonso  de  Leon,  Carta  en  que  se  da  noticia  de  un 
viaje  hecho  a  la  bahia  de  Espiritu  Santo,  y  de  la  poblacion  que 
tenian  ahi  los  Franceses,"  Coahuila,  May  18,  1689  (printed 
in  Buckingham  Smith's  Colecddn  de  Varies  Documentos  para 
la  Historia  de  la  Florida  y  Tierras  Adyacentes,  tomo  I.,  London, 
1857,  pp.  25-28,  and  in  French,  Historical  Collections  of  Loui- 
siana and  Florida,  second  series.  New  York,  1875,  pp.  293-295). 
This  is  a  brief  report  to  the  viceroy  by  De  Le6n  immediately 
after  he  returned  to  Monclova.  It  contains  interesting  de- 
tails not  given  in  the  diary  or  in  Massanet's  account  regard- 
ing the  conference  with  the  "governor  of  the  Tejas." 

Besides  these  published  documents  there  are  numerous 
unpublished  manuscripts  in  the  archives  of  Mexico  and  Spain. 


«■  1^ 


l-K\.V£;:  D£  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS 


I 


M  I  111  etc  I  he  oiily  one  reproduced  here  is  De  Ledn's  Itineraiy 
I  he  liWM  expedition.    Of  this  the  editor  possesses  three 

lnloivut  traiujcripts:  (A)  one  from  the  Arehivo  General  y  Pub- 
luo  of  Mexico,  lacking  the  first  few  entries;  (B)  one  from  the 

\  1 1  hivo  (.a'ueral  de  Indias  at  Seville;  and  (C)  one  from  a  manu- 

.1  iipi  ill  the  collection  of  Genaro  Garcia,  the  noted  Mexican 
rvliior.  This  collection  has  recently  been  purchased  by  Yale 
I  ulNei>dty.  B  bears  the  title,  "Diario,  Derrotero  y  De- 
iLMi\-;u'i6u  de  la  tierra  de  la  jomada  que  .  .  .  hizo  el  Gen- 
i'i\il  Alouso  de  Le6n  .  .  .  al  reconocimiento  de  los  Franceses 
iiuo  hubiere[n]  en  la  Bahfa  del  Espiritu  Santo  y  Piovincia  de 
l2k>  Texas."  A  and  B,  which  represent  the  ofiEicial  report  sent 
by  De  Le6n  from  the  Bio  Grande  on  his  return,  are  prao- 
i  ically  identical,  with  minor  differences  in  spelling.  The  trans- 
laiiou  here  presented  is  based  on  A,  excepting  the  entries 
l>iVi*eiUug  April  9,  which  are  lacking  in  A.  These  are  sup- 
plial  from  B  and  C.  C  is  the  version  included  by  the  Autor 
Auoiiimo  in  the  Historia  de  Nvevo  Ledn,  Between  C  and 
the  other  two  manuscripts  there  are  many  minor  differences, 
tuid  soiuo  essential  ones.  In  general  C  is  the  fullest  of  the 
Ihive,  but  not  uniformly.  Some  of  the  more  important 
differences  are  noted  by  the  editor  in  foot-notes. 


LETTER  OF  FRAY  DAMIAN  MASSANET  TO 
DON  CARLOS  DE  SIGOENZA,  1690* 

letter  of  Don  Damian  Mamanet  to  Don  Carlos  de  Sigtuma 
rdative  to  the  Discovery  of  the  Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo. 

My  dear  Don  Carlos  de  Siffuema  y  G&ngora: 

The  following  is  the  narrative  for  which  you  ask  me,  of 
Ihe  disooveiy  of  the  bay  of  Eepiritu  Santo*  and  the  Rio  de  los 
Tejas:* 

In  the  year  168&-1686,  His  Excellency  the  Viceroy,  who  at 
that  time  was  Conde  de  Paredes,  Marquite  de  la  Laguna,  gave 
orders  to  the  Marqu^  de  S.  Miguel  de  Aguayo,  who  was  then 
governor  of  the  Nuevo  Rejmo  de  Leon,  to  send  out  a  company 
of  horse  soldiers  along  the  sea-coast^  lying  north  beyond  Tam- 
pico,  towards  the  Rio  Bravo  and  the  Magdalena.*  And  the 
said  governor  sent  out  fifty  men,  headed  by  Captain  Alonso 
de  Leon.  V^th  his  soldiers,  the  said  conunander  reached  the 
sea-coast,  and  following  along  the  coast,  they  passed  the  Rio 
Bravo*  with  considerable  difficulty.  This  river  is  the  same 
foimd  at  the  passage^  into  New  Mexico,  and  the  Lidians  give 
it  various  names,  for  it  is  called  by  different  persons  Rio  Bravo, 

'Translatioii  by  Ph>fe8sor  Lilia  M.  Catls,  in  Texas  State  HiBtorical  Associ- 
ation Quarterly,  11.  253^12. 

*Up  to  this  time  the  name  Bahia  dd  Espfritu  Santo  was  applied  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  but  the  accident  of  La  Salle's  landing  at  Matagorda 
Bay,  when  he  was  repeated  to  the  Spaniards  to  have  sailed  for  Bahla  del  Espiritu 
Santo,  caused  it  to  be  transferred  to  that  point  The  error  was  remarked  upon 
by  officials  at  the  time. 

»  The  Neches  River. 

*  The  document  says  "Mar  del  Norte,"  or  North  Sea,  the  name  applied  to 
the  Atlantic  Ocean  and  its  arms. 

*  See  note  on  the  Magdalena  River,  p.  224,  above,  note  4. 

*  The  diary  of  the  expedition  shows  that  Father  Massanet  is  mistaken  in 
this  statement  The  expedition  did  not  cross  the  Rio  Grande,  but,  following 
its  south  bank  to  the  coast,  turned  south  to  Rio  de  lasPalmas  (Diary,  in  De  Le6n, 
Hirioria  de  Nvevo  Le&n,  pp.  307-308). 

'El  Paso. 


354        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [1687 

Rio  Grande,  Bio  Turbio.  In  New  Mexico  it  was  never  known 
whence  this  river  originated ;  all  that  was  ever  found  out  was 
that  it  issued  from  the  Gran  Quivira.  Thus  said  the  Indians 
who  came  to  New  Mexico  from  the  interior. 

But  let  us  turn  our  attention  again  to  the  route  taken  by 
Captain  Alonso  de  Leon  and  his  soldiers.  After  crossing  the 
Rio  Bravo  they  reached  another  river,  to  which  they  gave  the 
name  of  Bio  Solo.^  This  river,  they  say,  forms  at  its  mouth 
a  lake  which  they  were  imable  to  pass,  and  they  returned  to 
the  Nuevo  Reyno  de  Leon  without  having  had  any  news  of 
the  bay  of  Espiritu  Santo,  and  still  less  of  the  French  who 
were  settled  about  this  bay. 

By  order  of  His  Excellency,  the  said  governor  sent  a  second 
time  an  expedition  to  discover  the  bay,  and  he  sent  two  com- 
panics  of  horse  soldiers  led  by  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon,  and  they 
arrived  the  second  time  at  the  Rio  Solo,  when,  not  able  to 
proceed  any  further,  they  returned  without  bringing  any  in- 
formation.  And  since  they  had  twice  gone  down  to  the  sea- 
coast,  and  on  both  occasions  failed  to  learn  anything,  they 
considered  the  whole  report  as  being  imfoimded.  So  it  came 
about  that  they  paid  no  more  attention  to  the  matter  and  took 
no  further  steps  concerning  it. 

At  this  time  I  was  Hving  at  the  Mission  Caldera,^  in  the 
province  of  Coahuila,  whither  I  had  gone  with  the  intention 
of  seeing  whether  I  could  make  investigations  and  obtain  in- 
formation about  the  interior  of  the  coimtry  to  the  north  and 
northeast,  on  accoimt  of  facts  gathered  from  a  letter  now  in 
my  possession,  which  had  been  given  in  Madrid  to  our  Father 
Fray  Antonio  Linaz.'  This  letter  treats  of  what  the  blessed 
Mother  Maria  de  Jesus  de  Agreda  made  known  in  her  convent 
to  the  father  custodian  of  New  Mexico,  Fray  Alonso  de  Bena- 
vides.^    And  the  blessed  Mother  tells  of  having  been  fre- 

^  In  the  1687  expedition  De  Le6n  crossed  the  Bravo  and  was  impeded  by  a 
Rfo  Salado.  It  was  evidently  the  same  as  the  Bio  S(Ao  which  Father  Massanet 
places  here  (De  Le6n,  Historia  de  Nvevo  Le6n,  p.  310). 

'  Caldera  is  situated  east  of  Monclova,  near  the  Nuevo  Le6n  border. 

'  Father  Llinaz  was  founder  of  the  College  of  the  Holy  Cross  of  Qiier€taia 
Massanet  had  come  to  America  with  him  in  1683.  A  full  biography  of  Fatiier 
Llinaz  is  contained  in  Espinosa's  Chr6nica,  libros  II.  and  III. 

*  For  the  foundation  of  the  story  of  the  miraculous  conversion  of  the  Jumano^ 
see  Benavides,  "Memorial/'  in  Land  cf  Sunshine,  XIV.,  and  Vetaocur,  Ckr&niea 


1687]  LETTER  OF  FATHER  MASSANET  355 

quently  to  New  Mexico  and  to  the  Gran  Quivira;  adding  that 
eastwsjxl  from  the  Gran  Quivira  are  situated  the  kingdoms  of 
TiclaS;  Theas,  and  Caburcol.  She  also  says  that  these  names 
are  not  the  ones  belonging  to  those  kingdoms,  but  come  close 
to  the  real  names.  Because  of  this  information,  brought  by 
me  from  Spain,  together  with  the  fact  of  my  call  to  the  min- 
istry for  the  conversion  of  the  heathen,  I  had  come  over  and 
dwelt  in  the  missions  of  Coahuila,  and  learning  that  His  Ex- 
cellency was  taking  steps  to  open  up  the  interior,  to  lead  to 
the  discovery  of  the  bay  of  Espiritu  Santo,  and  to  find  out 
whether  any  Frenchmen  were  there,  I  endeavored  to  learn  from 
the  Indians  coming  from  the  interior  whether  they  knew  where 
there  dwelt  men  white  like  the  Spaniards.  And  in  time  I 
learned  that  there  were  indeed  some,  and  he  who  told  me  was 
an  Indian  whom  I  had  with  me,  a  man  whom  I  had  converted 
a  little  before,  and  in  whom,  though  he  had  been  a  pagan,  I 
had  recognized  a  high  degree  of  truthfulness.  Thereupon  I 
charged  him  very  earnestly  to  ascertain  in  detail  where  and 
how  far  distant  these  settlers  might  be,  and  what  manner  of 
people  they  were,  likewise  whether  the  coimtry  to  be  traversed 
were  passable. 

Just  at  this  time  there  arrived  another  Indian,  of  the  Quems 
oation,  and  he  told  me  that  he  had  been  even  in  the  very 
houses  of  the  French;  there  were  many  of  them,  he  said,  in- 
cluding women;  they  were  well  armed,  and  had  some  very 
large  firearms  (which  were  the  pieces  of  ordnance).  On  my 
Gusking  whether  he  were  well  acquainted  with  the  coimtry,  he 
said  ^t,  if  I  wished,  he  would  take  me  to  the  place  without 
any  risk,  that  there  we  should  also  find  priests^  like  myself, 
and  that  already  the  people  were  sowing  maize  and  other  crops. 

At  this  time  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon,  the  same  who  had 
gone  out  as  commander  of  the  companies  from  the  Nuevo 
Eleyno  de  Leon,  became  captain  of  the  presidio  of  Coahuila,* 
and  before  going  out  to  his  presidio  he  came  to  the  Mission 

ie  la  Pnmncia  dd  Santo  Evangelio  (1697),  p.  96.  Secondary  accounts  are  in 
Shea,  The  Catholic  Church  in  America,  I.  195-198,  and  Schmidt,  "Ven.  MaHa 
Jesus  de  Agreda:  a  C<HTection/'  in  the  Texas  State  Historical  Association 
^ImsrteHy,  I.  121-124. 

^  Rdijiosos,  including  both  priests  and  lay  brothers. 

'His  commission  as  governor  of  Coahuila  and  captain  <^  the  presidio  <^ 
Coalmila  (Mondova)  was  dated  July  13,  1687. 


TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [1688 

idera,  where  I  was  Uving,  and  I  made  known  to  him  what 

d  passed  between  the  Indians  and  me  concerning  the  dis- 

very  of  the  bay  of  Espiritu  Santo,  endeavoring  to  persuade 

m  that  we  should  set  out  thither.    He  asked  whether  there 

^ere  some  immistakable  signs  which  might  be  made  known  to 

lis  Excellency  and  which  would  make  it  evident  to  him  that 

(^he  report  was  true,  so  that  he  might  undertake  the  expedition. 

Then  I  called  the  Indian  named  Juan,  captain  of  the  Pao- 
pul  nation,  and  bade  him  say  what  he  would  dare  imdertake 
in  order  to  ascertain  and  prove  that  there  were  in  the  interior 
men  white  like  the  Spaniards.  He  said  that  in  a  randierfa  of 
heathen  Indians,  which  must  be  some  sixty  leagues  distant, 
there  was  a  white  man,  one  of  those  dwelling  in  the  interior, 
and  that,  if  I  so  wished,  he  would  go  and  bring  the  other  out 
of  the  rancherfa.  Thereupon  I  despatched  him,  and  that  he 
might  the  more  readily  execute  his  conmiission  I  gave  him  the 
clothing  and  the  horses  which  I  had  with  me,  for  him  to  give 
to  the  chiefs  of  the  place  where  was  the  man  of  whom  he  epoke 
(whom  from  the  description  given,  I  inferred  to  be  Frendi). 

This  captain  of  the  Pacpiil  nation,  known  as  Juan,  set  out, 
and  having  come  close  to  the  sierra  of  Sacatsol^  (which  means 
'^  stone  nostrils,'^  and  in  the  language  of  the  Indians  of  that 
place  is  called  Axatscan,  with  the  same  meaning)  he  found  an 
assembly  of  many  Indian  nations  composed  of  the  following: 
Mescales,  Yoricas,  Chomenes,  Machomenes,  Sampanales,  Pa- 
quachiams,  Tilpayay,  Apis.  This  sierra  of  Sacatsol  is  twenty 
leagues  beyond  the  Bio  Grande,  which  is  the  stream  coming 
from  the  north,  and  is  called  also  Bio  del  Norte;  the  distance 
from  the  Mission  San  Salvador*  to  the  said  sierra  is  sixty 
leagues,  and  from  Coahuila  the  same. 

The  said  Indian  Juanillo  found  the  said  Frenchman,  tdd 
him  that  I  was  asking  for  him,  and  took  him  out  to  another 
rancheria,  leaving  word  with  the  Indians  that  they  should  not 
be  afraid,  and  that  I  desired  to  visit  them.  Returning,  he 
told  me  how  he  had  left  the  Frenchman,  and  that  we  might 
without  fear  go  after  him.  I  notified  Captain  Alonso  de 
Leon,  who,  with  twelve  men,  went  quite  imdisturbed,  and 

1  See  note  on  Sacatsol  on  p.  297,  above.    This  place  was  the  objectiv»-poiiit 
of  the  Bosque-Larios  expedition. 
'  Massanet's  mission  at  Caldera. 


1680]  LETTER  OF  FATHER  MASSANET  367 

tiiey  brought  the  Frenchman^  painted  like  the  Indians;  old 
and  naked.^  His  name  was  Juan  Francisco  So-andnso^  and 
he  says  that  he  is  a  native  of  Cheblie  in  New  France.  This 
Frenchman  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon  placed  in  the  hands  of 
His  Excellency  the  Conde  de  la  Moncloba,  and  in  all  his  tes- 
timony the  said  Frenchman  always  lied. 

After  the  Conde  de  la  Moncloba  had  determined  on  the 
expedition  to  discover  the  bay  of  Espiritu  Santo,  there  arrived 
as  viceroy  in  this  kingdom  His  Excellency  the  Conde  de  Galbe, 
who  put  his  whole  heart  into  this  cause.  As  soon  as  he  came 
into  power  His  Elxcellency  ordered  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon  to 
pursue  the  joiuney  to  the  bay  of  Espiritu  Santo,  as  his  pred- 
ecessor had  ordained,  and  for  the  said  expedition  forty  men 
went  out  from  the  presidios  of  Vizcaya,  and  from  the  Nuevo 
Reyno  de  Leon  forty  others.  From  aU  the  men  three  com- 
pa^es  were  formed,  having  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon  as  com- 
mander-in-chief  and  Nicolds  de  Medina  as  sargento  mayor; 
the  leader  of  one  company  was  Tomds  de  la  Garza,  of  the 
second  Lorenzo  de  la  Garza,  and  of  the  third  Alonso  de  Leon, 
the  royal  alftrez,^  Captain  Francisco  Martinez,  who  was  a  dis- 
charged sargentOf  having  just  finished  his  term  of  service  in 
Flanders. 

We  left  Coahuila  on  the  twenty-sixth*  of  March  in  the 
year  1689,  and  went  as  far  as  the  Bio  del  Norte,*  which,  in 

^  This  was  in  May,  1688.  Strangely  enough,  in  the  sworn  declarations  made 
by  De  Le6n  regarding  the  expedition  to  find  the  Frenchman,  he  makes  no 
mention  of  Father  Massanet.  De  Le6n  states  that  he  got  his  information  re- 
gaiding  the  Frenchman  from  Agustfn  de  la  Cruz,  a  Tlascalteco  Indian  who  had 
been  sent  across  the  Rio  Grande  to  simmion  the  friendly  tribes  to  aid  in  a  cam- 
paign ("Auto  para  la  salida  i  buscar  al  frances,"  in  Portillo,  Apuntes,  p.  224).  The 
Autor  An6nimo  writes  that  the  wife  of  a  Quems  Indian  living  near  the  Rio  Bravo 
was  captured  by  his  enemies.  He  set  about  finding  her,  and  in  the  attempt 
wandered  to  the  French  village.  On  his  return  he  went  to  Massanet's  mission 
and  tdd  his  story,  and  then  went  on  to  Saltillo.  No  attention  was  paid  to  the 
report  until  the  time  of  the  expedition,  but  as  they  approached  the  rancherfa 
of  the  Quems  Massanet  recounted  the  story,  whereupon  the  Quems  Indian  was 
sent  for  and  made  the  guide  (De  Le6n,  Historia  de  Nuevo  Le6n,  pp.  323-324). 

*  Ensign.  *  The  start  was  made  on  March  23  (see  Itinerary,  p.  388). 

*  Reached  April  1,  at  a  point  not  far  from  San  Juan  Bautista.  The  Sigiienza 
map  sho?^  the  route  from  the  crossing  of  the  Rio  Grande  to  Matagorda  Bay  to 
be  considerably  north  of  east,  when,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  general  direction  is 
nearly  east 


A 


358        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [1680 

the  said  province  of  Coahuila,  is  called  the  Bio  Grande^  our 
guide  still  being  the  Indian  Juanillo,  and  when  we  reached  the 
said  river,  I  sent  for  the  Indian  who  knew  the  country  and 
had  been  among  the  Frenchmen,  whom  I  call  Querns,  because 
he  belonged  to  the  Indian  nation  of  that  name.  We  travelled 
on  towards  the  northeast  and  at  times  east-northeast,  until 
we  reached  the  river  of  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe.^  And  here 
I  asked  this  Indian  whether  the  dwellings  of  the  French  were 
still  a  long  way  off,  thinking  that  when  we  should  be  distant 
from  them  a  day  and  night's  journey,  some  of  us  might  push 
forward  in  order,  unnoticed,  to  take  a  survey  of  the  village. 
The  Indian  repUed  that  the  village  was  about  fifteen  leagues 
distant  from  that  river. 

On  the  morning  of  the  next  day  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon 
asked  me  what  we  should  do  in  order  to  ascertain  the  number 
of  Frenchmen  and  the  condition  of  things  in  their  village. 
With  regard  to  this  there  were  various  opinions,  mine  bemg 
that,  since  we  had  with  us  the  Quems  Indian,  who  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  coimtry,  we  should  all  have  a  mass  sung 
in  honor  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  of  Guadalupe  that  very  morn- 
ing, at  the  very  place  in  which  we  were;  also  that  when  we 
should  succeed  in  reaching  the  dwellings  of  the  Frenchmen 
we  should  have  another  mass  celebrated,  in  honor  of  Saint 
Anthony  of  Padua.  All  consented  very  readily  to  this,  and, 
soon,  at  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  mass  to  the 
Virgin  was  simg. 

After  that  it  was  arranged  that,  the  two  Indians,  Juanillo 
the  Papul  and  the  Quems  Indian,  serving  as  guides,  twenty- 
five  men^  should  travel  on  with  us  imtil  we  should  come  upon 
the  French  village  in  the  early  morning,  while  the  remaining 
soldiers  with  the  beasts  of  burden  should  come  behind  us  and 
camp  when  they  reached  a  suitable  spot.  This  spot  they 
shoiild  then  not  leave  imtil  we  returned,  unless  by  the  express 
command  of  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon.  When  we  started  out, 
the  rear-guard  received  orders  to  proceed  slowly,  watching 

^  Reached  April  14.  The  detaib  of  the  journey  to  this  point  are  supplied 
by  the  Itinerary  and  the  map.  The  Guadalupe  was  crossed  near  Victoria,  per- 
haps a  little  below  it. 

'  According  to  the  Itinerary  the  Guadalupe  was  crossed  on  the  15thy  and  the 
governor  went  ahead  on  the  16th  with  sixty  men. 


1689]  LETTER  OF  FATHER  MASSANET  359 

cautiously  lest  any  Indian  should  appear;  in  case  any  did, 
th^  were  to  seize  him  without  doing  him  the  least  harm, 
and  notify  us  of  the  capture. 

After  travelling  some  four  leagues,  the  rear-guard  saw  an 
Indian  come  out  of  a  dense  wood;  and  called  to  him,  and  he 
went  towards  them  without  any  show  of  resistance.  They 
sent  us  word,  and  we  halted.^  On  the  arrival  of  the  Indian 
the  two  we  had  along  asked  him  whether  there  were  there- 
abouts any  of  the  white  people  who  dwelt  further  on.  He 
said  that,  as  to  those  living  further,  they  used  to  inhabit  houses 
which  now  no  longer  existed,  for,  two  moons*  previous,  the 
Indians  of  the  coast  had  killed  all  but  a  few  boys,  whom  they 
had  carried  off ;  that  he  himself  lived  in  the  rancherfa  of  the 
Elmet  and  Lavas  Indians,  which  was  about  two  leagues  out 
of  the  route  which  we  were  following  towards  the  bay  of  Es- 
piritu  Santo.  We  went  with  this  Indian  to  the  rancherfa  of 
which  he  spoke,  and  reached  it  at  about  three  in  the  afternoon. 
As  soon  as  the  Indians  became  aware  of  om*  presence,  they 
made  for  the  wood,  leaving  to  us  the  rancherfa,  together  with 
the  laden  dogs,  which  they  had  not  been  able  to  drive  fast 
enough  when  they  fled.  TTie  Indian  who  served  as  om-  guide 
himself  entered  the  wood,  and  called  to  the  others,  declaring 
that  we  were  friends,  and  that  they  should  have  no  fear. 
Some  of  them — and  among  these  was  their  captain — came  out 
and  embraced  us,  saying:  '^Thechas!  techas!^^  which  means 
"Friends!  friends!"  One  of  those  who  came  out  first  was  a 
big  yoimg  fellow  about  twenty  years  old,  who  wore  a  Recol- 
lect friar's  cloak,  and  when  we  saw  that  it  was  the  cloak  of  a 
friar,  we  gave  him  a  blanket,  and  I  took  the  robe  from  him. 

The  said  Indians  told  how,  two  days  previous,  two  French- 
men had  passed  by  with  the  Tejas  Indians.  That  very  after- 
noon we  started  in  pursuit  of  the  said  Frenchmen,  and  at  sun- 
set, we  reached  the  rancherfa  of  the  Toxo  and  Toaa  Indians, 
who  told  us  that  the  said  Frenchmen  had  passed  by  with  the 
said  Tejas,  and  had  been  imwilling  to  remain  there  with  them. 
That  night  we  slept  near  the  rancherfa,  and  at  eight  in  the 
evening  some  Indians  came  to  the  place  where  we  were,  one 
of  them  dressed  after  the  fashion  of  the  French.  And  they 
brought  some  French  books  and  a  Holy  Bible.    The  next 

^  This  was  on  the  16th  (Itinerary).  '  The  Itinerary  says  three  moons. 


360        TEXAS:  DE  LEdN-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS       [1680 

morning^  we  set  out  in  quest  of  the  said  Frenchmen,  passing 
through  some  very  dense  woods;  and  at  about  two  o'dock  in 
the  afternoon  we  came  to  some  ranchitos  of  Eknet  Indians.' 
On  our  inquiring  concerning  the  Frenchmen,  these  Indians 
pointed  out  to  us  an  Indian  who  had  just  arrived  and  who 
had  conducted  them  (the  Frenchmen)  as  far  as  the  San  Marcos 
River/  and  when  we  wished  to  cross  they  told  us  that  we 
would  not  be  able  to  cross  the  said  river.  We  told  the  Indian 
who  had  led  the  Frenchmen  that  if  he  would  take  them  a 
paper  and  bring  an  answer  we  would  give  him  a  horse,  and  that 
he  should  take  the  answer  to  the  houses  where  the  Frenchr 
men  lived.  Captain  Francisco  Martinez  wrote  the  letter  in  the 
French  language  because  he  was  master  of  it. 

We  returned  where  the  camp  was,  five  leagues  beyond  the 
Guadalupe  River,^  and  we  learned  that  three  days  previous 
the  horses  had  stampeded,  and  a  number  having  been  recov- 
ered, fifty  were  still  missing,  and  in  piusuit  a  soldier  had  lost 
his  way.  This  man  remained  missing  four  days,  and  in  the 
meantime  he  met  with  some  Indians  who  were  alrinning  a 
buffalo,  who  took  him  home  with  them  at  nightfall  to  their 
rancherfa,  giving  him  to  eat  of  the  buffalo  meat,  and  whatever 
else  they  themselves  had.  On  the  day  after  this,  an  Indian 
belonging  to  the  same  rancherfa  came  there  with  a  small 
bundle  of  tobacco.  This  Indian  was  the  one  who  had  been 
with  us,  and  he  made  a  long  harangue  to  all  the  Indians  who 
were  in  the  rancherfa.  As  to  the  soldier  who  was  lost,  when 
he  met  with  the  Indians  who  had  the  buffalo,  they  spoke  to 
him  by  signs,  and  he  understood  them  to  tdl  him  to  make  a 
fire.  This  he  must  have  inferred  from  seeing  the  meat  they 
had,  or  he  was  frightened  at  seeing  himself  lost  among  bar- 
barian Indians;  he  spilled  on  his  cloak  the  powder  he  was 
carrying  in  a  flask,  and  on  his  striking  the  light  a  spark  fell 
on  the  powder,  and  it  burned  his  whole  side  from  head  to 
foot.  When  the  Indians  learned  that  we  were  in  their  terri- 
tory they  must  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that,  since  that 
man  was  lost,  his  comrades  would  be  siu^  to  look  for  him. 

1  On  the  17th  (Itinerary). 

*  According  to  the  Itinerary  this  place  was  fifteen  leagues  narih  oi  the 
Guadalupe  crossing.    It  must  have  been  somewhere  near  Hallettsville. 

*  The  Colorado  was  probably  meant  here. 

'  It  had  moved  eastward  in  De  Le6n's  absence. 


1680]  LETTER  OF  FATHER  MASSANET  361 

The  next  day  they  brought  him  his  horse,  and,  since  he  was  so 
badly  burned  that  he  could  not  help  himself,  the  Indians 
themselves  saddled  it  for  him,  and  assisted  him  to  mount, 
telling  him  by  signs  to  go  with  them.  They  brought  him  very 
near  to  the  place  where  we  were,  just  a  couple  of  shots  away. 
The  Indians  who  brought  him,  not  wishing  to  approach  us, 
signified  to  him  that  he  should  go  on,  using  signs  to  indicate 
to  him  where  we  were,  at  the  foot  of  a  hiU  which  he  saw  there. 
At  the  foot  of  that  hiU,  on  the  other  side,  they  left  him,  and  he 
reached  us  at  nine  in  the  morning,  which  was  for  all  a  soim^e 
of  great  satisfaction.  We  felt  very  sorry  when  we  saw  how 
badly  biunt  he  was. 

On  the  following  day^  we  left  for  the  settlement  of  the 
Frenchmen,  and  when  we  were  about  three  leagues  from  it 
there  came  out  some  twenty-five  Indians.  Now  the  old 
Frenchman  who  accompanied  us  took  occasion  to  say  that  the 
settlement  of  the  Frenchmen  was  not  in  the  place  to  which 
the  two  Indian  guides  were  taking  us.  On  the  way  this  French- 
man tried  several  times,  by  means  of  an  Indian  of  the  Cavas 
nation  whom  he  had  with  him,  to  make  our  two  Indians  de- 
sert us,  or  say  that  it  was  very  far,  and  that  we  should  not  be 
able  to  cross  the  rivers  which  were  on  the  way.  I  resented  so 
much  that  the  Frenchman  should  be  given  occasion  to  speak 
that  I  grew  angry,  and  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon  said  to  me : 
"Father,  we  are  goiog  wherever  you  wish."  We  continued 
following  the  two  guides  quite  three  leagues  f  we  arrived  at  a 
stream  of  very  good  drinking  water,  and  the  two  Indians  said 
to  me :  "  Lower  down  on  the  bank  of  this  stream  are  the  houses 
of  the  French,  which  must  be  about  three  leagues  off."  Then 
the  old  Frenchman  saw  that  there  was  no  help,  and  that  we 
were  certain  to  come  upon  the  village.  He  then  said :  "Sir, 
now  I  know  very  well,  yea,  very  weU,  that  the  houses  are  on 
this  little  river." 

We  started  the  next  morning,  and  three  leagues  off  we  found 
the  village  of  the  Frenchmen  on  the  bank  of  the  stream,'  as 

» The  2l3t  (Itinerary). 

*  Going  east-northeast  eight  leagues  they  struck  a  creek  three  leagues  above 
the  French  settlement ;  it  was  the  Garcitas. 

*  On  the  Garcitas,  about  five  miles  above  its  mouth.  The  site  of  La  Salle's 
settlement  was  identified  by  the  present  writer  on  July  5,  1914.    It  is  on  the 


362        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS       [1689 

I  had  been  told  by  the  two  Indians,  the  Querns  and  Juanillo 
the  Papul.  We  arrived  at  about  eleven  in  the  forenoon,  and 
found  six  houses,  not  very  large,  built  with  poles  plastered 
with  mud,  and  roofed  over  with  buffalo  hides,  another  larger 
house  where  pigs  were  fattened,  and  a  wooden  fort  made  from 
the  hulk  of  a  wrecked  vessel.  The  fort  had  one  lower  room 
which  was  used  as  a  chapel  for  saying  mass,  and  three  other 
rooms  below ;  above  the  three  rooms  was  an  upper  story  serv- 
ing for  a  store-house,  wherein  we  f oimd  some  six  loads  of  iron, 
not  coimting  scattered  pieces,  and  some  steel,  also  eight  small 
guns  and  three  swivels  made  of  iron,  the  largest  pieces  being 
for  a  charge  of  about  six  pounds  of  shot.  The  pieces  and  one 
swivel  were  buried,  and  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon  carried  off 
two  of  the  swivels.  There  was  a  great  lot  of  shattered  weapons, 
broken  by  the  Indians — firelocks,  carbines,  cutlasses — ^but  they 
had  not  left  the  cannon,  only  one  being  found.  We  foimd  two 
unburied  bodies,  which  I  interred,  setting  up  a  cross  over  the 
grave.    There  were  many  tom-up  books,  and  many  dead  pigs. 

These  Frenchmen  had  a  piece  of  land  fenced  in  with  stakes, 
where  they  sowed  just  a  little  com,  and  had  an  asparagus 
bed ;  we  foimd  also  very  good  endive.  This  place  affords  no 
advantages  as  to  situation,  for  good  drinking-water  is  very 
far  off,  and  timber  still  further.  The  water  of  the  stream  is 
very  brackish,  so  much  so  that  in  five  days  during  which  the 
camp  was  pitched  there  all  the  horses  sickened  from  the 
brackish  water. 

The  next  day^  we  went  down  to  explore  the  bay  of  Espiritu 
Santo,^  and  coasted  it  imtil  we  succeeded  in  finding  the  mouth ; 
in  the  middle  of  this  there  is  a  flat  rock,  and  all  along  the 
shore  of  the  bay  there  are  many  lagoons  which  it  is  very  diffi- 
cult to  cross.  Blackberries  are  abundant,  large  and  fine,  and 
there  are  a  number  of  stocks  which  seem  to  be  those  of  grape 

ranch  of  Mr.  Claude  Keeran,  in  Victoria  County.  See  an  article  by  Bolton  in 
the  Atutin  American,  July  19,  1914,  and  his  article  on  "The  Locatioii  of  La 
Salle's  Colony  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico/'  in  the  Misnaaippi  Valley  Historical 
Review,  II.  165-182. 

1  Saturday,  April  23  (Itinerary).  They  did  not  get  back  till  the  25th.  Either 
Massanet  makes  it  appear  that  the  journey  was  all  made  in  one  day. 

'  The  Itinerary  and  the  Siguenza  map  show  that  De  Le6n  iSrst  turned  aoutii- 
west  and  went  round  the  head  of  Zorillo  Creek,  going  thence  to  a  place 
Port  Connor. 


1689]  LETTER  OF  FATHER  MASSANET  363 

vineS;  but  no  trees,  and  no  fresh  water.  The  Indians  dig  wells 
for  drinking  water. 

After  exploring  the  bay  we  returned  to  the  main  body  of 
our  party,  whom  we  had  left  in  the  village ;  we  arrived  there 
at  noon,  and  remained  there  that  afternoon,  and  the  next  day 
they  bent  the  large  iron  bars,  making  them  up  into  bimdles, 
in  order  to  carry  them  with  ease.  We  foimd  the  Indian  with 
the  reply  to  the  letter  which  we  had  written  to  the  French- 
men;^ they  said  that  we  should  wait  for  them,  that  they 
would  soon  come,  that  another  Frenchman  was  further  on, 
and  that  they  were  waiting  for  him  in  order  that  they  might 
come  all  together.  The  Indian  received  the  horse,  as  we  had 
ordered.  As  to  the  fort.  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon  would  not 
have  it  burnt  down,  and  it  remained  as  it  was. 

The  next  day^  we  set  out  on  our  return  trip  to  the  Guada- 
lupe River,  and  when  we  got  halfway,  since  we  saw  that  the 
Frenchmen  did  not  come,  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon,  with  twenty- 
five  men,*  went  to  the  rancheria  where  they  were,  and  the 
main  party  went  on  as  far  as  the  Guadalupe  River,  where  it 
remained  waiting  three  days.  The  Frenchmen  were  in  the 
rancherfa  of  the  Toaa  Indians,  with  the  Tejas ;  they  came  to 
the  Guadalupe  with  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon  and  arrived  there 
on  the  2d  *  of  May,  '89.  Two  Frenchmen  came,  naked  except 
for  an  antelope's  skin,  and  with  their  faces,  breasts,  and  arms 
painted  like  the  Indians,  and  with  them  came  the  governor 
of  the  Tejas  and  eight  of  his  Indians.  Through  that  day  and 
night  I  tried  my  utmost  to  show  all  possible  consideration  to 
the  said  governor,  giving  him  two  horses,  and  the  blanket  in 
which  I  slept,  for  I  had  nothing  else  which  I  could  give  him. 
Speaking  Spanish,  and  using  as  an  interpreter  one  of  the 
Frenchmen  whom  we  had  with  us,  I  said  to  the  governor  that 
his  people  should  become  Christians,  and  bring  into  their 

*  The  letter,  which  was  written  with  red  ochre,  is  reproduced  by  the  Autor 
Aii6nimo  (De  Le6n,  Historia  de  Nvevo  Le6n,  p.  334). 

« The  26tL 

'  De  Le6n  made  an  expedition  to  the  Lavaca  River  at  this  time  which 
Massanet  does  not  mention.  Crossing  the  Garcitas  and  going  three  leagues 
east,  he  reached  the  Lavaca  (he  called  it  the  San  Marcos)  and  followed  it  nearly 
to  its  mouth  (Itinerary,  pp.  401-402).  When  he  started  north  in  search  of  the 
Frenchmen,  De  Le6n  took  thirty  men  (Itinerary). 

*  The  Itinerary  says  May  1. 


364        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      (1689 

lands  priests  who  should  baptize  them,  since  otherwise  they 
could  not  save  their  souls^  adding  that  if  he  wished,  I  would  go 
to  his  lands.  Soon  the  afore-mentioned  governor  said  he  would 
very  willingly  take  me  there,  and  I  promised  him  to  go,  and 
to  take  with  me  other  priests  like  myself,  repeating  to  him 
that  I  would  be  there  in  the  following  year,  at  the  time  of  sow- 
ing com.  The  governor  seemed  weU  pleased,  and  I  was  still 
more  so,  seeing  the  harvest  to  be  reaped  among  the  many  souls 
in  those  lands  who  know  not  God. 

The  next  day  was  the  day  of  the  Holy  Cross^  — ^the  3d  of 
May ;  after  mass  the  governor  of  the  Tejas  left  for  his  home 
and  we  for  this  place.  We  arrived  at  Coahuila,*  and  Captain 
Alonso  de  Leon  sent  two  Frenchmen — ^the  one  named  Juan 
Archebepe,'  of  Bayonne,  the  other  Santiago  Grollette — ^from 
Goahuila  to  Mexico,  with  Gaptain  Francisco  Martinez,  and 
His  Excellency  the  Conde  de  Galbe  had  the  Frenchmen  pro- 
vided with  suitable  clothes  and  dispatched  to  Spain  on  ship- 
board in  the  same  year,  '89. 

All  this  news  did  not  fail  to  create  excitement  and  to  give 
satisfaction  not  only  to  His  Excellency  but  also  to  o^er 
men  of  note  in  Mexico,  and  there  were  several  meetings  held 
in  order  to  consider  measures  not  only  for  keeping  the  French 
from  gaining  control  of  those  regions  and  settling  in  them,  but 
also  for  the  introduction  of  religious  ministers. 

At  this  time  His  Excellency  deigned  to  send  for  me,  aaking 
the  Reverend  Father  Luzuriaga  to  give  orders  for  my  coming. 
I  was  Uving  at  the  mission  of  San  Salvador,  in  the  valley  of 
Santiago,  in  the  province  of  Goahuila.  I  went  to  Quer^taro, 
arriving  at  my  GoUege  of  the  Holy  Gross  on  the  24th  of  Octo- 
ber, in  the  year  '89,  and  left  for  Mexico  on  All  Souls'  Day. 
On  the  5th  of  November  I  came  to  the  convent  of  San  Gosme, 
and  the  next  day  there  entered  Mexico  the  Very  Reverend 
Father  Fray  Juan  Gapistrano,  who  came  from  Spain  as  com- 
missary general  of  this  province  of  New  Spain. 

It  seemed  that  oiu*  Lord  had  ordained  that  it  should  not 
be  Father  Luzuriaga's  good  fortime  that  in  his  time  priests* 
of  the  order  of  oiu*  Father  Saint  Francis  should  go  among 

*  Feast  of  the  Invention  of  the  Holy  Cross. 

*  On  May  13  (Itinerary).  *  L'Arehevdque. 

*  Rdijiosos,  including  both  priests  and  laymen. 


1689]  LETTER  OF  FATHER  MASSANET  305 

the  Tejas,  for  he  always  objected  to  the  idea  that  the  brethren 
of  that  holy  order  should  undertake  missions  to  the  heathen^ 
their  chief  office  being  that  of  apostolic  missionaries  among 
communities  of  both  the  faithful  and  infidels.  For  after  the 
reverend  fathers,  Fray  Juan  Bautista  Lazaro  and  the  Pre- 
dicador^  Fray  PVancisco  Esteves,*  came  to  Guasteca,*  and 
founded  at  TamauUpas  a  mission  for  heathen  Indians  when 
already  the  mission  included  more  than  three  himdred  fam- 
ilies, without  counting  a  large  number  who  were  in  process  of 
joining,  and  the  Indians  were  very  much  pleased  and  very 
attentive  to  the  Christian  doctrine,  the  Reverend  Luzuriaga 
ordered  the  fathers  to  depart,  and  to  leave  the  said  mission 
and  the  Indians,  no  groimd  or  motive  being  stated  except 
that  those  regions  belonged  to  the  district  of  Tampico,  and 
that  the  priests*  belonging  to  that  district  would  look  after 
that  settlement  of  Indians.  The  reverend  fathers  obeyed  the 
Reverend  Luzuriaga's  orders  with  heavy  hearts,  seeing  that, 
after  the  arduous  labors  by  which  they  had  gained  that  post, 
those  poor  heathens  would  be  lost.  After  those  priests  had 
departed  and  left  the  Indians,  the  district  fathers^  never 
again  gave  a  thought  to  them  or  the  posts.  When  the  fathers 
took  leave  of  the  Indians  there  was  a  pitiful  scene,  and  what 
the  Indians  said  moved  one  to  tears,  for  they  asked  why  the 
fathers,  though  priests  and  ministers  of  God,  had  deceived 
them,  since  they  had  pledged  their  word  to  minister  to  them, 
to  teach  them  and  baptize  them,  and  now,  if  the  imsettled 
life  they  led,  without  rule  or  law,  were  an  evil  one,  whereby 
they  should  lose  salvation,  the  fathers  would  be  to  blame, 
for  these  were  leaving  them  and  had  deceived  them.  With 
these  and  many  other  expressions  they  parted,  the  fathers  in 
tears  over  the  fold  which  was  now  without  a  shepherd,  yet 
on  the  other  hand  feeling  compelled  to  obey.  Chi  another 
occasion,  when  the  superior  of  our  holy  order  begged  for 
permission  to  enter  New  Mexico,  the  Very  Reverend  Luzu- 
riaga refused  and  would  not  allow  it.    He  ever  remained  ad- 

*  Preacher. 

'  A  biography  of  Father  Est6vez  is  contained  in  Arridvita's  Cr6nica,  lib.  11., 
caps.  I.-VI. 

'  Huasteca,  the  coast  country  about  Tampico.  ^  Ministros, 

*  Loa  padres  de  aquella  custodia  (the  fathers  of  that  custodia). 


366        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS       [1689 

verse  to  the  introduction  of  priests  among  the  heathen.  How- 
ever, when  there  came  out  of  the  land  of  the  Tejas  tidings  of 
discoveries  which  were  noised  abroad,  he  thought  of  many 
possible  measures,  and  of  sending  priests^  out  of  the  prov- 
inces,  but  our  Lord  God  ordained  that  when  I  reached  Mexico 
another  conmiissary  general,  as  I  have  already  said,  was 
ruling. 

I  reached  the  said  city  and  saw  the  very  reverend  father 
and  we  spoke  of  the  Tejas.  I  told  him  how  I  had  been  called 
by  His  Excellency  and  by  the  Very  Reverend  Luzuriaga,  and 
he  said  to  me:  "See  His  Excellency,  and  then  we  shall  con- 
fer." I  had  an  interview  with  His  Excellency,  and  spoke  at 
great  length  of  the  bay  of  Espiritu  Santo  and  of  the  Tejas, 
and  immediately  he  repHed  that  he  would  foster  the  cause 
with  might  and  main. 

Besides  the  news  which  we  had  brought  with  us  on  return- 
ing from  the  bay  of  Espiritu  Santo,  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon 
had  brought  the  information  that  an  Indian  who  had  come 
from  there  at  a  more  recent  date  than  ourselves  said  ihsA 
among  the  Tejas  there  were  eighteen  Frenchmen,  and  tiiat 
houses  had  been  built;  that  they  had  flocks  of  goats  and 
sheep,  and  that  some  of  the  Frenchmen  had  gone  to  their 
country  for  women  and  for  more  men.^  I  do  not  know  what 
Captain  Alonso  de  Leon  had  in  view  in  giving  this  account 
to  His  Excellency,  for  I  had  seen  the  Indian  and  spoken  to 
him  before  he  saw  Captain  Leon,  and  he  told  me  that  he  came 
from  the  interior,  and  had  been  told  that  six  Frenchmen, 
who  seemed  to  have  lost  their  way,  were  wandering  among 
the  Tejas.  He  had  also  heard  of  the  coming  of  some  Tejas 
Indians,  and  that  on  their  advancing  further  on  this  side  of 
the  Rio  Hondo  other  Indians  had  come  out  to  attack  them, 
that  they  had  killed  two  of  them,  and  that  the  rest  had  re- 
tiuned  to  their  homes.  It  seems  to  me  that  they  must  have 
made  the  old  Frenchman  who  Uved  in  Coahuila  say  this, 
because  in  tracing  the  report  to  its  source  they  said,  ''Juan 
says  so";  and  since  the  said  Juan  Ued  in  all  his  accounts, 

*  Relijiosos, 

'  Detailed  information  relative  to  proceedings  after  De  Le6ii  returned  to 
Monclova  is  contained  in  Archivo  General  de  Indias,  Sevilla,  edanie  61,  eajCn  6, 
legajo  21.    Transcripts  of  these  documents  are  possessed  by  the  editor. 


LETTER  OF  FATHER  MASSANET  367 

he  certsunly  lied  that  time  also,  for  the  Indians  themselves 
were  ignorant  of  such  an  occurrence,  and  when  we  went 
among  the  Tejas  they  knew  nothing  about  the  reported 
murders. 

But  to  return  to  our  subject.  When  I  was  in  Mexico  and 
had  spoken  to  His  Excellency  at  different  times  concerning  a 
second  expedition  to  the  bay  of  Espiritu  Santo  and  a  visit 
to  the  Tejas  His  Excellency  resolved  to  call  a  general  meet- 
ing^ in  order  to  decide  what  should  be  done.  Taking  for 
granted  the  information  given  by  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon 
about  a  settlement  of  Frenchmen  among  the  Tejas,  and  con- 
cerning the  death  of  those  who  had  settled  on  the  bay  of 
Espiritu  Santo,  it  was  uncertain  whether  some  French  vessel 
might  have  come  afterwards  with  settlers  for  the  bay;  besides, 
there  were  other  grounds  for  action  in  the  fact  that  the  Tejas 
were  asking  for  priests  for  their  country.  All  these  grounds 
being  taken  into  account  in  the  general  meeting,  there  were 
various  opinions,  and  finally  His  Excellency  decided  that  a 
second  expedition  should  be  undertaken  to  the  bay  of  Es- 
piritu Santo.  Previously  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon  had  al- 
ready made  known  to  His  Excellency  all  that  was  necessary 
for  that  journey  in  case  it  should  be  imdertaken.  His  Ex- 
cellency ordained  that  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon  should  go  as 
commander,  taking  with  him  a  hundred  and  ten  soldiers — 
twenty  from  the  presidios  of  Viscaya,  those  nearest  Coahuila, 
forty  who  enlisted  in  Sombrerete^  and  Zacatecas,  the  rest 
from  Saltillo  and  the  Nuevo  de  Leon — one  hundred  and  fifty 
loads  of  flour,  two  hundred  cows,  four  hundred  horses,  fifty 
long  firelocks,  twelve  hundred  weight  of  powder,  and  three 
hundred  weight  of  shot.  They  were  to  inspect  the  bay  of 
Bgpiritu  Santo  and  to  ascertain  whether  there  were  any 
Frenchmen  left  of  those  who  used  to  live  there,  or  whether 
others  had  recently  arrived;  the  wooden  fort  built  by  the 
French  was  to  be  burnt  down,  and  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon 
was  to  conmumicate  with  the  governor  of  the  Tejas  from  the 
bay  of  Espiritu  Santo  as  to  whether  he  would  be  willing  to 
have  the  ministers  of  the  Holy  Gospel  enter  into  his  territory, 
as  he  had  promised  Father  Fray  Damian  Manzanet  a  year 

^  Junta  general.     One  was  held  July  5, 1689,  and  others  later. 

'  A  city  north  of  Zacatecas,  founded  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century. 


368        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [1690 

previous.  If  the  governor  consented,  then  they  should  escort 
the  priests,  proceeding  with  every  precaution,  and  should 
dispatch  an  order  requesting  and  charging  the  Very  Reverend 
Father  Commissary  General  to  send  with  Father  Fray  Damian 
Manzanet  those  of  the  brethren  of  the  Holy  CoU^e  of  the 
Cross  who  should  prove  suitable,  the  said  father  to  decide 
how  many  priests  would  be  needed  at  first.  At  the  same  time 
he  was  to  be  provided  with  all  the  necessaries  for  the  journey. 
And  I,  being  present  at  this  general  meeting,  remarked  that  I 
would  take  along  three  priests  for  the  Tejas,  myself  being  the 
fourth,  besides  two  for  the  mission  of  San  Salvador,  which 
is  on  the  way,  making  a  total  of  six  priests  to  be  sent  by  the 
college;  and  in  the  event  of  the  Tejas  receiving  the  faith, 
then  the  college  should  send  whatever  other  priests  would 
be  required.    This  was  resolved  by  the  general  meeting. 

Afterwards  His  Excellency  bade  me  make  a  note  of  what 
I  needed  to  take  along,  whereupon  I  repUed  that  for  the  mo- 
ment I  only  wanted  wine  for  the  masses,  a  wafer-box,  and 
wax;  as  to  other  necessaries,  such  as  vestments  and  other 
things,  I  should  procure  them  myself.  It  was  determined 
that  the  journey  should  take  place  after  Christmas,  so  when 
the  Christmas  feast  was  over  His  Excellency  dispatched  Cap- 
tain Francisco  Martinez  with  twenty  mules  laden  with  wine, 
wax,  and  so  on,  also  clothing  for  distribution  among  the  In- 
dians and  six  loads  of  tobacco;  and  at  the  CoU^e  of  the 
Holy  Cross  at  Queretaro,  with  the  priests  who  were  to  accom- 
pany me,  I  awaited  him.  These  priests  were  the  Father 
Predicador  Fray  Miguel  Fontecuberta,^  the  Father  Predi- 
cador  Fray  Francisco  de  Jesus  Maria,  the  Father  Predicador 
Fray  Antonio  Perea,  the  Father  Predicador  Fray  Francisco 
Hidalgo,  the  Father  Predicador  Fray  Antonio  Boidoy.  Those 
who  remained  in  the  Mission  San  Salvador  were  the  fathers 
Fray  Antonio  Perea  and  Fray  Francisco  Hidalgo. 

We  left  Coahuila*  for  the  Tejas  on  the  third  day  of  the 
Easter  feast,  March  28,  '90.    When  we  left,  the  twenty  sol- 

^  There  is  a  biography  of  Father  Fontcuberta  in  Espinosa's  Chr6nioaf  lib. 
IV.,  cap.  II. ;  one  of  Father  Casanas,  ibid.,  caps.  II.-IX. ;  of  Father  Perefty  ibid., 
cap.  XV. ;  of  Father  Hidalgo,  in  Arricivita,  Cr6nica,  lib.  11.,  caps.  X.~XIL 

*  Monclova.  The  baggage  left  Monclova  on  the  26th.  On  the  27tii  die 
soldiers  set  out  (Itinerary). 


1090]  LETTER  OF  FATHER  MASSANET  369 

diers  from  Vizcaya  had  not  yet  arrived.  The  forty  from 
Zacatecas  were  for  the  most  part  tailorS;  shoemakers,  masons, 
miners — ^in  short,  none  of  them  could  catch  the  horses  on 
which  they  were  to  ride  that  day,  for  when  they  had  once 
let  them  go  they  could  manage  them  no  longer.  Besides, 
we  had  saddles  that  could  not  be  worse. 

Thus  we  went  on  travelling  by  the  route  described  in  the 
journal  which  was  kept  of  this  expedition.^  What  I  noticed 
was  that  on  our  first  trip  we  had  f oimd  many  Indians  along 
the  rivers  and  everywhere  else,  while  this  time  we  went  to 
inspect  the  bay  of  il^iritu  Santo  and  returned  to  the  Guada- 
lupe River  without  having  found  a  single  Indian  in  all  the 
country.  Twenty  of  us  reached  the  fort  built  by  the  French- 
men, ^e  rest  remained  with  the  horses  by  the  Guadalupe 
River.  We  saw  no  trace  of  Frenchmen  having  been  there 
during  our  absence,  all  being  as  we  had  left  it  the  year  be- 
fore, except  that  certainly  there  were  signs  that  the  Indians 
had  dwelt  there.  I  myself  set  fire  to  the  fort,  and  as  there 
was  a  high  wind — ^the  wood,  by  the  way,  was  from  the  sloop 
brought  by  the  Frenchmen,  which  had  sunk  on  entering  the 
bay — ^in  half  an  hour  the  fort  was  in  ashes.  This  was  at  the 
hour  of  noon;  afterwards  we  went  down  to  the  coast  of  the 
bay,  all  along  the  banks  of  the  arroyo  by  which  the  French- 
men passed  in  and  out  of  the  bay  with  their  barges  and  canoes. 
And  after  we  had  arrived,  some  of  the  soldiers  of  Rejmo  de 
Leon  said  that  they  wished  to  bathe,  in  order  to  be  able  to 
tell  that  they  had  bathed  in  the  sea,  this  being  esteemed  so 
remarkable  a  thing  that  they  carried  away  flasks  of  sea- 
water  which  later,  in  their  own  country  of  Monterey,  it  was 
held  a  great  favor  to  try  and  to  taste,  because  it  was  sea- 
water. 

On  our  first  journey  there  was  a  soldier  in  Coahuila  who 
was  a  Creole  from  Pablillo.  His  father's  name  was  So-and-so 
de  Escobelo,  and  when  he  learned  that  an  expedition  to  the 

^Printed  hereinafter.  The  party  was  met  at  the  junction  of  the  Nada- 
dofes  with  the  Sabinas  by  the  soldiers  from  Nuevo  Le6n  and  the  missionaries  on 
the  30th.  On  the  4th  of  April  the  Hio  Grande  was  reached;  on  the  9th  the  Nueces; 
on  the  11th  the  Hondo;  on  the  19th  the  Medina;  on  the  23d  the  Guadalupe. 
On  the  25th  De  Le6n  left  the  camp  on  the  Guadalupe  and  set  out  with  twenty 
men  to  reconnoitre  the  French  settlement,  arriving  there  next  day ;  from  there  he 
went  down  to  the  Bay  (see  the  Itinerary,  pp.  405-409). 


370        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [1600 

bay  of  Espiritu  Santo  was  being  planned,  he  wrote  a  letter  to 
Captain  Alonso  de  Leon,  which  letter  ran  as  follows:  **C(mh 
padre,  I  entreat  you  to  do  me  the  favor  of  taking  my  sou 
Antonio  among  your  troops,  that  when  he  is  old,  he  may  - 
have  a  tale  to  teU." 

While  the  soldiers  were  bathing,  we  saw  in  the  bay  two 
dark  and  bulky  objects,  looking  like  buoys,  and  though  there 
was  some  discussion  as  to  whether  they  might  be  buoiys.  no 
special  investigation  was  made,  such  L  Captain  Ala^  de 
Leon  and  Captain  D.  Gregorio  Salinas  made  later  in  order 
to  give  information  to  His  Excellency.  The  said  buoys  must 
have  been  distant  from  the  land  about  two  gunshots,  and  they 
were  not  in  the  mouth  of  the  San  Marcos  River,*  as  they  ^ 
reported,  nor  is  the  mouth  of  the  San  Marcos  River  half  a  I 
league  wide,  as  they  said,  for  whoever  said  so  did  not  see  it, 
and  I,  who  saw  it  on  the  feast  of  San  Marcos  (that  is  why  it  is 
called  the  San  Marcos  River),  I  say  that  the  mouth  of  the 
river  is  about  a  gunshot  wide. 

We  returned  to  the  main  body  of  the  army,'  which  awaited 
us  by  the  Guadalupe  River ;  arriving  there  we  found  nothing 
new.  The  next  morning  we  left  for  the  country  of  the  Tejas/ 
and  journeyed  some  six  leagues.  On  the  next  day  there  wss 
no  travelling  done.  Some  soldiers  went  out  to  reconnoitre, 
and  to  see  whether  there  appeared  any  Lidians  from  whom 
they  might  gather  information.  They  foimd  none,  and  no 
smoke  was  seen,  nor  was  there  ever  any  answer  to  that  which 
daily  we  allowed  to  rise.  The  next  morning  while  I  was  say- 
ing mass  two  gunshots  were  heard  far  away  in  the  thicket 
towards  the  Guadalupe  River.  Some  one  went  to  see  who  it 
was,  and  it  proved  to  be  three^  of  the  soldiers  who  belonged 
to  the  garrisons  of  Vizcaya.  They  came  up,  and  we  asked  them 
about  their  journey,  and  they  told  us  of  hardships  as  follows : 

On  the  second  day  of  the  Easter  feast  they  had  arrived  at 
Saltillo,  namely,  twenty  soldiers  of  the  two  presidios  of  Vizcaya 


iThe  Lavaca.  «0n  April  27 

*  According  to  the  Itinerary,  on  the  28th  De  Le6n  went  up  the  Guadalupe 
six  leagues  and  returned,  and  on  the  29th  set  out  for  the  Tejas,  going  ax  leagues 
that  day. 

*  On  the  30th  the  Itinerary  mentions  the  same  incident  but  gives  the  Dum- 
ber of  soldiers  as  two. 


1600]  LETTER  OF  FATHER  MASSANET  371 

which  are  nearest  Coahuila,  i.  e.,  Cuencame  and  El  Gallo. 
And  the  sargento  mayor  of  Vizcaya,  Juan  Bautista  Escorza, 
appointed  a  mulatto  named  Martincho  So-and-so  leader  of  the 
ten  men  he  sent.  The  captain  of  the  presidio  El  GallO;  a 
native  of  Vizcaya  whose  name  was  Ogalde,  sent  as  leader  of 
his  ten  soldiers  Joseph  de  Salcedo,  a  Spaniard.  While  they 
were  in  Saltillo,  a  town  inhabited  by  Spaniards,  one  of  Mar- 
tincho's  men  had  words  with  Captain  Anchiondo,  and  the 
alcalde  mayor,  Don  Alonso  Ramos,  nephew  to  the  president  of 
Guadalajara,  tried  to  seize  him,  but  could  not,  because  the 
said  soldier  and  his  companion  decamped  and  went  off  where 
their  camp  was  stationed  on  the  hacienda  of  Captain  NicoUs 
de  Guajardo.  Thither  the  said  alcalde  mayor  followed  them. 
He  arrived  close  behind  them,  and  spoke  very  poUtely  to  the 
leader  of  the  said  soldiers,  and  the  said  Martincho  agreed  to 
take  along  the  soldier  next  day  in  order  that  he  might  make  it 
up  with  Captain  Anchiondo.  They  went  next  day,  and  on 
the  arrival  of  the  said  leader  with  the  soldier  at  the  govern- 
ment  houses,  it  happened  that  the  alcalde  rrvayor  receiv^  word 
concerning  a  christening  to  which  he  was  invited.  He  said 
to  the  soldiers,  "Wait  for  me  a  while,  I  shall  be  back";  and 
so  on  his  return  the  difference  existing  between  the  two  men 
was  settled,  and  they  made  friends.  But  next  day  a  tale- 
bearer— ^they  are  numerous  in  the  town  of  Saltillo— did  not 
fail  to  tell  Martincho  that  the  alcalde  mayor  said  that  he  would 
find  means  to  punish  the  Vizcayan  soldiers,  and  that  when  he 
was  away  at  the  christening  he  had  left  them  as  prisoners  in 
the  government  houses.  At  this  Mantincho  took  offense, 
questioning  whether  the  alcalde  rruiyor  had  jmisdiction  over 
military  cases,  and  he  made  a  complaint.  He  called  four  of 
his  soldiers,  whom  he  took  with  him,  saying  to  them  that  if 
they  were  not  men,  and  intended  to  flee,  they  should  not  ac- 
company him.  Finally  they  went  to  the  government  houses, 
and  Martincho  left  the  four  soldiers  at  the  door,  and,  without 
giving  warning,  he  entered  the  hall,  and  gained  access  to  the 
room  where  the  alcalde  mnyor  was  with  a  priest  from  Coahuila. 
On  entering  he  drew  his  sword  and  dealt  the  alcalde  mxiyor  a 
stroke,  takmg  off  a  considerable  piece  from  his  head,  and  cut- 
ting off  one  of  his  arms,  so  as  to  leave  him  crippled,  and  to  a 
mulatto  who  sought  to  help  his  master  he  gave  a  back-handed 


372        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [1600 

blow  which  split  his  head.  The  priest  took  away  Martincho's 
sword;  and  just  then  the  inhabitants  of  the  place  came  crowd- 
ing up  to  the  door  to  assist  the  alcalde  mayor.  The  soldiers 
who  were  keeping  guard  would  not  allow  them  to  enter,  but  the 
crowd  afterwards  came  in  through  the  corral.  It  was  Ihea 
about  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Martincho  departed,  he 
and  his  companions  gettmg  upon  their  horses  and  returning 
to  the  camp  which  he  had  established  at  the  house  of  Guajardo. 
All  the  men  of  the  town  followed  with  weapons  in  pursuit, 
and  after  much  dispute,  Martincho  having  offered  resistance 
in  the  said  house,  he  allowed  himself  to  be  seized  because  the 
holder  of  the  warrant,  Ger6nimo  Months  de  Oca  by  name,  as- 
sured him  that  his  life  was  safe.  This  occurred  on  the  Thurs- 
day after  Easter ;  that  night  the  alcalde  mayor  himself  passed 
sentence  on  him,  and  he  received  the  notification  in  bed.  The 
sentence  was  that  he  should  be  shot  according  to  militaiy 
usage,  and  on  the  next  day,  Friday,  March  21,  in  the  year  '90, 
Martincho  was  shot  on  the  plaza  at  Saltillo.^ 

This  news  the  Vizcayan  soldiers  brought  us  as  their  excuse 
for  not  having  arrived  in  time  to  set  out  from  Coahuila  with  us. 

These  soldiers  of  whom  I  have  spoken  as  arriving  on  that 
day  were  three  that  came  along  on  the  same  trail  while  the 
others  were  following  slowly,  driving  their  horses,  which  were  in 
a  very  bad  condition.  So  six  soldiers  were  sent  with  a  load  of 
flour  to  meet  them,  and  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon  and  myself 
with  fifteen  men  set  out*  in  a  northerly  direction  for  the  San 
Marcos  River,'  in  order  to  try  to  find  some  Indians,  burning 
fires  day  and  night  to  see  whether  they  should  be  answered 
by  others.  We  spent  six  days  in  this  sea-region  without  being 
able  to  find  a  single  Indiaii.  We  crossed  the  San  MarcoB 
River  on  the  feast  of  the  Cross,  May  3.  The  next  day,  as  ve 
were  still  travelling  north,  it  being  already  late,  about  five 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  all  of  us  weary  now  with  the  sevai 
days'  journey,*  we  saw  some  buffaloes,  and  the  soldiers  went 

^  The  Itineraiy  omits  the  foregoing  story  entirely.  *  On  the  dOth. 

*  The  Colorado.  Seeing  this  stream  higher  up,  they  thought  it  the  suds 
as  the  Lavaca,  which  they  had  seen  at  the  mouth,  where  it  was  called  the  Sio 
Marcos. 

*  The  Itinerary  puts  this  incident  on  the  dd,  and  the  fifth  day  after 
It  would  be  only  the  fifth  according  to  Massanet,  likewise. 


-S]0QO]  LETTER  OF  FATHER  MASSANET  373 

'^^aat  to  kill  something  for  supper  that  evening.    I  remained 
3^i!^iith  a  son  of  Captain  Leon,  and  as  we  were  walking  directly 
'i^^lorward,  at  the  report  of  a  gun  an  Lidian  woman  came  out 
r^iof  the  thicket,  and  looking  by  chance  to  the  left,  I  saw  an  ob- 
;.  ject  in  the  distance ;  it  was  impossible  to  tell  whether  it  was 
<  an  Lidian  or  a  tree,  but  on  watching  closely  to  see  whether  it 
r   *«ra8  moving  I  saw  another  and  a  smaUer  object  issue  forth, 
from  which  it  was  evident  that  they  were  both  Lidians.    Leon's 
son  and  I  set  out  towards  them,  and  when  we  had  come  closer 
I  waved  my  hat  to  them,  whereupon  they  fled,  making  for 
the  thicket.    Just  then  Captain  Leon  arrived  with  some  sol- 
diers, and  we  went  up  to  the  thicket  and  could  not  see  or  find 
any  Lidian ;  we  did  find  some  buffalo  hides  set  close  to  a  tree 
80  as  to  make  a  shade,  also  a  great  quantity  of  buffalo  meat, 
dried  as  well  as  fresh,  three  wild  turkeys  that  were  roasting, 
and  buffalo  tongues  and  udders  very  fine,  like  hams.    Nothing 
was  taken  away  from  them,  nay,  more,  we  left  them  a  bunch 
of  tobacco,  some  small  knives,  and  some  ribbons,  and  went 
away.    We  slept  that  night  on  a  little  hill  a  couple  of  gun- 
shots away  from  that  place,  the  soldiers  keeping  a  careful 
watch.    At  about  nine  that  night,  I  noticed  that  the  fire  of 
the  Lidians  grew  brighter,  and  then  I  said  to  Captain  Alonso 
de  Leon :  "Either  these  Indians  are  nimierous,  and  therefore 
they  fear  us  not,  or  those  that  are  here,  seeing  that  we  have 
taken  nothing  from  them,  but,  rather,  left  them  more,  are 
good  people  and  desire  to  be  at  peace." 

Li  the  morning  before  sunrise  I  called  the  Quems  Lidian, 
and  told  him  that  we  would  try  to  ascertain  whether  those 
Lidians  were  few  or  many,  whether  they  were  willing  or  not 
to  be  friendly,  and  to  what  nation  they  belonged.  The  Quems 
replied,  as  usual,  "Father,  what  you  desire  me  to  do  shall  be 
done."  Then  I  gave  a  soldier  the  order  to  take  off  the  armor 
he  had  on,  bidding  the  Quems  Indian  wear  it,  and  I  had  a 
good  horse  given  to  the  Indian,  and  said  to  him :  "  See  here  1 
if  the  soldiers  go  to  visit  the  Indians,  perchance  these  will  be 
afraid,  and  flee ;  it  will  be  better  for  you  alone  to  go  to  recon- 
noitre. If  one  of  them  comes  out  peaceably  to  meet  you,  tell 
him  to  come  forward,  for  we  are  not  here  to  take  away  from 
them  what  they  possess,  or  to  hurt  them ;  on  the  contrary, 
we  wish  to  be  their  friends,  and  help  them  to  our  utmost." 


374        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [IWO 

As  the  said  Indians  came  forth  Captain  Leon  and  his  soldiers 
mounted  their  horses  to  be  ready  to  assist  our  Indian  in  case 
the  others  should  be  numerous  and  should  try  to  kill  him. 
The  Quems  Indian  came  near  the  place  where  we  had  seen 
the  Indians,  and  soon  one  of  them  came  out  towards  him. 
The  Quems  waited  for  him,  and  they  spoke  at  great  length. 
And  our  Indian  told  him  by  signs — ^this  being  the  most  uaial 
language — ^not  to  be  afraid,  and  that  he  might  safely  come  to 
us,  for  we  were  good  people,  and  the  Indian,  seeing  the  Quems 
painted  like  himself,  beUeved  all  that  he  told  him,  and  the  two 
came  on  together.  After  we  had  talked  by  signs  a  long  time 
to  the  aforesaid  Indian,  he  led  us  to  his  ranchito^  and  we 
found  his  wife  and  boy  about  ten,  and  there  were  no  other 
people.  These  were  of  the  Tejas  nation,  and  had  come  to 
hunt  buffaloes  and  carry  the  meat  to  their  village.  Soon  we 
arranged  for  the  transportation  of  the  meat  they  had,  and 
charged  the  man  to  take  word  to  their  governor,  telling  him 
that  we  were  waiting  for  him  at  the  spot  where  we  had  found 
them.'  At  noon  we  sent  them  forward,  and  returned  for  the 
night  to  the  spot  already  referred  to,  where  we  had  foimd  these 
Indians.  This  place  is  at  a  distance  of  thirty  leagues^  rather 
more  than  less,  from  the  village  of  Tejas. 

The  next  morning  four  soldiers  were  sent  out  to  the  main 
body  of  the  army  to  take  a  message,  giving  them  the  order  to 
come  and  join  us,  as  we  were  waiting  for  them  at  that  place. 
By  this  time  the  provisions  were  consumed,  and  we  were  Irving 
simply  on  roasted  meat.  The  next  day  at  about  five  in  the 
afternoon  the  Indian  whom  we  had  sent  out  appeared  with 
his  wife  and  the  boy,  in  the  same  place,  and  on  our  asking  him 
how  it  was  that  he  had  not  gone  on  to  his  settlement  he  told 
us  that  his  horse  had  run  away  from  him  that  night,'  that  he 
had  left  the  meat  hanging  on  a  tree,  and  that  he  had  come 
near  to  us  to  try  to  catch  the  horse.  They  slept  with  us  that 
night,  and  the  next  morning  we  held  a  consultation  as  to 
whether  it  might  not  be  that  other  Indians  had  come  with 
him,  and  he  was  acting  as  a  spy;  with  this  in  view  it  was  re- 
solved that  four  soldiers  should  examine  the  coimtiy  aroimd 
for  about  three  leagues  and  see  whether  there  were  Indians  or 

^  Hut  *  According  to  the  Itinerary  this  occurred  on  May  4 

'  The  Itinerary  recounts  this  incident  as  occurring  on  the  5th. 


1690]  LETTER  OF  FATHER  MASSANET  375 

tracks  of  any  kind.  About  three  leagues  away  they  found  an 
Indian,  a  very  tall  youth  on  an  excellent  bay  horse;  the  In- 
dian was  hunting  buffalo,  and  though  he  was  by  himself  he 
began  to  raise  a  hue  and  cry  as  soon  as  he  saw  the  four  sol- 
diers, riding  around  as  if  he  had  no  fear.  The  soldiers  drew 
near  him  without  exposing  their  guns  or  making  any  show 
of  fight,  and  they  made  signs  to  him  that  he  should  come  with 
them.  And  they  brought  him,  and  we  gave  him  of  what  we 
had,  and  told  him  that  if  he  would  go  with  a  message  to  the 
governor  of  the  Tejas  we  would  give  him  a  horse.  As  soon 
as  the  other  Indian  whom  we  had  first  sent  saw  that  another 
man  was  going  with  the  message,  he  asked  for  a  good  horse, 
and  said  he  would  go,  and  leave  his  wife  and  boy  for  us  to 
take  care  of  imtil  he  returned  with  the  governor.  So  we  sent 
him,  telling  him  to  light  fires  along  the  road  by  which  they 
should  come,  and  that  we  would  answer  by  the  same  signal. 

After  four  days,  our  company  reached  the  San  Marcos 
Biver,^  and  came  upon  the  Indians  of  the  rancherfa  Emat, 
Too,  Toaa,  and  others,  and  these  Indians  said  that  further 
along  there  were  other  Indians,  and  with  them  two  French- 
men. Leon,  remaining  with  a  few  soldiers,  sent  for  them  and 
they  came.^  The  one  was  named  Pedro  Mimi,  a  Creole,  from 
the  city  of  Paris,  the  other  Pedro  Talo,  a  Creole,  from  New 
France;  these  had  firelocks,  a  sack  of  powder,  and  shot,  more 
than  twenty  reales  of  the  lowest  value,  in  silver,  Spanish 
money,  and  eighty  gold  eight-dollar  doubloons,  French  money. 
After  the  doubloons  had  been  passed  from  hand  to  hand,  there 
were  only  thirty-nine  left.  (Sue  of  the  two  Frenchmen  men- 
tioned, P.  Mum,  must  have  been  about  twenty  years  old;  the 
other,  Pedro  Talo,  eleven  or  twelve.' 

The  main  body  of  the  soldiers  reached  the  place  where  we 
were,  and  the  day  after  they  came  Captain  Leon  arrived  with 
the  two  Frenchmen.*    There  came  also  to  that  spot  an  In- 

^  The  Colorado.    It  was  crossed  on  the  9th  (Itinerary). 
'  De  Le6n  went  after  Talon  himself,  accompanied  by  eight  soldiers,  trav- 
eling twenty-six  leagues  (Itinerary). 

*  Pierre  Meunier  and  Pierre  Talon.  See  the  latter's  deposition  in  Margry, 
Dicouvertes  et  StMiasements  des  Frangais,  III.  610-621.  The  real  was  then,  as 
now,  equivalent  to  about  twelve  and  one-half  cents. 

*  De  Le6n  returned  with  Talon,  and  took  a  part  of  the  camp  across  the  San 
Marcos  (Colorado)  on  the  11th;  on  the  12th  three  Indians  brought  Mufii  (Itin- 
erary). 


376        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [1690 

dian  who  was  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  road  into  the 
country  of  the  Tejas,  and  he  showed  us  the  way  until  we  met 
with  the  governor  of  the  Tejas,^  together  with  fourteen  or 
fifteen  of  his  Indians,  and  the  Indian  whom  we  had  sent  to 
him  with  our  message.  It  was  about  ten  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing when  we  came  upon  them  by  an  arroyo  in  which  they  were 
bathing,  and,  on  account  of  the  thick  woods,  they  did  not 
see  us  imtil  we  were  very  close  to  them.  As  soon  as  the  gov- 
ernor saw  me  he  came  forward  to  embrace  me;  we  sat  down 
to  talk  by  signs — ^this  being  the  most  usual  mode  of  communi- 
cation in  those  regions;  and  he  produced  a  small  sack  of  pow- 
dered tobacco,  of  the  kind  which  they  grow,  and  another  small 
sack  of  pinole,  white,  and  of  very  good  quality.  After  talk- 
ing we  left  the  place,  and  went  to  rest  a  while.  That  night 
it  was  arranged  to  provide  the  governor  with  garments,  in 
order  that  he  might  enter  his  village  clothed,  so  that  his  peo- 
ple might  see  how  highly  we  thought  of  him. 

Three  days  later,  on  Monday,  May  22,  1690,  we  entered 
the  village.'  It  was  raining  heavily  on  our  arrival.  That 
year  it  had,  up  to  that  time,  rained  but  little,  and  already  the 
com  was  suffering  from  the  drought,  but  every  day  of  the 
eleven  that  we  spent  in  the  village  it  rained  very  hard. 

At  evening  on  the  day  of  our  arrival,  the  governor  being 
in  the  tent  with  us,  an  old  Indian  woman  brought  him  for  his 
meal  a  large  earthenware  vessel  full  of  cooked  frijoles,^  with 
ground-nuts  and  tamales.  That  evening  the  governor  said 
that  he  would  spend  that  night  with  us  in  the  tent,  and  take 
us  to  his  house  next  day,  but  afterwards,  it  being  already 
late,  Captain  Leon  insisted  that  they  should  go  at  once,  as 
he  had  some  skirts  and  other  articles  of  clothing  which  he 
wanted  to  take  to  the  governor's  wife.  The  governor  replied 
that  he  did  not  want  to  go  then,  but  would  go  next  day;  how- 
ever, in  spite  of  all,  he  was  obliged  against  his  will  to  take 
Leon  to  his  house. 


^  This  was  on  the  18th,  after  six  days  march  from  the  Ck^orada 
they  had  crossed  the  Colorado  or  Espfritu  Santo  (Brazos).    The  govemw  was 
met  less  than  nine  and  a  half  leagues  west  of  the  Trinity  River  (Itinerazy). 

'  On  San  Pedro  Creek,  just  northwest  of  Weches  and  some  six  or  dght  miles 
west  of  the  Neches  River.  See  Bolton,  ''Native  Tribes  about  the  East  Tens 
Missions,"  in  the  Texas  State  Historical  Association  Quarterly,  XI.  249-276;  also 
Bolton,  in  Hodge,  Handbook  of  American  Indiana,  II,,  under  "Nabedache." 

*  Kidney-beans. 


1690]  LETTER  OF  FATHER  MASSANET  377 

On  the  next  day  the  governor  said  that  he  wished  to  take 
us  home  with  him,  and  that  we  might  Uve  in  his  house,  in 
which,  he  said,  there  was  room  for  all.  After  dinner  we,  the 
priests,  discussed  what  should  be  oiu:  conduct  on  visiting  the 
governor's,  and  whether  it  would  be  advisable  to  stay  there. 
My  opinion  was  that  we  foiu*  priests  should  go  on  foot,  carry- 
ing our  staffs,  which  bore  a  holy  crucifix,  and  singing  the 
Litany  of  Our  Lady,  and  that  a  lay-brother  who  was  with  us 
should  carry  in  front  a  picture  on  linen  of  the  Blessed  Virgin, 
bearing  it  hi^  on  his  lance,  after  the  fashion  of  a  banner. 

We  set  out  in  this  manner  for  the  governor's  house  from 
the  place  where  we  had  stopped,  and  this  pious  conduct  proved 
so  blessed  that,  although  it  had  rained  heavily,  and  the  water 
stood  hi^  all  along  the  road  where  we  had  to  pass,  so  hi^, 
indeed,  that  for  the  greater  part  of  the  way  it  came  nearly  to 
oiu:  knees,  yet  our  fervor  was  such  that  we  paid  no  attention 
to  the  water.  Following  the  example  given,  some  of  the  sol- 
diers who  were  walking  through  the  water  became  animated 
with  such  zeal  and  ardor  that  they  could  not  keep  back  tears 
of  joy  and  gladness.  Among  these  who  thus  especially  exerted 
themselves,  giving  no  heed  to  the  water  or  to  the  mud,  were 
Captain  Francisco  Martinez,  Don  Gr^orio  Salinas,  and  others. 
The  rest,  some  twenty  soldiers,  were  on  horseback,  and  Cap- 
tain Alonso  de  Leon  was  with  them;  we  who  walked  were  in 
their  midst. 

We  came  to  the  governor's  house,  where  we  found  a  niun- 
ber  of  Indians — ^men,  women,  and  children.  Kneeling,  we 
concluded  the  Litany,  and  we  blessed  the  house.  Soon  the 
governor  and  the  other  Lidians  came  up  to  kiss  my  robe,  and 
the  former  bade  us  enter,  in  order  to  look  at  his  house.  The 
house  is  built  of  stakes  thatched  over  with  grass,  it  is  about 
twenty  varas  Ingji,  is  round,  and  has  no  windows,  daylight 
entering  through  the  door  only;  this  door  is  like  a  room-door 
such  as  we  have  here.^  In  the  middle  of  the  house  is  the  fire, 
which  is  never  extinguished  by  day  or  by  night,  and  over  the 
door  on  the  inner  side  there  is  a  Uttle  superstructure  of  rafters 
very  prettily  arranged.  Ranged  around  one-half  of  the  house, 
inside,  are  ten  beds,  which  consist  of  a  rug  made  of  reeds,  laid 

^  Pot  a  description  of  Hasinai  houae-building,  see  Espinosa,  Chr6nioa,  pp. 
420-421. 


378        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [1690 

on  four  forked  sticks.  Over  the  rug  they  spread  buffalo  skins, 
on  which  they  sleep.  At  the  head  and  foot  of  the  bed  is  at- 
tached another  carpet  forming  a  sort  of  arch,  which,  lined 
with  a  very  brilliantly  colored  piece  of  reed  matting,  makes 
what  bears  some  resemblance  to  a  very  pretty  alcove.  In 
the  other  half  of  the  house,  where  there  are  no  beds,  there  are 
some  shelves  about  two  varas  high,  and  on  them  are  ranged 
large  round  baskets  made  of  reeds  (in  which  they  keep  their 
com,  nuts,  acorns,  beans,  etc.),  a  row  of  very  large  earthen 
pots  like  our  water  jars,  these  pots  being  used  only  to  make 
the  atole  when  there  is  a  large  crowd  on  the  occasion  of  some 
ceremony,  and  six  wooden  mortars  for  pounding  the  com  in 
rainy  weather  (for,  when  it  is  fair,  they  grind  it  in  the  court- 
yard). 

Aiter  a  httle  while  they  brought  out  to  each  of  us  in  tiie 
patio  ^  a  small  wooden  bench  very  skilfully  fashioned,  and 
after  we  had  been  through  the  house  we  sat  down  there,  for 
the  patio  was  bright  and  cool.  Then  they  brought  us  a  lunch 
consisting  of  the  tamales  they  make,  with  nuts,  pinole  of  com, 
very  well  prepared,  a  large  crock  full  of  com  cooked  with 
frijoles,  and  ground-nuts.  Soon  I  noticed,  outside  the  patio, 
opposite  the  door  of  the  govemor's  house,  another  long  build- 
ing, and  no  one  Uved  in  it.  I  asked  who  dwelt  therein  or  what 
purpose  it  served,  and  was  told  that  the  captains  were  lodged 
in  that  house  when  the  governor  called  them  to  a  meeting. 
On  the  other  side  I  saw  yet  another  and  smaller  vacant  house, 
and  upon  my  inquiring  about  this  one  they  answered  that  in 
the  smallest  house  the  pages  of  the  captains  were  lodged,  for  the 
law  provides  that  each  captain  shall  bring  his  page  when 
the  governor  assembles  the  captains,  according  to  the  custom 
which  they  observe.  As  soon  as  they  arrive  they  are  lodged 
in  that  house,  and  for  each  one  is  laid  a  large,  brightly  colored 
reed  mat,  on  which  they  sleep,  with  a  bolster  made  of  painted 
reeds  at  the  head;  and  when  they  retum  home  each  one 
carries  with  him  his  mat  and  pillow.  While  they  attend  the 
meeting  the  governor  provides  them  with  food,  until  he  sends 
them  home. 

The  following  are  the  domestic  arrangements  in  the  gov- 
emor's  house:  each  week  ten  Indian  women  undertake  the 

^  PcUio,  an  open  quadrangle  round  which  the  rooms  of  a  house  are  ranged 


1690]  LETTER  OF  FATHER  MASSANET  379 

house-work;  each  day  at  sunrise  these  women  come  laden 
with  firewood,  sweep  out  the  patio  and  the  house,  cany  water 
from  the  arroyo  at  some  distance— (for  this  water  is  very  good, 
and  though  the  river  is  close  by,  its  water  is  not  as  good  as 
that  of  the  arroyo) — and  grind  com  for  the  atole,  tamcdes,  and 
pinole.  Each  one  of  the  women  goes  home  for  the  night,  re- 
tummg  next  morning.  In  the  governor's  house  I  saw  a  Uttle 
wooden  bench  in  front  of  the  fire,  and  the  Indians  admonished 
me  not  to  sit  upon  it,  lest  I  should  die.  I  was  curious  to  learn 
what  mystery  there  was  connected  with  it,  and  they  told  me 
that  no  one  but  their  lord,  the  governor,  might  sit  upon  that 
stool. 

As  to  whether  the  priests  should  Uve  in  the  governor's 
house,  it  seemed  to  me  unadvisable  that  they  should  do  so, 
on  account  of  the  niunber  of  Indians,  men  and  women,  who 
went  in  and  out  at  all  times.  Using  the  Frenchman  as  an 
interpreter  I  told  the  governor  with  many  kind  expressions 
that  his  house  was  very  fine,  and  that  I  heartily  appreciated 
his  desire  to  have  the  priests  in  his  household,  but  that  since 
we  had  to  build  a  house  for  the  celebration  of  masses,  it  might 
be  well  to  build  likewise  a  dwelling  for  the  priests,  because  they 
must  needs  live  near  the  church.  Thereupon  the  governor 
said  that  we  should  build  the  house  in  the  most  suitable  place, 
that  he  would  show  us  the  village,  and  that  I  might  choose 
the  spot.  We  agreed  to  visit  the  village  on  the  following  day 
in  order  to  look  for  a  favorable  location  for  the  church  and  the 
priests'  dweUing;  accordingly  next  day  we  went  with  the  gov- 
ernor, who  took  us  to  the  place  the  French  had  selected  for 
their  settlement,  pleasantly  and  favorably  situated  on  the 
riverbanks.^  We  did  not  locate  the  convent  there  because 
it  was  so  far  out  of  the  way  of  the  Indians.  Just  at  that  spot 
they  showed  us  two  dead  bodies  of  Frenchmen  who  had  diot 
each  other  with  carbines.  All  this  day  we  were  unable  to 
find  a  place  which  suited  me. 

The  next  morning  I  went  out  with  Captain  Alonso  de 
Leon  a  little  way,  and  foimd  a  delightful  spot  close  to  the 

^According  to  the  Itinerary,  on  May  24  a  temporary  chapel  was  built; 
on  the  25th  possession  taken,  obedience  rendered,  and  ecclesiastical  possession 
given  to  Massanet ;  on  the  26th  De  Le6n  and  the  missionaries  looked  for  a  per- 
maDent  site,  reaching  the  Neches  River. 


380        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [1600 

brook,  fine  woods,  with  plum  trees  like  those  in  Spain.  And 
soon  afterwards,  on  the  same  day,  they  began  to  f dl  trees  and 
cart  the  wood,  and  within  three  da3rs  we  had  a  roomy  dweUing 
and  a  church  wherein  to  say  mass  with  all  propriety.  We 
set  in  front  of  the  church  a  very  high  cross  of  carved  wood.^ 

On  the  feast  of  Corpus  Christi  mass  was  simg,  and  hdoie 
mass  we  had  a  procession  with  the  holy  sacrament  exposed, 
a  large  concourse  of  Indians  being  assembled,  for  we  had  no- 
tified them  the  day  before.  The  soldiers  had  been  given  leave 
to  fire  as  many  salutes  as  they  could  during  the  procession, 
at  the  elevation,  and  at  the  close  of  mass,  and  by  the  will  of 
the  Divine  Majesty  we  celebrated  in  that  solitude  a  memorar 
ble  feast,  which  was  rendered  a  source  of  great  consolation 
by  our  being  able  to  carry  the  blessed  sacrament  exposed  and 
to  walk  in  procession  as  Christian  CathoHcs  are  wont  to  do. 
After  mass  we  hoisted  in  the  name  of  His  Majesty  the  royal 
standard  bearing  on  one  side  the  picture  of  Christ  crucified, 
and  on  the  other  that  of  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe.  A  royal 
salute  was  fired,  and  we  sang  the  Te  Deiun  Laudamus  in 
thanksgiving. 

These  Tejas  Indians  have  always  had  among  them  an 
old  Indian  who  was  their  minister,  and  presented  thdr  offer- 
ings to  God.  They  observed  the  custom  never  to  taste  any 
eatable  without  fiiBt  taking  a  portion  of  it  to  their  minister 
for  sacrifice ;  they  did  this  with  the  products  of  their  lands— 
as  com,  beans,  watermelons,  and  squashes — ^as  well  as  with 
the  buffalo  meat  they  obtained  by  himting.  This  minist^ 
had  a  house  reserved  for  the  sacrifices,  and  they  ent^ed 
therein  very  reverentially,  particularly  during  a  sacrifice. 
They  never  sacrificed  to  idols,  but  only  to  Him  of  whom  they 
said  that  He  has  all  power  and  that  from  Him  come  all  things 
who  is  recognized  as  first  cause. 

The  captains  as  well  as  the  governor  himself  all  treat  tbis 
minister  with  much  consideration,  and  in  order  to  induce  him 
to  visit  us,  as  well  as  to  avoid  hurting  his  feelings,  the  governor 
sent  out  the  captains  with  orders  to  do  honor  to  the  Indian 
priest  and  bring  him  with  them.  They  went,  and  during  the 
three  days  and  nights  they  entertained  him  with  songs  bxA 

^  It  was  located  in  the  middle  of  the  village.    IVom  the  27th  to  the  Slat 
was  spent  in  building  the  church  and  the  dwelling  (Itineraiy). 


1690]  LETTER  OP  FATHER  MASSANET  381 

dances^  as  is  their  custom^  and  then  they  returned  home, 
bringing  him.^  They  arrived  at  noon,  just  as  we  were  about 
to  have  dinner.  Since  I  was  eager  to  see  the  ceremonies  of 
these  people,  I  suggested  that  we  should  wait  for  that  priest 
of  theirs  and  ask  him  to  eat  at  our  table.  He  came,  advanc- 
ing slowly,  and  bearing  himself  with  much  dignity,  and  with 
him  was  a  crowd  of  Indians,  men,  women,  and  children.  He 
appeared  extremely  serious  and  reserved,  and  as  soon  as  he 
reached  the  place  where  we  were  the  governor  bade  him  kiss 
our  robe.  This  he  did,  and  when  we  sat  down  to  dinner  I 
asked  the  governor  to  let  our  visitor  sit  by  his  side. 

When  the  Indian  priest  took  his  first  mouthful,  instead 
of  asking  a  blessing,  he  made  with  the  food,  as  he  took  it  out 
of  the  dish,  a  sign  like  that  of  the  cross,  pointing,  as  it  were, 
to  the  four  winds,  or  cardinal  points.  After  dinner  we  gave 
him  clothing  for  himself  and  his  wife,  and  he  was  well  pleased. 

Later  we  were  told  by  an  Indian  who  was  then  with  the 
Tejas  but  came  from  the  coimtry  beyond — ^from  Coahuila — 
and  who  spoke  Mexican,  that  the  above-mentioned  priest  of 
the  Tejas  had  told  all  the  captains  and  other  Tejas,  "Now 
you  will  no  longer  heed  me,  for  these  priests  who  have  come 
to  you  are  the  true  priests  of  Ayimat  Caddi" — ^which  name 
signifies,  in  their  language,  "The  Great  Captain."  This  was 
the  name  he  gave  to  God,  for  since  the  only  rank  or  title  they 
know  is  that  of  captain,  they  call  " Great  Captain"  him  whom 
they  consider  as  great  above  all  things.  Similarly,  in  order 
to  give  the  governor  a  distinguishing  name  other  than  that  of 
captain,  since  there  are  other  captains,  they  call  him  desza, 
which  means  "  Great  Lord  and  superior  to  all." 

When  the  church  and  the  dwelling  intended  for  the  priests 
had  been  finished  they  carried  into  these  buildings  all  that  was 
to  be  left  for  the  priests,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  first  of 
June,  the  octave  of  the  feast  of  Corpus  Christi,  we  consecrated 
the  church  and  celebrated  mass,  after  which  the  Te  Deum 
Laudamus  was  sung  in  thanksgiving,  the  soldiers  firing  a  royal 
salute.  The  church  and  village  were  dedicated  to  our  Holy 
Father  St.  Francis. 

After  dinner  on  the  same  day  our  company  left  the  place, 

1  The  ''minister"  was  the  Great  Xinesi.    His  chief  temple  was  on  the  Ange- 
lina Divtfii* 


382        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      I1«0 

to  return  hither,  but  I  remained  untfl  the  next  day.*  When 
I  left  the  place  I  called  the  governor,  bidding  him  remanbc? 
that  he  must  take  care  of  the  fathers  who  remained  there  and 
try  to  cause  his  people  to  respect  them  and  to  receive  the 
Christian  doctrine.  I  told  him  the  fathers  would  not  take 
anything  away  from  them,  nor  ask  them  for  anything,  bat 
rather  help  them  whenever  they  were  able.  And  the  governor 
said,  ^'  I  shall  take  care  of  the  fathers,  so  that,  when  you  re- 
turn, they  will  have  no  complaint  to  bring  against  me ;  they 
are  perfectly  safe,  and  may  remain."  I  then  told  him  that 
I  should  be  gratified  if  his  brother  and  some  other  one  of  his 
relatives  would  come  with  me  to  visit  our  country  and  bring 
back  niunerous  presents  for  those  who  remained  at  home,  and 
that  our  great  captain  the  viceroy  was  anxious  to  see  them  and 
entertained  very  kindly  feeling  towards  them.  The  gpvemcff 
then  repHed  that  his  brother  with  two  other  relatives  and  a 
nephew  of  his  would  accompany  me,  and  he  thus  admonished 
me,  ''Do  not  permit  anyone  to  demand  service  from  these 
men  whom  you  take  with  you,  nor  to  make  them  woik." 
From  these  words  of  his  it  is  evident  that  they  have  among 
them  the  idea  of  rank,  and  that  th^  distinguished  thdr  nobles 
from  the  mass  of  the  people. 

From  the  time  of  our  arrival  at  the  Tejas  village  until  at 
left  I  took  note  of  some  things  and  gained  experience  conoenh 
ing  some  men  whose  conduct  proved  so  different  from  what 
it  had  seemed  to  be  when  we  were  on  the  road,  that  I  hardly 
knew  them  for  the  same  persons  after  we  were  in  the  village- 
Evidently  some  of  them  thought  that  th^  were  to  be  made 
rulers  of  the  Tejas,  and  forgot  His  Excellency's  express  orden 
concerning  the  journey,  which  orders  provided  that  Captain 
Alonso  de  Leon  should  go  as  commander  of  the  expedition  to 
find  out  whether  there  were  any  Frenchmen  in  that  region, 
and  that  Leon  and  his  men  should  escort  thither  the  piiests 
who  accompanied  Fray  Damian  Manzanet.  If  the  Tejas 
asked  for  priests  and  desired  baptism,  the  priests  were  to  re- 
main there.  And  if  the  Tejas  proved  quite  friendly  and  no 
danger  was  to  be  expected  at  their  hands,  no  large  ganisoD 
was  to  be  left  behind ;  if,  on  the  other  hand,  they  proved 
troublesome,  as  many  soldiers  should  remain  as  seemed  need- 

^  So  also  did  Governor  De  Le6n  and  aix  aoldien. 


1690]  LETTER  OF  FATHER  MASSANET  383 

fill,  according  to  the  advice  and  with  the  consent  of  Father 
Fray  Damian  Manzanet.  It  was  at  no  time  necessary  for 
the  safety  of  the  priests  to  leave  soldiers  among  the  Tejas, 
for  from  the  very  first  they  welcomed  us  with  so  much  affec- 
tion and  good  will,  that  they  could  hardly  do  enough  to 
please  us.  Yet,  in  the  face  of  all  this.  Captain  Alonso  de 
Leon  made  arrangements  to  leave  fifty  men,  imder  the  com- 
mand of  Captain  Nicolas  Prietto,  an  incapable  and  imdeserv- 
ing  old  man. 

When  the  time  came,  the  captain  told  me  of  his  pxirpose 
in  a  private  interview,  and  I  repUed :  "  You  are  under  orders 
from  His  Excellency,  and  if  you  mean  to  consult  with  me,  the 
consultation  must  not  take  place  in  private ;  call  your  captains 
and  in  their  presence  and  in  that  of  the  priests  state  what  you 
wish  to  ofifer  for  consideration."  This  reply  deeply  wounded 
Leon,  for  his  passions  had  blinded  him.  He  called  the  cap- 
tains, and  I  called  the  priests,  and  Captain  Alonso  de  Leon 
told  us  that  he  had  planned  to  leave  for  the  protection  of  the 
priests  forty  or  fifty  soldiers  imder  a  leader,  and  that  he  was 
holding  this  consultation  because  His  Excellency  had  ordered 
that,  if  the  soldiers  were  to  be  left,  it  should  be  with  my  con- 
sent. To  this  I  replied  that  there  was  no  necessity  at  all  to 
leave  a  military  force  in  the  district,  since  the  people  were  so 
peaceable  and  so  friendly.  In  case  the  priests  should  need 
assistance,  I  requested  that  three  soldiers  whom  I  thought  fit 
for  the  position  should  stay  there.  If  he  chose  to  leave  a 
greater  nimiber,  well  and  good ;  but  with  no  consent  of  mine, 
for  I  did  not  wish  more  than  three  to  remain.  Leon  was  much 
taken  aback  on  account  of  what  he  had  planned  and  discussed 
with  his  compadre^  Captain  Nicolas  Prietto,  who  was  to  remain 
as  leader  of  the  forty  or  fifty  soldiers.  However,  in  the  end, 
it  was  arranged  that  the  three  soldiers  recommended  by  me 
should  remain  there.  They  were  willing  to  do  so,  and  were 
quite  content.  They  belonged  to  the  Zacatecas  company. 
Leon  left  for  the  soldiers  nine  of  the  king's  horses,  firelocks,  a 
barrel  of  powder  and  some  shot,  and  for  the  priests  he  left 
twenty-six  loads  of  flour,  twenty  cows,  two  yoke  of  oxen, 
ploughs  with  ploughshares,  axes,  spades,  and  other  Kttle 
necessaries. 

^  Intimate  friend,  or  a  person  related  by  the  tie  of  godfather. 


384        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [leoo 

On  the  2d  of  June  we  took  our  departure^  and  the  priests 
walked  with  us  a  Uttle  way  out  of  the  village.  Then  we  took 
leave  of  one  another  with  many  tears  of  joy  and  gladness,  for 
these  men  did  not  sorrow  at  being  left  behind,^  nay,  rather, 
they  gave  thanks  to  God  for  having  merited  such  a  grace  as 
to  be  called  to  save  the  souls  of  the  heathen.  We  arrived  at 
the  Trinity  on  the  3d  of  Jime,  and  f  oimd  this  river  very  hi^. 
On  this  accoimt  we  were  kept  for  a  week  from  crossing.  Mean- 
whfle  the  governor's  brother  was  taken  ill  and  went  home. 
After  a  week  they  made  a  raft  of  logs,  on  which  the  packs, 
the  clothing,  and  all  other  baggage  were  taken  across,  while 
the  horses  were  driven  through  swimming,  some  few  getting 
drowned.^ 

We  followed  the  road  by  which  we  had  come,  until  we 
reached  the  rancherfa  of  the  Emat,  Toaa,  Too,  Cavas,  and 
other  Indians,  and  in  this  rancherfa  we  heard  that  the  Indians 
on  the  coast  had  captured  some  young  Frenchmen.    The  cap- 
tain of  the  rancherfa  told  us  that  although  they  themselves 
were  at  feud  with  the  Indians  on  the  coast,  yet  there  was 
among  them  an  Indian  who  held  intercourse  with  those  others, 
and  if  some  of  us  desired  to  go  and  find  them,  this  Indian 
would  take  those  who  wished  to  go.    Captain  Leon  decided 
to  go  with  twenty  men  for  the  pxupose  of  trying  to  rescue  tie 
said  young  Frenchmen.    They  reached  the  coast  of  the  bay 
and  foimd  the  Indians  whom  they  sought.'    These  had  just 
arrived  from  some  other  portion  of  the  same  coast,  armed  with 
lances,  and  soon  our  people  began  to  treat  with  them,  about 
deUvering  up  the  young  Frenchmen.    The  Indians  were  prom- 
ised horses  and  clothing  if  they  would  give  up  the  boys,  and 
their  reply  was  that  they  would  do  so  promptly,  and  very 
willingly.    The  soldiers  then  began  to  enter  the  raruhiio^  ^ 
the  Indians,  peering  with  too  much  curiosity  into  their  b^ 
longings,  and  committing  other  acts  so  that  the  Indians  \^ 
came  resentful  against  the  soldiers  and  distrustful  of  ttv^^ 
when  they  foimd  out  who  was  guilty.'    Later,  all  being  ga.*^ 

^  The  missionaries  are  named  on  p.  368,  above. 
'  The  crossing  was  effected  on  the  11th. 

*  They  were  found  far  south  of  the  Garcitas  River,  on  the  coast  of  BC^^ 
gorda  Bay.    See  Itinerary,  p.  420,  below. 

*  Huts.  *  De  Le6n  places  all  the  blame  on  the  Indiana  (Itiner*^/* 


lego]  LETTER  OF  FATHER  MASSANET  385 

ered  together  after  the  French  boyB  had  been  deUvered  over 
to  our  men,  the  Indians  commenced  to  shoot  arrows  among 
the  soldiers.  Two  arrows  struck  Captain  Leon  in  the  side, 
but  as  he  wore  mail;  they  did  not  penetrate ;  also,  the  horses 
were  shot  down  imder  two  other  soldiers.  There  were  four 
Indians  killed  and  two  woimded,  and  our  men  took  the  yoimg 
Frenchmen  and  returned  to  the  main  body  of  the  army,  which 
was  waiting  by  the  Guadalupe  Biver.^ 

We  returned  by  the  way  we  had  come,  and,  arriving  at 
the  Rio  del  Norte,*  f oimd  it  so  high  that  we  were  kept  from 
crossing  for  18*  dayB,  and  when  we  did  get  across  it  was  by 
swimming,  at  great  peril  to  our  Kves.  Tte  river  current  car- 
ried off  many  articles  of  clothing  as  well  as  horses,  and  one 
soldier,  who  bore  among  his  comrades  the  ill  name  of  Judas, 
was  drowned.  This  man  had  the  reputation  of  being  likely 
to  appropriate  what  belonged  to  other  people,  and  on  the 
morning  of  the  day  he  was  drowned  he  returned  to  one  of  the 
mule  drivers  a  boiler  he  had  stolen,  saying,  "Forgive  me, 
friend,  for  I  stole  this  boiler  from  you."  And  when  he  entered 
the  river  to  cross,  he  said,  "Let  us  hurry  in,  for  this  is  the  last 
time."  When  he  was  in  the  middle  of  the  river  he  disappeared 
— ^he,  the  horse,  and  all  he  was  carrjdng,  and  he  was  never 
again  seen.  Just  at  the  time  when  he  disappeared  there  arose 
a  high  wind  which  terrified  us,  and  the  waters  of  the  river  grew 
so  angry  that  they  seemed  about  to  leave  their  bed. 

There  were  some  points  of  which  I  took  special  note  on 
this  journey.  First,  in  the  preceding  year  we  had  everywhere 
foimd  Indians,  while  in  the  year  '90  we  saw  not  a  sin^e  one, 
until  we  inspected  the  bay  of  Espiritu  Santo  and  entered  the 
land  of  the  Tejas. 

Secondly,  in  the  year  before  the  soldiers  all  behaved  in  a 
peaceable,  orderly  manner,  performing  their  duties  faithfully, 
so  that  there  was  no  disorder  on  the  march,  and  no  loss  of 
horses.  But  in  this  year  '90  there  hardly  passed  a  day  with- 
out some  one  fighting  or  else  the  officers  stabbing  solcUers,  so 

1  De  Le6n  crossed  the  Guadalupe  on  the  24th  (Itinerary). 

*  On  July  4.  The  circumstances  of  the  crossing  are  stated  in  note  to  the 
Itinerary  of  1690,  p.  423,  below. 

*  Father  Massanet  is  in  error.  See  note  to  De  Ledn's  Itinerary  of  1690,  p. 
422. 


386        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [1690 

that  a  lay-brother  who  had  come  with  me  was  generally  kept 
busy  tending  the  woimded.  He  treated  them  with  tepid 
wine,  which  is,  they  say,  an  excellent  cure  for  stabs  in  the  he^. 

Thirdly,  I  noted  that  there  were  so  many  horses  and  mules 
that  the  laden  mules  were  not  missed  imtil  some  article  con- 
tained in  their  pack  was  needed.  As  to  the  number  of  horses, 
it  was  never  known  to  the  officers. 

Fourthly,  Captain  Leon  had  a  compadre  along,  Captain 
So-and-So,  so  honorable  that  he  never  failed  to  play  the  tale- 
bearer and  excite  quarrels;  so  kind-hearted  that  only  his 
friend  Leon  drank  chocolate,  and  the  others  the  lukewarm 
water;  so  considerate  of  others  that  he  got  up  early  in  the 
morning  to  drink  chocolate,  and  would  afterward  drink  again 
with  the  rest ;  so  vigilant  that  he  would  keep  awake  and  go 
at  midnight  to  steal  the  chocolate  out  of  the  boxes :  perhaps 
this  vigilance  was  the  reason  why,  while,  by  order  of  H3s  Ex- 
cellency, Captain  Leon  should  have  left  for  the  priests  three 
himdredweight  of  chocolate  and  the  same  quantity  of  sugar, 
he  left  only  one  and  one-half  himdredweight  of  each. 

This  same  compadre  is  so  smooth-tongued  that  he  told  me 
once :  "  In  truth,  in  truth,  since  the  time  of  Cortes  there  has 
not  been  in  the  Indies  another  man  who  can  be  compared 
with  my  compadre  General  Alonso  de  Leon."  This  aforesaid 
compadre  is  so  compassionate  towards  the  Indians  that  be- 
cause he  saw  how  poor  they  were,  and  that  their  only  clothing 
was  the  skins  of  antelopes  and  buffaloes,  he  endeavored  to 
give  them  in  secret  the  articles  which  His  Excellency  had  sent 
for  them — e.  g,,  blankets,  flannel,  cloth  and  knives — ^but  the 
compadre  so  arranged  the  almsgiving,  by  first  robbing  the 
Indians  of  what  they  had,  that  his  gifts  were  equal  to  about 
one-fourth  of  what  he  took. 

Fifthly,  when  the  Indians  brought  some  complaints  against 
the  soldiers  for  entering  their  houses,  Captain  Leon  never  at- 
tempted to  remedy  things  at  all.  In  one  particular  case,  when 
the  brother  of  the  governor  of  the  Tejas  came  to  us,  complain- 
ing that  a  rape  had  been  attempted  on  his  wife,  I  asked  Cap- 
tain Leon  how  he  could  tolerate  such  misdeeds.  I  urged  that 
conduct  like  this,  which  would  not  be  tolerated  even  among 
the  Moors  or  heretics,  should  be  the  more  severely  reproved 
because  we  had  come  among  these  heathen  people  in  order  to 


1600]  LETTER  OF  FATHER  MASSANET  387 

give  an  example  of  right  living.    Leon  did  not  say  a  word — 
perhaps  because  he  feared  exposure. 

For  lack  of  more  time  I  shall  now  only  add  what  is  the 
most  noteworthy  thing  of  all,  namely  this :  While  we  were  at 
the  Tejas  village,  after  we  had  distributed  clothing  to  the 
Indians  and  to  the  governor  of  the  Tejas,  the  said  governor 
asked  me  one  evening  for  a  piece  of  blue  baize  to  make  a  shroud 
in  which  to  bury  his  mother  when  she  died.  I  told  him  that 
cloth  would  be  more  suitable,  and  he  answered  that  he  did  not 
want  any  color  other  than  blue.  I  then  asked  him  what  mys- 
tery was  attached  to  the  blue  color,  and  he  said  that  they 
were  very  fond  of  that  color,  particularly  for  burial  clothes, 
because  in  times  past  they  had  been  visited  frequently  by  a 
very  beautiful  woman,  who  used  to  come  down  from  the 
heights,  dressed  in  blue  garments,  and  that  they  wished  to  be 
like  that  woman.  On  my  asking  whether  that  had  been  long 
since,  the  governor  said  it  had  been  before  his  time,  but  his 
mother,  who  was  aged,  had  seen  that  woman,  as  had  also  the 
other  old  people.  From  this  it  is  easily  to  be  seen  that  they 
referred  to  the  Madre  Maria  de  Jesus  de  Agreda,  who  was 
very  frequently  in  those  regions,  as  she  herself  acbaowledged 
to  the  father  custodian  of  New  Mexico,  her  last  visit  having 
been  made  in  1631,  this  last  fact  being  evident  from  her  own 
statement,  made  to  the  said  father  custodian  of  New  Mexico.^ 

^  See  p.  354,  note  4. 


ITINERARY  OF  THE  DE  LEON  EXPEDITION 

OF  1689^ 

Itinerary  of  the  Expedition  made  hy  General  Alonso  De  Lein 
for  the  Discovery  of  the  Bahia  del  Esptritu  Santo  and  (he 
French  Settlemeni.    1689. 

March. 

DATE.  LEAGX7E8. 

Wednesday,  March  2S,  it  was  arranged  that  the  detachment 
of  soldiers  and  camp-followers  who  were  in  Coahuila  should 
set  out.  Accordingly,  they  marched  one  league  down  the 
river.  1. 

Thursday,  the  24th,  the  whole  body  set  out.  The  detach- 
ment, being  ordered  to  go  down  the  river,*  travelled  down  the 
other  bank  to  its  jimction  with  the  Nadadores.  They  trav- 
elled that  day  seven  leagues  toward  the  north.'  All  this 
coimtry  is  uninhabitable.  7. 

Friday,  the  25th,  we  travelled  down  the  Rio  de  Nadadores, 
along  the  south  bank,  between  two  ridges  which  they  call 
Baluartes.  On  the  bank  of  the  river  we  passed  a  cottonwood 
tree,*  the  only  one  within  a  great  distance.  We  travelled 
that  day  seven  leagues,  keeping  the  same  northeast  course. 
All  the  coimtry  is  level  and  affords  good  pasturage.  7. 

Saturday,  the  26th,  we  travelled  down  the  river  as  on  the 
day  before,  to  its  jimction  with  the  Sabinas.  We  travelled 
east,  halting  a  league  from  the  junction.  The  country  is  level 
and  affords  good  pasturage.'  [6]. 

^  Translation  by  Miss  Elizabeth  Howard  West,  in  Texas  State  ffistorictl 
Association  Quarterly,  VIII.  199-224. 

'  They  crossed  to  the  south  side,  and  followed  the  right  bank  to  a  pomt 
three  leagues  below  the  junction  with  the  Sabinas  (Miss  West).  See  the  Sigdenia 
map. 

*  The  SigQenza  map  gives  the  distance  as  seven  leagues  (Miss  West). 

*  The  Alamo  became  a  well-known  landmark  and  was  regularly  noted  in 
later  diaries. 

*The  SigQenza  map  supplies  the  distance  lacking  in  the  Memoria»  tzan- 
script  of  the  diary. 

388 


16891  mNEBARY  OF  DE  LE6N,  1689  389 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

Sunday,  the  27th,  we  went  down  the  river  Sabinas  and 
crossed  it  toward  the  north.  Passing  along  the  bank  we 
sighted  the  soldiers  who  were  coming  from  the  Nuevo  Re3mo 
de  Leon  to  join  us  here  according  to  agreement.^  As  we  came 
together  a  salute  was  fired  on  each  side.  After  we  had  trav- 
elled three  leagues  to  the  east,  a  general  review  and  individual 
count  was  made  of  all  the  soldiers,  drivers,  and  other  servants, 
and  of  the  baggage  as  well.*  3. 

Monday,  the  28th,  we  travelled  to  the  northeast,  a  distance 
of  six  leagues.  After  crossing  some  imwatered  plains,  we 
halted  at  a  pool  of  rain-water.  6. 

Tuesday,  the  29th,  we  set  out  toward  the  northeast.  Be- 
fore daybreak  the  French  prisoner  sent  out  one  of  the  Indians 
whom  we  were  bringing  because  of  their  loyalty,  to  tell  the 
Indians,  his  acquaintances,  that  we  were  going  through  their 
village.  As  a  result,  more  than  seventy  Indians,  some  armed, 
others  unarmed,  came  out  to  meet  us  a  league  before  we  ar- 
rived at  the  village,  and  accompanied  us  thither.  They  had 
a  hut  ready,  covered  with  buffalo  hides ;  there  they  put  the 
Frenchman,  toward  whom  they  made  many  demonstrations 
of  affection.'  In  front  of  the  hut  was  driven  a  stake,  four 
varas  high,  on  which  were  fastened  sixteen  heads  of  Indians, 
their  enemies,  whom  they  had  killed.  They  were  five  nations, 
joined  together  (according  to  the  account  the  Frenchman 
gave),  entitled  Hapes,  Jmnenes,  Xiabu,  Mescale,  and  another. 
We  coimted  eighty-five  huts.  We  distributed  among  them 
some  cotton  garments,  blankets,  beads,  rosaries,  knives,  and 
arms,  with  which  they  were  very  much  pleased.  Five  cattle 
were  killed  for  them,  too,  so  that  all  persons  of  all  ages  might 

*  The  party  from  Monterey  went  down  the  Caldera  River  (De  Le6n,  Eia^ 
ioria  de  Nuevo  Le6n,  p.  319). 

'  The  origmal  list  is  printed  in  De  Le6n,  Historia  de  Nuevo  Le^n,  pp.  320- 
321.  It  shows  eighty-eight  soldiers  and  religious,  the  French  prisoner,  called 
Andr^,  twelve  muleteers,  thirteen  servants,  seven  hundred  and  twenty  horses 
and  mules,  eighty-two  pack-loads  of  flour,  biscuits,  and  other  provisions,  and 
three  pack-4oads  of  presents  for  the  Indians.  See  ibid,,  p.  318,  and  Massanet's 
Letter,  p.  353. 

*  The  Indians  at  this  point  are  referred  to  in  the  diary  of  1600  as  "the  In^ 
dians  of  the  Frenchman."  In  De  Le6n,  Historia  de  Nuevo  Le6n,  p.  322,  the  names 
are  given  as  the  Apes,  Mescales,  Jumanes,  and  Ijiaba. 


390        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS     [ie» 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

eat.    There  were  four  hundred  and  ninety  of  them.    We 
crossed  a  creek  about  the  time  of  evening  prayer.^  4. 

Thursday,  the  31st,  it  was  necessary  to  halt  at  this  point 
because  of  the  suffering  of  the  horses  occasioned  by  lack  of 
water. 

April. 

Friday,  April  1st,  we  travelled  down  the  river  five  leagues, 
traversing  some  low  hills.  There  was  no  lack  of  water-holes 
along  the  way.  The  route  during  the  most  of  these  five 
leagues  was  toward  the  north.  We  halted  on  this  south  bank 
in  front  of  the  ford.*  The  river  was  forded,  and  foimd  easy 
to  cross  the  next  day.  Now  we  had  with  us  a  faithful  Indian 
guide,'  who  assured  us  that  he  knew  the  coimtiy,  and  that 
he  would  bring  us  where  there  were  some  men  like  ourselves, 
in  a  settlement  of  six  or  seven  houses ;  that  they  had  wives 
and  children,  and  that  they  were  about  six  days'  journey 
distant  from  the  said  Rio  Bravo.  This  Indian  can  not  speak 
Castilian,  but  we  got  some  light  on  what  he  was  saying 
through  another  Indian  who  acted  as  interpreter,  albeit  a 
poor  one.  5. 

Saturday,  the  2d,  we  crossed  the  river  and  went  about 
one  league  north,  to  avoid  some  ravines  and  low  hills.  After- 
ward we  went  mostly  northeast,  until  we  reached  some  pools, 
five  leagues  away.  We  named  these  El  Paraje  de  los  Cuervos, 
because  more  than  three  thousand  crows  appeared  at  ni^t- 
fall.    The  way  was  level  and  imtimbered.  5. 

Palm  Sunday,  the  3d,  we  marched  northeast  three  leagues, 
through  level  coimtry,  and  afterward  two  more  through  sev- 
eral thickets  of  mesquite.  We  crossed  some  little  dry  creeks ; 
and  then  we  came  upon  one  that  had  water  in  it,  on  the  bank 

^  The  Siguenza  map  gives  a  journey  of  four  leagues  tot  March  30,  whidi  is 
omitted  entirely  from  the  Memorias  copy  of  the  diary.  From  a  OHnparisoo  of 
distances  between  the  Sabinas  and  the  Rio  Grande  with  the  diary  and  map  of 
1690,  it  seems  probable  that  the  map  is  correct.  The  1689  map  gives  the  distance 
as  twenty-three  and  the  diary  of  1690  as  twenty-two  leagues. 

>0f  the  Rio  Bravo.  See  De  Le6n,  Historia  de  Nuevo  Le6n,  p.  324.  TU 
crossing  was  not  far  from  San  Juan  Bautbta. 

<  The  Quems. 


1689]  mNERAEY  OF  DE  LE6N,  1689  391 

DATE.  LEAQUES. 

of  which  we  halted.  Altogether  we  travelled  that  day  five 
long  leagues.  We  named  this  creek  the  Arroyo  de  RamoS;^ 
because  we  found  it  on  Palm  Sunday.  There  we  observed 
the  altitude  of  the  sim  with  an  astrolabe,  though  a  defective 
one,  and  found  our  latitude  to  be  26^  31'.*  I  must  call  atten- 
tion to  the  fact  that  the  tables  on  which  this  observation  was 
based  were  made  before  the  so-called  Gregorian  correction. 
This  correction  was  made  in  the  year  1582,  in  which  the  equi- 
nox was  on  the  tenth  of  March.  Following  the  Ephemerides  of 
the  Roman  Andrea  ArgoU,  which  places  the  equinox  this  year 
(1582)  on  the  20th  of  March,  we  found  by  these  tables  that 
today,  April  3,  corresponds  to  the  24th  of  March  of  this  year 
(1689),  which  is  the  first  since  the  bissextile.  These  tables, 
the  author  says,  he  took  from  the  Arte  de  Navegar,  by  the  Maes- 
tro Medina.^  It  has  been  necessary  to  state  these  facts  in 
explanation,  in  case  it  should  appear  that  a  mistake  has  been 
made  because  of  our  lack  of  modem  tables.  6. 

Holy  Monday,  the  4th,  we  marched  northeast  most  of 
the  day,  east-by-north  occasionally,  a  distance  of  8  leagues. 
At  first  the  land  was  level,  then  there  was  a  Uttle  mesquite 
thicket ;  and  after  that  we  got  into  a  larger  one,  three  leagues 
long.  We  came  upon  a  river,  which,  as  we  could  see,  even 
though  it  contained  Uttle  water  at  the  time,  overflows  its 
banks  in  time  of  rain  more  than  half  a  league  from  the  main 
channel.  We  called  it  the  Rio  de  las  Nueces,*  because  there 
were  many  pecan  trees.  It  is  somewhat  rocky,  and  all  its 
rocks  are  flint  and  very  fine.  8. 

Holy  Tuesday y  the  6th,  we  crossed  the  river.  We  had  to 
go  half  a  league  down  its  bank,  and  then  we  went  through  a 
glade.  Then  came  a  very  dense  thicket.  We  had  to  cut  a 
passage  into  it  for  almost  a  league  with  our  cutlasses  and  axes, 

*  Evidently  one  of  the  branches  of  the  Nueces  River. 

'  As  pointed  out  by  Miss  West,  the  calculations  were  a  degree  or  more  in 
ciTor. 

*  Pedro  Medina's  Arte  de  Navegar  was  first  published  at  Valladolid  in  1545. 
Tlie  Italian  astronomer  Andrea  Argoli's  Ephefnerides  was  first  published  at 
Rome  in  1621. 

*  The  present  Nueces,  and  not  that  which  figured  in  the  Spanish  expeditions 
to  the  Jumanos.  The  1690  diary  and  map  mention  Arroyo  de  Caramanchd  be* 
tween  Arroyo  de  Ramos  and  the  Nueces  River. 


392        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [ie» 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

because  of  the  numerous  prickly  pears  and  mesquite  which 
blocked  up  the  way.  Afterward  we  got  into  a  mesquite 
thicket  in  which  at  intervals  we  had  to  make  a  clearing.  We 
travelled  about  seven  leagues.  We  came  upon  a  river  to  which 
we  gave  the  name  Bio  Sarco/  because  its  water  was  blue. 
We  went,  I  repeat,  seven  leagues,  with  many  tiuns.         7. 

Holy  Wednesday y  the  6th,  we  travelled  about  three  leagues 
to  the  northeast,  and  two  to  the  east.  The  coimtiy  we  passed 
through  was  level,  with  fine  pasturage,  with  very  pleasant 
glades,  and,  occasionally,  Uttle  motts  of  oak.  We  came  to  a 
river,  which  we  named  Rio  Hondo.  Apropos  of  this  river, 
its  descent  on  each  side  is  about  forty  feet ;  near  it,  on  both 
banks,  are  some  insignificant  hills,  some  of  them  timbered 
The  water  was  plentiful,  so  that  the  horses  were  easily  sup- 
pUed.  As  we  went  down  toward  the  river  we  found  some  lai^ 
white  rocks,  on  some  of  which  we  saw  some  crosses  cut,  and 
other  figures  artificially  made  with  great  skill,  apparently  a 
long  time  before.  5. 

Holy  Thursday,  the  7th,  we  went  more  than  four  leagues 
down  the  river  without  crossing  it,  sometimes  east,  sometimes 
southeast ;  we  halted  on  the  hither  bank.  The  country  is  of 
the  same  sort  here  as  at  the  last  stopping-place ;  level,  for  the 
most  part,  though  there  is  a  little  mesquite  timber.  Ever 
since  the  thirtieth  of  last  month,  when  we  passed  the  village 
of  the  Five  Nations,*  we  have  found  along  the  line  of  march 
traces  of  Indians,  made  some  time  ago;  but  not  a  single 
Indian  has  appeared. 

Holy  Friday,  the  8th,  we  crossed  from  the  other  bank  of 
the  Rio  Hondo,  and  travelled  east-northeast,  most  of  the 
day  near  the  river.  We  came  upon  two  ravines  near  together. 
Here,  it  appears,  the  river  rises  in  time  of  flood  as  much  as 
six  feet.  Aiter  the  ravines  comes  a  little  creek  in  a  thicket. 
Here  it  was  necessary  to  change  our  course  for  a  while,  to  let 
the  loaded  mules  cross,  which  they  did  with  difficulty,  some 
bogging  up.  After  crossing  this  creek,  we  came  to  some  very 
levd  land,  and  then  to  a  large  mesquite  thicket.    In  the 

^  Elsewhere  called  the  Bio  Frio,  with  which  Claric  identifies  it  (Th$  BefWr 
nings  of  Texca,  p.  17). 

'  See  the  entry  for  the  29th  of  March. 


16891  mNEBARY  OF  DE  LE6N,  1689  393 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

midst  of  the  thicket  were  some  pools  of  water,  where  we 
halted.  We  travelled  that  day  eight  long  leagues,  to  the  east, 
as  has  already  been  said.  8. 

Holy  Saturday,  the  9th,  we  set  out  to  the  north,  but  on 
account  of  some  thickets  that  were  in  the  way,  it  was  neces- 
sary to  make  some  turns,  sometimes  north-by-east,  some- 
times north-northeast.  We  travelled  that  day  five  leagues. 
The  land  was  very  good.  We  crossed  a  dry  creek  that  day, 
but  a  league  farther  on  we  f oimd  one  with  good  water,  with 
abundant  pasturage  and  many  oak-trees  near  by.  We  named 
this  creek  Arroyo  del  Vino,  because  we  opened  a  cask^  that 
day  and  divided  its  contents  among  the  men.  Under  the  trees 
we  foimd  well-grown  nuts,  as  large  as  those  of  Spain,  but  very 
hard  to  open.  We  saw  many  wild  grape-vines,  whose  fruit, 
as  we  were  told  by  the  Indians  we  had  brought  with  us,  is  in 
its  season  very  pleasantly  flavored.  Our  horses  stampeded 
at  this  camp  about  nine  o'clock  at  night,  and  they  could  not 
be  stopped,  though  fifteen  soldiers  were  on  guard.  Accord- 
ing to  the  count  made  the  following  day,  one  himdred  and 
two  got  away.  5. 

Easter  Sunday,  the  10th,  soldiers  set  out  in  different  di- 
rections to  look  for  the  horses,  which  they  foimd  at  various 
points.  This  search  detained  them  till  evening  prayer,* 
therefore  the  camp  was  not  moved  that  day.  We  made  a 
reckoning  of  our  latitude  which  we  found  to  be  27^  55'. 

Monday  after  Easter,  the  11th,  we  set  out  to  the  east. 
We  crossed  two  creeks  of  good  water,  and  immediately  after 
came  to  a  great  wood  of  pecan  and  oak-trees,  more  than  five 
leagues  in  extent,  all  fertile  and  pleasant  land.  After  having 
to  travel  twelve  leagues  to  get  water,  we  came  that  day  upon 
a  river,  which  was  w  larfe,  though  it  had  not  much  water, 
and  which  had  a  good  ford.  We  named  it  the  Rio  de  Medina. 
The  descent  to  it  is  about  fifty  or  sixty  feet.  All  the  rest  of 
the  way  there  were  oaks  and  pecans.  The  course  that  day 
was  east  half  the  way,  and  northeast  half  the  way.         12. 

Tuesday  after  Easter,  the  12th,  we  crossed  the  river,  and 
found  the  ford  very  easy.  We  travelled  five  leagues  to  the 
east,  over  some  low  hills,  without  any  timber;   we  crossed 

^  Of  wine.  '  Vespers,  would  be  a  better  lenderiiig. . 


394        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [IM 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

some  ravines  of  red  and  yellow  earth ;  we  entered  a  mesquite 
thicket;  and  found  water  in  a  creek.  The  creek  was  dry 
where  we  first  struck  it,  and  we  were  somewhat  discomfited 
because  we  thought  our  guide  had  mistaken  the  direction; 
about  a  league  farther,  however,  there  was  a  very  good  stream. 
We  named  this  creek  the  Arroyo  del  Leon,^  because  we  found 
a  dead  Uon  near  by,  very  much  mutilated.  The  coimtiy  was 
level,  and  furnished  good  pasturage.  6. 

Wednesday y  the  13th,  we  advanced  to  the  east,  sometimes 
east-northeast,  six  leagues.  About  half  a  league  from  the 
camp  we  passed  by  the  point  of  a  Httle  hill  on  which  ends  a 
clump  of  oaks,  and  which  we  left  on  the  right  hand.  Among 
them  were  small  piles  of  stones  placed  by  hand.  We  followed 
some  low  hills ;  there  were  about  two  leagues  of  oak  timber 
which  had  to  be  partly  cleared  away ;  but  after  this  all  the 
coimtry  was  level  till  we  reached  a  Utile  creek.  6. 

Thursday,  the  14th,  we  moved  forward,  east-northeast,  in 
search  of  a  ^t  river  which  the  guide  told  us  we  should  find 
and  which  we  reached  at  two  in  the  afternoon.  We  traveDed 
six  leagues,  the  first  three  over  some  hills,  and  the  rest  of  the 
way  over  some  hills  that  were  timbered  and  marked  with 
ravines.  It  was  necessary  in  some  places  to  dear  away  the 
timber  so  as  to  pass  through.  The  country  was  the  most 
pleasant  that  we  had  traversed ;  the  river  is  not  very  full  and 
has  a  good  ford;  its  banks  are  covered  with  timber.  Six 
buffaloes — ^the  first  we  had  seen  for  a  hundred  leagues— were 
killed  along  the  way.  We  gave  this  river  the  name  of  Our 
Lady  of  Guadalupe,  whom  we  had  brought  from  Coahuila  as 
our  protectress,^  and  whom  we  had  painted  on  our  royal 
standard.  6. 

Friday,  the  15th,  the  day  dawned  very  rainy.  None  the 
less,  however,  our  whole  party  set  out  toward  the  ford  of  the 
river,  which  was  about  a  league  away.  We  crossed  the  river, 
but  as  the  water  prevented  our  forward  movement,  we  halted 

^  Apparently  the  present  San  Antonio  River.  The  name  Medina  now  wp- 
plies  to  only  the  upper  waters  of  the  stream  (see  Clark,  The  Beginnings  of  Texoit 

p.  17). 

'  That  is,  they  carried  her  statue  or  picture.  The  river  was  cxxMsed  not 
far  from  Victoria,  perhaps  a  little  below  it. 


16891  ITINERARY  OF  DE  LE6N,  1689  395 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

on  a  little  creek.  We  travelled  that  day  not  more  than  two 
leagues.  As  the  guide  said  that  we  were  near  the  settlement, 
a  council  of  war  was  held,  at  which  it  was  decided  that  the 
next  day  a  reconnaissance  should  be  made  with  sixty  soldiers, 
while  the  camp  should  stay  in  another  place  at  some  distance 
away,  with  a  sufficient  guard.  2. 

Saturday,  the  16th,  after  a  mass  to  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe 
had  been  chanted  with  all  solemnity,  the  governor,  in  accor- 
dance with  the  decision  of  the  day  before,  set  out  with  the 
sixty  soldiers,  well  equipped.  The  whole  force  set  out  at  the 
same  time.  After  travelHng  about  three  leagues  with  the  sixty 
men,  the  rear-guard  caught  sight  of  an  Indian  in  the  tim- 
ber. When  he  was  taken  to  the  governor  and  examined — 
through  a  poor  interpreter — ^he  declared  that  his  rancheria  was 
near  by,  and  that  four  Frenchmen  were  there.  We  quick- 
ened our  pace,  under  the  guidance  of  our  Indian,  after  we  had 
sent  word  to  the  main  body  to  stay  in  the  place  whence  they 
had  sent  the  Indian.  Before  we  came  to  the  rancheria  aU 
the  people  left.  We  sighted  them,  however,  as  they  were 
entering  some  motts ;  and  after  them  came  eight  or  ten  dogs 
loaded  with  buffalo  hides.  We  sent  the  same  Indian  who 
had  guided  us  to  call  them,  with  the  result  that  most  of  them 
came.  It  was  ascertained  that  the  four  Frenchmen  were 
not  there,  but  that  they  had  gone  on  to  the  Tejas  four  days 
before.  In  this  rancheria  we  foimd  two  Indians  who  told 
us  that  we  should  find  them  in  a  rancheria  two  days'  jour- 
ney further.  We  gave  these  Indians  some  tobacco,  knives, 
and  other  things,  to  get  them  to  guide  us,  which  they  did. 
We  turned  and  moved  northward  tiU  sunset.  Then  we  found 
in  a  thicket  a  village  of  more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  per- 
sons, where  we  tried  to  find  the  Frenchmen,  our  French  guide 
always  serving  as  interpreter.  They  repUed  that  the  French- 
men had  gone  to  the  Texas  Indians  four  days  before,  and  that 
the  rest  who  had  settled  on  the  Uttle  sea  (which  is  the  bay)  had 
all  died  at  the  hands  of  the  coast  Indians ;  that  the  iS^nch- 
men  had  six  houses ;  and  that  the  event  had  occurred  three 
moons,  that  is,  three  months,  before;  that  previous  to  this 
there  had  been  an  epidemic  of  smallpox,  of  which  most  of  them 
had  died.    The  main  body  travelled  east  that  day,  and  halted 


396        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS       [1680 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

at  the  place  appointed  by  the  governor,  who  went  eight 
leagues  northward  with  the  sixty  men.  8. 

Sunday,  the  17th,  after  sleeping  close  by  the  Indian  village, 
we  again  set  out  to  the  north.  After  travelling  five  leagues 
we  found  some  ranchos^  of  Indians  known  to  our  French 
prisoner.  We  foimd  out  from  them  by  minute  inquiry  the 
route  of  the  four  Frenchmen  who  were  going  to  the  Texas; 
we  found  out,  moreover,  that  they  had  pass^  on  horseback 
four  days  before.  Here  a  consultation  was  held  as  to  what 
decision  should  be  reached,  with  the  result  that  it  was  deter- 
mined, as  the  main  force  was  far  away  and  the  coimtry  un- 
known, to  write  a  letter  to  the  Frenchmen  and  send  it  to  them 
by  an  Indian.  Accordingly,  the  letter  was  written  in  French 
by  the  royal  aljirez,  Francisco  Martinez.  Its  contents,  in 
substance,  were  as  follows:  that  we  had  been  informed  of 
their  escape  when  some  Christians  on  the  coast  had  been  killed 
by  the  Indians  of  that  vicinity ;  that  they  might  come  with 
us;  that  we  would  wait  for  them  three  or  four  days  in  the 
houses  of  the  village  from  which  they  had  set  out.  This  letter 
was  signed  by  the  governor  and  by  our  chaplain.  Padre  Fray 
Damian  Manzanet,  religious  of  our  patron  San  Francisco. 
The  letter  added  as  a  postscript  some  lines  of  Latin,  in  case 
any  one  of  the  four  should  be  a  reUgious,  exhorting  them  to 
come.  Putting  in  paper  for  a  reply,  we  dispatched  this  letter 
by  an  Indian  carrier  who  assured  us  that  he  would  overtake 
them.  About  evening  prayer*  an  Indian  came  from  the  North 
to  see  the  Frenchmen,  of  whom  he  must  have  had  news. 
When  we  asked  him  through  the  Frenchman  whether  it  was 
far  from  here  to  the  Texas,  he  repUed  that  it  was  not  many 
days^  journey  and  said  that  it  had  been  three  days  since  the 
four  Frenchmen  had  gone  on  from  his  rancheria. 

Monday,  the  18th,  in  view  of  the  harm  the  camp  mi^t 
have  suffered,  even  though  we  had  left  it  well  guarded,  we 
set  out  in  search  of  it.  On  the  way  thither  the  governor  re- 
ceived a  letter  stating  that  the  drove  of  horses  had  stampeded 
the  night  before,  and  that  a  hundred-odd  had  been  lost ;  that 
some  had  been  found,  but  thirty-six  were  still  missing.  At 
this  we  quickened  our  pace  to  the  camp.    There  we  heard 

^  Houses  or  huts.  *  Vespers. 


1689]  ITINERARY  OF  DE  LE6N,  1689  397 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

also  that  a  soldier^  had  been  lost  in  the  search  for  the  horses. 
At  this  news  sundry  squadrons  of  soldiers  were  sent  in  search 
of  him,  but  he  did  not  appear  that  day. 

Tuesday,  the  19th,  since  neither  the  soldier  nor  the  horses 
had  appeared,  two  squadrons  of  soldiers  set  out  in  different 
directions  to  look  for  them;  the  governor  went  in  person; 
but  despite  their  diligent  efforts  the  lost  were  not  found. 
[The  search-party],  therefore,  slept  in  the  open,  to  continue 
the  search.  Indians  from  different  rancherias  came  to  the 
camp  that  day ;  we  gave  them  tobacco  and  other  things,  and 
chained  them  to  scour  the  coimtry  in  search  of  the  soldier 
and  the  horses  that  were  missing,  promising  them  due  return 
for  the  service. 

Wednesday,  the  20th,  the  party  did  not  set  out,  because 
neither  soldier  nor  horses  had  appeared.  The  efforts  of  the 
day  before  were  repeated  with  new  squadrons  of  soldiers. 
Just  after  they  had  left  the  lost  man  came,  guided  by  several 
Indians.  He  said  that  that  night  [after  he  had  been  lost]  he 
had  come  to  an  Indian  rancherfa  where  he  spent  the  night; 
that  he  had  been  imdecided  whether  to  stay  there,  because 
of  his  suspicion  that  they  were  going  to  kill  him,  but  that  he 
had  been  treated  with  great  kindness.  It  was  no  Uttle  good 
fortime  that  he  escaped  from  danger  at  the  hands  of  so  bar- 
barous a  race.  Though  the  astrolabe  was  broken,  we  righted 
it  that  day  as  best  we  could  and  made  an  observation  of  the 
sun,  and  foimd  ourselves  in  latitude  28®  41'  north.^ 

Thursday,  the  21st,  our  party  advanced  sometimes  east, 
sometimes  east-by-north,  sometimes  northeast-by-north.  Our 
line  of  march  lay  thro^h  some  wide  plains  which  for  long 
stretches  were  treeless.  At  the  end  of  eight  leagues  we  came 
to  a  creek  of  good  water.  Here  the  Indian  guide  told  us  that 
the  settlement  was  on  the  bank  of  this  creek'  and  in  its 
vicinity.  The  land  was  all  very  pleasing ;  and  we  came  across 
many  buffalo. 

Friday,  the  22d,  as  we  were  near  the  settlement,  our  party 

t  I£s  name  was  Juan  de  Charles  (De  Le6n,  Historia  de  Nuevo  Le6n,  p.  327). 
*  The  Autor  An6nimo  gives  the  latitude  as  28®  4'  (Historia  de  Nttevo  Le6n^ 

arid.). 

'  Gaicitas  River.    See  Massanet's  Carta,  p.  361,  above,  notes  2,  3. 


398        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [lem 

set  out  though  the  day  dawned  rainy.  Three  leagues  down 
the  creek  we  found  it.  Efatving  halted  with  the  forces  about 
an  arquebus-shot  away,  we  went  to  see  it,  and  found  all  the 
houses  sacked,  all  the  chests,  bottle-cases,  and  all  the  rest  of 
the  settlers'  furniture  broken ;  apparently  more  than  two  hun- 
dred books,  torn  apart  and  with  the  rotten  leaves  scattered 
through  the  patios — all  in  French.  We  noted  that  the  per- 
petrators of  this  massacre  had  pulled  everything  [the  colo- 
nists] had  out  of  their  chests,  and  divided  the  booty  among 
themselves ;  and  that  what  they  had  not  cared  for  they  had 
torn  to  pieces,  making  a  frightful  sack  of  all  the  French  pos- 
sessed ;  for  besides  the  evidence  involved  in  our  finding  every- 
thing in  this  condition,  further  proof  was  found  in  Qie  fact 
that  in  the  rancherias  through  which  we  had  passed  before 
our  arrival  at  the  settlement,  we  had  found  in  tiie  possession 
of  the  Indians  some  French  books  in  very  good  condition, 
with  other  articles  of  very  Uttle  value.  These  books  were 
recovered  and  their  titles  committed  to  memory.  The  In- 
dians had  done  this  damage  not  only  to  the  furnishings,  but 
also  to  the  arms,  for  we  f oimd  more  than  a  himdred  stocks  of 
flintlock  arquebuses,  without  locks  or  barrels.  They  must 
have  carried  these  off,  as  was  proved  by  an  [arquebus]  band 
found  at  some  distance  from  the  houses.  We  found  three 
dead  bodies  scattered  over  the  plain.  One  of  these,  from  the 
dress  that  still  climg  to  the  bones,  appeared  to  be  that  of  a 
woman.  We  took  the  bodies  up,  chanted  mass  with  the  bodies 
present,  and  biuied  them.  We  looked  for  the  other  dead  bodies 
but  could  not  find  them ;  whence  we  supposed  that  they  had 
been  thrown  into  the  creek  and  had  been  eaten  by  alligators, 
of  which  there  were  many.  The  principal  house  of  tWs  set- 
tlement is  in  the  form  of  a  fort,  made  of  ship's  timber,  with 
a  second  story,  also  made  of  ship's  timber,  and  with  a  slope 
to  turn  off  water.  Next  to  it,  without  any  partition,  is  another 
apartment,  not  so  strong,  which  must  have  served  as  a  chapel 
where  mass  was  said.  The  other  five  houses  are  of  stakes,  cov- 
ered with  mud  inside  and  out ;  their  roofs  are  covered  with 
buffalo-hides.  All  are  quite  useless  for  any  defence.  In  and 
about  the  fort  and  the  houses  were  eight  pieces  of  artflleiy, 
iron,  of  medium  bore, — ^f  our  or  five-poimders, — and  three  veiy 
old  swivels  whose  chambers  were  lacking.    Some  iron  bars 


16891 


ITINERARY  OP  DE  LE6n,  1689  399 


DATE.  LEAGUES. 

were  also  found,  and  some  ship's  nails,  estimated  as  altogether 
about  five  himdredweight.    Some  of  the  guns  were  scattered 
over  the  grotmd  and  some  were  on  their  broken  carriages. 
There  were  some  casks  with  their  heads  knocked  in  and  their 
contents  spilled  out,  so  that  nothing  was  worth  anything. 
Aroimd  the  building  was  also  some  tackle,  much  the  worse 
for  wear.    The  settlement  was  on  a  beautiful,  level  site,  so  as 
to  be  capable  of  defence  in  any  event.    On  the  frame  of  the 
principal  door  of  the  fort  was  inscribed  the  date  of  the  settle- 
ment, which  was  1684.^    There  are  other  details  which  are 
noted  in  the  separate  description  of  the  post.*    The  party 
travelled  that  day  three  leagues  to  the  east.    It  appears, 
therefore,  that  the  total  distance  from  the  Presidio  of  Coahuila 
to  this  settlement  is  one  himdred  and  thirtynsix  leagues.' 

Discovery  of  Esplritu  SarUo  Bay  and  its  Harbor. 

Saturday,  the  23d,  we  set  out  with  thirty  men  to  recon- 
noitre the  bay  to  the  south,  trying  to  follow  the  creek  below 
the  settlement.  We  took  the  French  prisoner  for  a  guide, 
because  he  had  told  us  he  knew  the  bay  and  had  been  all 
over  it  in  a  bark.  In  view  of  this  assurance  we  let  him  guide 
us.  He  did  not  guide  us  down  the  creek,  because  he  said  it 
had  no  crossing.  We  went  [instead]  five  leagues  to  the  south- 
west ;  then,  after  going  aroimd  the  head-waters  of  two  creeks, 
we  went  three  leagues  farther,  to  the  east,  when  we  came  upon 
the  shore  of  the  bay.    Here  we  slept,  as  we  arrived  at  twilight. 

Sunday,  the  24th,  very  early  in  the  morning,  we  set  out 
along  the  shore  of  the  bay,  which  at  that  season  was  at  low 
water.  There  are  many  lagoons  of  salt  water  aroimd  it  whose 
marshes  prevented  us  at  some  places  from  crossing  on  horse- 
back.   For  long  stretches,  therefore,  we  went  on  foot,  leading 

^  See  a  drawing  of  the  fort  and  of  the  inscription  in  De  Le6n,  Historia  ds 
NvedoLe&n,  pp.  ^30-^1,  Additional  details  are  given  there.  See  also  De  Ledn's 
letter  of  May  18. 

*  From  this  it  is  inferred  that  a  special  description  of  the  French  settlement 
was  contained  in  the  avios  drawn  up  by  De  Le6n. 

»Tbe  distances  given  by  the  map  total  one  hundred  and  thirty-seven  leagues; 
tlioae  of  the  Itinerary  one  hundred  and  nineteen,  some  being  omitted.  (Miss 
West) 


400        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [1680 

the  horses.  The  arm  of  the  sea  which  appeared  to  us  the  long- 
est runs  in  toward  the  north,  another  smaller  one  to  the  south, 
and  the  other,  the  smallest,  toward  the  settlement  mentioned 
in  this  diary. 

We  went  eight  long  leagues  along  the  shore,  till  it  pleased 
God  that  we  should  discover  the  mouth,  through  which  one 
enters  the  bay.  This  was  probably  about  two  leagues  from 
the  place  we  could  reach  on  horseback.  We  were  greatly  re- 
joiced at  this  discovery,  in  token  of  which  we  fired  a  salute 
with  our  arquebuses.  The  Frenchman  affirmed  that  this  was 
the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  through  which  he  had  entered  when 
he  came  into  these  parts  with  Monsieur  FeUpe  So-and-So. 
The  mouth  of  the  harbor,  so  far  as  we  could  judge,  is  about 
two  short  leagues  across.  There  is  a  bar  of  low  laiid  across 
it  which  is  closer  to  the  mainland  on  the  side  toward  Vera 
Cruz  than  toward  Florida.  The  Frenchman  says  that  ships 
enter  through  the  narrowest  passage.  On  the  south  the  river 
which  we  named  Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe  falls  into  the 
bay.  We  did  not  actually  see  its  mouth,  because  it  was  im- 
possible to  reach  that  point ;  but  we  came  to  that  conclusion 
because  when  we  crossed  it  we  saw  that  it  was  near  the  bay, 
and  also  because  the  Frenchman  made  a  statement  to  that 
effect.^  The  arm  of  the  sea  which  extends  inland  on  the 
north  of  the  bay  is  so  wide  that  we  could  not  see  land  on  the 
other  shore.^  On  the  shore  of  the  bay,  which  we  ran  for  about 
eight  leagues,  we  saw  a  topmast  of  a  large  ship;  another— a 
small  top-gaUant  mast,  a  capstan,  some  barrel-staves,  and 
other  timbers,  which  must  have  belonged  to  some  ship  that 
was  lost  in  the  bay  or  along  the  coast  whose  harbor  we  had 
sighted.'  After  seeing  and  exploring  the  mouth  of  the  bay, 
we  went  back  the  same  way  we  had  come,  and  we  camped  for 
the  night  on  the  bank  of  a  creek  near  a  Uttle  mott.  Here 
had  been  an  Indian  village,  but  it  had  been  abandoned  for 
some  time.  We  foimd  in  the  village  a  book  in  the  French 
language,  a  broken  bottle-case,  and  other  things  which  gave 

^  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Guadalupe  River  does  not  flow  into  Matagofdft— 
Bay. 

*  The  reference  b  to  the  main  body  of  Matagorda  Bay. 

<  These  things  were  the  wreckage  of  UAimable  and  La  BeUe,  two  of 
Salle's  vessels. 


16891  ITINERARY  OF  DE  LE6N,  1689  401 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

US  indications  that  the  Indians  of  the  village  had  taken  part 
in  the  massacre  of  the  French.  In  this  creek,  whose  water 
was  somewhat  brackish,  we  foimd  two  canoes.^ 

On  the  25th  of  April  we  set  out  from  there  and  went  to  the 
camp.  There  we  found*  an  answer  to  the  letter  that  had 
been  written  to  the  Frenchmen  who  had  gone  to  the  Texas. 
The  letter,  read  by  the  alf&rez,  contained  in  substance  that 
within  two  days  they  would  come  to  where  we  were,  for  by 
that  time  they  were  tired  of  being  among  barbarians.  There 
was  only  one  signature — ^that  of  Juan  Larchieverque'  of  Bay- 
onne.  It  was  written  with  red  ochre.  The  distance  trav- 
ersed, in  going  to  reconnoitre  the  bay  and  in  returning,  was 
fifty-two  leagues.  On  that  day,  Monday,  the  25th,  the  main 
camp  remained  stationary. 

Discovery  of  the  San  Marcos  River. 

Tuesday,  the  26th,  it  was  decided  that  the  main  body 
should  set  out  by  the  same  route  we  had  traversed,  because  the 
water  of  the  creek  is  brackish,  as  has  been  stated,  and  the 
horses  that  drank  it  became  sick.  Accordingly,  we  moved  three 
leagues  up  the  creek,  and  halted  in  the  same  place  where  we 
had  stopped  in  our  advance;  and  then  we  went  on  with 
twenty  men. 

There  was  a  very  large  river  which  the  French  prisoner 
said  was  toward  the  north  and  flowed  into  the  bay.  We 
found  it  at  a  distance  of  about  three  leagues,*  and  followed 
its  bank  to  where  some  lagoons  form  an  impediment.  It  is 
a  very  large  river ;  larger,  it  seemed  to  us,  than  the  Rio  Bravo ; 
so  large  that  a  small  vessel  can  navigate  it.  We  determined 
to  see  its  discharge  into  the  bay,  even  though  it  should  be  a 

^  Next  year  a  place  in  this  vidnity  was  called  "Arroyo  de  las  Canoas/' 
probably  referring  to  these  canoes.     (Itinerary  of  1690|  entry  for  June  20.) 
*See  Massanet's  letter,  p.  363,  note  1. 

*  Jean  L'Archevdque.    See  p.  364,  note  3. 

*  The  Autor  An6nimo  says  six  leagues  (Historia  de  Nttevo  Le6n,  p.  335). 
The  stream  was  the  Lavaca,  but  has  been  wrongly  identified  by  some  writers 
as  the  Colorado,  a  stream  fifty  miles  or  more  distant.  The  stream  called  the 
San  Maroos  further  inland  was  the  Colorado. 


402        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      116» 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

matter  of  difficulty.  Finally  we  accomplished  our  purpose, 
looking  from  a  little  hill;  which  is  about  three  quarters  of  a 
league  distant  from  the  mouth  of  the  river.  It  appeared  to 
us  that  it  was  about  a  league  and  a  half  from  the  mouth  of  the 
San  Marcos  to  the  mouth  of  the  creek  on  which  the  Frenchmen 
had  Uved;^  and  the  same  distance  from  the  mouth  of  the 
creek  to  the  settlement.  We  travelled  that  day  fifteen  leagues. 
We  took  an  observation  on  the  shore  of  the  creek,  and  found 
ourselves,  allowing  for  mistakes  on  accoimt  of  the  defect  in 
the  astrolabe,  in  latitude  26°  3'  more  or  less.*  We  named 
this  river  San  Marcos,  because  we  discovered  it  the  day  after 
that  saint's  feast  day. 


The  Diary  of  the  Return,  continued,  with  the  New  Entrada  made 
toward  the  North  in  search  of  the  French. 

Wednesday,  the  27th,  our  party  moved  forward  and  halted 
on  some  pools,  near  a  little  mott  which  borders  on  the  trail. 

Thursday,  the  28th,  we  set  out  on  our  way,  and  the  gove^ 
nor  set  out  the  same  time  with  thirty  companions  towaid  the 
north  bank,  to  look  for  the  Frenchmen  who  had  written.  The 
main  body  halted  on  the  River  Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadaliq)e, 
on  the  other  bank. 

Friday,  the  29th,  the  main  body  halted. 

Saturday,  the  30th,  the  main  body  again  halted. 


May. 

Sunday,  May  1st,  about  evening  prayer,*  the  governor 
arrived  with  his  companions,  bringing  two  lYenchmen,  streaked 
with  paint  after  the  Indian  fashion.  He  had  found  them 
twenty-five  leagues  and  more  from  where  we  had  set  out  with 
the  main  body.*  One  of  them,  the  one  who  had  written  the 
letter,  was  named  Juan ;  the  other,  a  native  of  Rochelle,  was 

1  The  Garcitas. 

*  The  Autor  An6nimo  says  29^  3'.  The  figures  of  the  diary  are  evidently 
a  misprint    The  actual  latitude  of  La  Salle's  fort  was  not  far  from  28*  4ff. 

*  Vespers.  *  He  had  found  them  near  the  Colorado  River. 


1689]  ITINERARY  OF  D£  LE6N,  1689  403 

named  Jacome.^  Th^  gave  an  account  of  the  death  of  their 
people,  the  first  saying  that  an  epidemic  of  smaUpox  had  kiUed 
more  than  a  hundred  persons;  that  the  rest  had  been  on 
friendly  terms  with  the  Indians  of  all  that  region,  and  had  no 
suspicion  of  them ;  that  a  Uttle  more  than  a  month  before  five 
Indians  had  come  to  their  settlement  imder  pretext  of  telling 
them  something  and  had  stopped  at  the  most  remote  house  in 
the  settlement ;  that  the  Frenchmen,  having  no  suspicions,  all 
went  to  the  house  imarmed  to  see  them ;  that  after  they  were 
inside  other  Indians  kept  coming  and  embracing  them ;  that 
another  party  of  Indians  came  in  from  the  creek  at  the  same 
time,  and  killed  them  all,  including  two  reUgious  and  a  priest, 
with  daggers  and  sticks,  and  sacked  all  the  houses ;  that  they 
were  not  there  at  the  time,  having  gone  to  the  Texas ;  but  that 
when  they  heard  the  news  of  this  occurrence,  [the]  four  of 
them  came,  and,  finding  their  companions  dead,  they  buried 
the  f  oiuteen  they  f  oimd ;  that  they  exploded  nearly  a  hundred 
barrels  of  powder,  so  that  the  Indians  could  not  carry  it  off ; 
and  that  the  settlement  had  been  well  provided  with  all  sorts 
of  firearms,  swords,  broadswords,  three  chalices,  and  a  large 
collection  of  books,  with  very  rare  bindings.  The  two  French- 
men were  streaked  with  paint  after  the  fashion  of  the  Indians, 
and  covered  with  antelope  and  buffalo  hides.  We  found  them 
in  a  rancheria  of  the  chief  of  the  Texas,*  who  were  giving  them 
sustenance  and  keeping  them  with  great  care.  We  took  him 
[the  chief]  to  the  camp  and  treated  him  with  great  kindness. 
Although  imable  to  speak  CastiUan  he  was  an  Ladian  in  whom 
was  recognized  capacity.  He  had  a  shrine  with  several  images. 
The  governor  gave  him  and  the  other  Indians  who  had  come 
with  him  generously  of  what  was  left  of  the  cotton  garments, 
knives,  blankets,  beads,  and  other  goods.  He  was  very  much 
pleased  and  promised  to  come  with  some  Indians  of  his  nation 
to  the  province  of  Cohaguila.  The  governor  made  a  separate 
report  of  all  that  was  expedient  or  important  in  the  declara- 
tions of  the  two  Frenchmen,  to  send  it  to  His  Excellency. 
We  continued  our  march  to  the  Nueces  River.    On  Tuesday, 

^  Called  Santiago  Grolette  in  Massanet's  letter,  p.  364,  above. 

'The  Autor  An6nimo,  who  was  in  the  expedition,  writes:  "This  captain 
of  the  Tejas  was  not  in  his  own  country  there,  but  a  long  distance  from  it." 
(De  Le6n,  Eistoria  de  Nuevo  Le6n,  p.  339.)    See  also  De  Le6n's  letter  of  May  18. 


404        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      (1689 

May  10;  the  governor  went  ahead^  with  some  companions 
to  send  a  dispatch  to  His  Excellency^  giving  an  account  of 
this  discovery.  We  arrived  at  the  presidio  of  Cohaguila 
today,  May  13th,  at  nightfall.  Here  ends  the  diary.  To 
insure  its  authenticity,  it  is  signed  by  the  governor, 

Alonso  de  Leon. 

^  AddaM.  He  went  ahead  with  fifteen  men,  the  two  Frenchmen,  tnd 
Martinez.  On  the  18th  Martfnez  was  sent  to  Mexico  with  the  fVendunen  and 
the  despatches.     (De  Le6n,  Hitioria  de  Nuevo  Le6n,  p.  342.) 


ITINERARY  OF  THE  DE  LE6N  EXPEDITION 

OF  1690^ 

Diary,  Itinerary,  and  Description  of  the  Country  of  the  Expedi-- 
turn  which,  by  order  of  the  Most  excellent  Sehor  Conde  de 
Galve,  Viceroy  and  Captairtrgeneral  of  Nueva  Espafia,  was 
made  by  General  Alonso  de  Leon,  Govemm  of  the  province 
of  Coahuila,  and  Captain  of  the  Presidio  which,  on  the  Acr 
count  of  his  Majesty,  is  established  there,  and  Commander^ 
in-chief  of  the  Soldiers  who  went  on  the  Expedition  to  Recon- 
noitre the  French  who  might  be  in  the  Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo 
and  the  Province  of  the  Texas.^    It  is  as  follows  : 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

Sunday,  the  26th  day  of  the  month  of  March;  1690;  the 
pack-animals  and  the  baggage  left  the  Villa  of  Santiago  de  la 
Monclova,  stopping  a  league  outside  the  Indian  pueblo  and  a 
league  and  a  half  from  the  Villa,  toward  the  north.       1^. 

Monday,  the  27th,  camp  was  broken,  and  we  set  out, 
marching  eight'  leagues  northeast-by-east  and  halting  below 
Las  Lomitas  on  the  bank  of  the  Cuaguila  River.  8. 

Tuesday,  the  28th,  we  left  the  said  place  and  vaUejrs,  going 
down  stream  towards  the  northeast,  and,  leaving  the  river, 
entered  the  Pass  of  Baluartes.  From  this  pass  we  made  a 
detour  of  a  league  in  order  to  halt  on  the  bank  of  the  river, 
where  the  company  camped,  having  marched  this  day  eight 
leagues.  8. 

Wednesday,  the  29th,  the  company  proceeded  down  stream 
east-by-northeast,  and  passing  El  Alamo,^  halted  on  the  bank 

I  Manuscript  in  the  Archivo  General  y  Pdblioo,  Mexico,  Ph>vincias  Inter- 
nas,  vol.  182.    See  p.  352  for  the  different  texts. 

*  The  title  and  all  the  entries  before  April  9  are  from  B,  excepting  the  entry 
for  March  28,  which  is  omitted  from  B,  and  b  taken  from  C. 

'  C  reads  three  leagues,  instead  of  eight.  It  is  evidently  correct,  as  is  shown 
by  the  map,  and  by  comparison  of  distances  with  the  1689  journey. 

*  C  reads  "a  little  more  than  a  league  beyond  £1  Alama" 

405 


406        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS     \m 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

of  the  river,  having  marched  five  leagues  this  day.  All  the 
land  is  level,  although  there  is  some  chaparral  and  lechu- 
gilla.  5. 

Thursday,  the  30th,  we  set  out  east-by-northeast,  down 
stream,  going  to  the  jimction  of  the  Savinas  River,  havmg 
marched  this  day  four  and  one-half  leagues.  That  rdght  the 
company  from  the  Eongdom  of  Leon  and  the  missionary 
fathers  with  it  joined  us.^  4^. 

Friday,  the  31st,  we  marched  down  stream  and,  travefsiDg 
a  hill  towards  the  east,  we  crossed  the  Savinas  River,  on  whose 
banks  the  company  halted.    We  travelled  two  leagues.    2. 

Saturday,  April  1st,  we  marched  towards  the  northeast  and 
halted  at  a  pool  of  rain-water.  The  company  traveUed  this 
day  six  leagues.  6. 

Sunday,  the  2d  of  April,  after  mass  we  set  out  northeast- 
by-north  and  arrived  at  some  pools  of  rain-water,  where  the 
company  halted,  having  marched  this  day  five  leagues.  AB 
the  coimtry  is  level  although  there  is  some  chaparral.       5. 

Monday,  the  3d,  we  set  out  towards  the  north  over  levd 
land  and  went  to  the  bank  of  an  arroyo  where  we  foxmd  the 
Indians  of  the  Frenchman,  to  whom  we  gave  tobacco  and 
clothing.    We  travelled  this  day  four  leagues.  4. 

Tuesday,  the  4th,  we  set  out  towards  the  north  for  the  Rio 
Grande.^  The  company  camped  on  its  bank,  and  some  buf- 
falo were  foxmd.    lliey  marched  this  day  five  leagues.      5. 

Wednesday,  the  5th,  we  remained  in  camp,  in  order  that 
all  might  be  confessed  and  fulfill  their  duties  to  the  Church 
before  crossing  the  river. 

Thursday,  the  6th,  we  crossed  the  river  and  marched  north- 
by-northeast  and  camped  on  the  bank  of  a  dry  arroyo,  having 
marched  eight  leagues.  We  camped  for  the  night  without 
water.  8. 

Friday,  the  7th,  we  set  out  towards  the  northeast  over 
level  land,  and  camped  on  Arroyo  de  Ramos,  having  marched 
this  day  three  leagues.  3. 

Saturday,  the  8th,  the  company  set  out  northeast-by-north 
over  level  land,  bearing  in  places  much  mesquite  brush,  and  a^ 

^  C  states  that  they  camped  on  the  bank  of  the  river. 

'  C  adds  "over  level  land  with  some  mesquitei  and  having  found  the  ford." 


16901  ITINERARY  OF  DE  LE6N,  1690  407 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

rived  at  an  arroyo  which  we  named  Caramanchel.*  On  account 
of  the  poor  ford,  most  of  the  day  was  spent  in  getting  the  pack- 
animals  across.    We  marched  this  day  three  leagues.         3. 

Sunday,  the  9th,  after  mass  we  set  out  northeast-by-north 
over  level  land  and,  crossing  two  wooded  valleys,  entered  a 
mesquite  grove  and  found  the  ford  of  the  Nuezes  River. 
Here  we  camped  in  a  meadow  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  having 
marched  this  day  five  leagues.  5. 

Monday,  the  10th,  having  crossed  the  river  on  a  passage- 
way of  trees,*  we  set  out  towards  the  east,  and  travelled  two 
leagues.  Then  we  marched  towards  the  north  another  two 
leagues  and,  making  a  detoiu^  to  the  east  over  level  land,  but 
with  some  mesquite  brush,  crossed  the  Sarco  River.  The 
company  camped  here,  having  marched  this  day  seven 
leagues.  7. 

Tuesday,  the  11th,  we  set  out  towards  the  north  over  some 
plains,  crossing  some  knolls.  We  camped  by  the  Rio  Hondo, 
having  marched  six  leagues.  6. 

Wednesday,  the  12th,  we  were  delayed  with  the  company, 
to  search  for  two  comrades  who  were  lost  in  a  severe  rain- 
storm the  preceding  day.    We  marched  0. 

Thursday,  the  13th,  at  noon,  the  two  conu^es  arrived, 
and  at  the  same  time  we  learned  from  some  Indians  that  six 
leagues  from  this  place  there  was  a  gathering  of  Indians  where 
a  Frenchman  had  come.  With  twenty  soldiers  I  set  out  this 
day  towards  the  west  along  the  northern  bank  of  the  river.* 
At  about  five  leagues  I  camped  for  the  night.  5. 

Friday,  the  14th,  at  dawn,  I  continued  my  march  and, 
making  a  detour  towards  the  north  over  a  pl4,  arrived  at 
the  bank  of  a  river  where  the  Indian  encampment  was.  A 
great  number  of  them,  both  large  and  small,  came  out  to  see 
us  and,  upon  giving  them  tobacco  and  biscuits,  they  informed 
us  that  two  Frenchmen  were  on  the  other  bank  of  the  Guada- 
lupe River.    One  Indian  had  a  French  musket.    Having  heard 

^  This  stream  is  not  mentioned  in  the  1689  expedition, 
s  "For  un  ailadero  de  arboles/'  omitted  from  C. 

*  The  same  detour  is  mentioned  in  the  1689  diary  and  map,  under  date  ol 
April  5. 

*  C  adds  that  Captain  Don  Gregorio  Salinas  Varona  was  among  the  twenty. 


i 


^ 


408        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [1690 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

this  news,  we  returned  to  the  camp,  a  large  number  of  Indians 
accompan3mig  us.  At  the  camp  we  presented  them  with 
clothing,  flour,  tobacco,  and  other  trifles.  We  had  marched 
seven  leagues.  7. 

Saturday,  the  15th,  the  company  set  out  towards  the  east, 
going  down  stream  imtil  the  ford  was  reached.  They  marched 
six  leagues.  6. 

Sunday,  the  16th,  after  mass,  we  crossed  the  river,  going 
east-by-north  over  level  land,  and  reached  the  Chapa  Kver, 
where  we  made  a  bridge  in  o^er  to  cross  it,  advancing  until 
some  pools  were  foimd  on  whose  banks  the  company  halted, 
having  marched  eight  leagues.  8. 

Monday,  the  17th,  we  set  out  towards  the  northeast  through 
some  woods  which  were  encoimtered,  ma.king  several  detours 
to  the  north-northeast  and  east  imtil  we  arrived  at  the  Arroyo 
de  los  Robalos,^  where  the  company  halted,  having  marched 
this  day  five  leagues.  5. 

Tuesday,  the  18th,  we  set  out  in  different  directions  to 
search  for  one  himdred  and  twenty-six  horses  which  had 
stampeded.  The  company  set  out,  but  at  a  short  distance 
the  guide  lost  his  way  and  it  was  necessary  for  us  to  continue 
towards  the  north  in  search  of  the  Medina  River.  As  it  was 
already  late,  the  company  camped  on  a  knoll  to  which  we  gave 
the  name  of  El  Real  del  Rosario.  Although  there  was  Utile 
water,  it  sufficed  for  the  company.  We  marched  this  day 
four  leagues.  4. 

Wednesday,  the  19th,  we  set  out  towards  the  north.  Hav- 
ing arrived  at  the  Medina  River  above  the  ford,  we  crossed  at 
a  shoal,  having  marched  seven  leagues.  7. 

Thursday,  the  20th,  we  set  out  towards  the  east  and,  at 
a  distance  of  two  leagues,  reached  the  ford  of  the  river,  where 
the  company  halted,  as  it  was  necessary  to  arrange  for  fording 
it.  2. 

Friday,  the  21st,  we  marched  towards  the  east  and  arrived 
at  Arroyo  del  Leon.    We  marched  this  day  five  leagues.    5. 

Saturday,  the  22d,  we  marched  towards  the  east  and  at 
times  towards  the  northeast.  We  camped  by  a  stream  of 
brackish  water,  having  marched  six  leagues.  6. 

^Apparently  the  stream  called  Arroyo  de  '^no  in  1689.     (Itineraiyi  April 9.) 


leooi  ITINERARY  OF  DE  LE6N,  1690  409 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

Sunday,  the  23d,  after  mass  the  company  set  out  east  by 
northeast  through  some  live-oaJ£  groves  and  camped  near  the 
Guadalupe  River,  where  there  is  an  arroyo  close  to  the  river. 
We  marched  five  leagues.  5. 

Monday,  the  24th,  the  company  set  out  down  stream  and, 
having  crossed  the  river  with  much  difficulty,^  because  there 
was  so  much  water,  we  camped  on  the  other  bank,  having 
marched  two  leagues.  2. 

Tuesday,  the  25th,  I  set  out  with  twenty  soldiers,*  leaving 
the  company  in  the  aforesaid  place,  and  went  towards  the 
east  to  reconnoitre  the  Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo.  This  day  we 
marched  fourteen  leagues  and  camped  on  the  banks  of  some 
small  pools  of  water.  14. 

Wednesday,  the  26th,  we  arrived  at  the  French  settlement, 
which  we  saw  last  year.'  Having  ascertained  from  its  form 
that  it  was  as  before,  and  having  learned  where  the  artillery 
was  buried,  we  burned  the  wooden  fort;  and,  going  two  leagues 
further,  we  recognized  in  the  bay  what  were  apparently  two 
buoys,  one  at  the  mouth  of  the  San  Marcos  River  and  the 
other  at  one  side,  indicating  the  sajne  channel.  The  sun  was 
not  observed  as  the  day  was  cloudy.  From  there  we  returned 
up  the  arroyo  of  the  French  settlement,  to  see  if  we  might 
meet  some  Indians  from  whom  to  obtain  information,  but, 
not  having  met  any,  we  camped  on  the  bank  of  the  ar- 
royo/  ha4g  marclSi  this  day,  in  going  and  coming,  four- 
teen  leagues.  14. 

Thursday,  the  27th,  we  returned  to  the  camp,  having 
marched  up  the  arroyo  of  the  French  in  search  of  some  In- 
dians of  whom  to  obtain  news.  After  making  some  detours 
we  reached  the  camp.  We  marched  this  day  twenty 
leagues.  20. 

^  The  crossing  was  at  the  same  place,  or  not  far  from  the  same  place,  as 
that  of  the  1689  expedition.  In  1689  the  distance  from  the  Guadalupe  to  the 
fVench  settlement  was  given  as  seventeen  leagues  east-northeast.  In  1690  the 
settlement  was  reached  by  going  nineteen  leagues  eastwardly,  the  difference 
being  probably  one  of  estimating. 

'  C  adds  that  Salinas  Varona  went  also. 

'  C  adds  that  the  journey  to  the  French  settlement  was  about  five  kagiies 
to  the  east. 

*  Called  a  river  in  C. 


410        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [lew 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

Friday,  the  28th,  I  set  out  with  eight  soldiers  up  the  Guada- 
lupe River,^  sending  up  several  smokes  to  see  if  I  might  meet 
some  Indians,  of  whom  to  obtain  news.  Having  gone  six 
leagues,  we  retiuned  to  the  camp,  having  marched  this  day, 
in  going  and  coming,  twelve  leagues.  12. 

Saturday,  the  29th,  the  company  set  out  towards  the  east 
about  three  leagues  and  then  we  turned  towards  the  north- 
east another  three  leagues,  over  level  land,  arriving  at  some 
pools  of  rain-water,  wMch  we  named  San  Pedro  Martir.  We 
marched  this  day  six  leagues.  6. 

Sunday,  the  30th,  after  mass,  there  arrived  two  soldiers 
from  the  presidios  of  La  Viscaya,*  who  informed  us  that  their 
comrades  were  coming  behind  to  overtake  me  and  to  join  this 
expedition  by  order  of  the  Most  Excellent  Senor  Conde  de 
Galve,  viceroy  and  captain-general  of  New  Spain.  I  sent 
to  meet  them  with  clothing  and  supplies.  I  left  the  company 
there  to  await  them,  and  set  out  with  sixteen  soldiers  to  cut 
passageways'  and  to  seek  some  Indians  who  could  guide  us 
and  inform  us  whether  there  were  any  Frenchmen  in  these 
regions.  I  passed  this  night  by  some  pools  of  rain-water, 
having  marched  nine  leagues.  9. 

Monday,  May  1st,  I  continued  on  my  journey,  passing 
various  arroyos*  and  deserted  rancherias  without  meeting  an 
Indian.  We  slept  on  a  small  hill,  having  marched  twelve 
leagues.  12. 

Tuesday,  the  2d,  I  set  out  and  arrived  at  a  pasture  near 
the  San  Marcos  River,  where  we  slept,*  having  marched  this 
day  fourteen  leagues  because  of  several  detoiu^.  14. 

Wednesday,  the  3d,  after  placing  a  cross  in  a  tree,  I  reached 
the  San  Marcos  River  and,  having  crossed  it,*  I  advanced 
and,  at  about  five  leagues,  on  the  edge  of  a  small  wood,  we 

1  This  journey  is  not  shown  on  the  map. 

« C  reads  ** Presidios  del  Parral." 

>  A  and  B  read  "a  que  desmontaaen  unos  ailaderos."  C  reads  ''a  desmon- 
tar  algunos  pedazos  de  monte." 

^  He  was  crossing  the  upper  waters  of  the  Lavaca  in  the  ndghborhood  of 
Hallettsville. 

•  C  adds,  "since  it  is  a  deep  river  I  could  not  cross  it." 

*  The  Colorado.  C  states  that  De  Le6n  went  up-stream  and  found  a  good 
ford. 


1600]  ITINERARY  OF  DE  LE6N,  1690  411 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

saw  an  Indian  woman  and  a  boy.  Upon  signalling  them  with 
a  handkerchief  they  did  not  wish  to  emerge,  but  instead  took 
refuge  in  the  wood.  We  camped  this  night  on  a  hill,  level  as 
a  villa,  leaving  for  them  in  their  settlement  a  handkerchief, 
biscuit,  tobacco,  razors,  and  knives.  We  marched  this  day 
seven  leagues.  7. 

Thursday,  the  4th,  an  Indian  came  to  see  us  and,  having 
spoken  with  him  by  signs,  he  told  us  that  he  was  of  the  Texas, 
that  this  day  we  would  arrive  at  a  rancherfa,  and  that  he, 
with  his  wife  and  a  yoimg  brother-in-law  of  his  who  lived 
there,  would  guide  us.  I  gave  him  a  horse  upon  which  he 
might  load  his  belongings,  but  at  a  distance  of  three  leagues 
we  decided  to  send  him  on,  and,  returning  to  the  place  where 
we  had  slept,  we  told  him  we  would  wait  there  for  him  to  go 
to  sununon  the  governor  of  the  Texas,  among  whom  were 
some  Frenchmen.    We  marched  this  day  six  leagues.^     6. 

Friday,  the  5th,  in  the  morning  I  sent  Captain  Francisco 
de  Venavides  with  three  soldiers  to  the  camp  in  order  that  it 
should  come  on.  About  five  in  the  afternoon,  the  Indian 
whom  I  had  sent  to  the  captain  of  the  Texas  returned  to  in- 
form me  that  his  horse  had  run  away  from  him. 

Saturday,  the  6th,  I  sent  four  soldiers  over  the  trail  to 
ascertain  whether  he  had  joined  any  Indians  and,  having  met 
another  Indian,  they  brought  him  to  camp.  We  offered  him 
clothing  if  he  would  go  to  the  Texas  to  tell  the  governor  to 
come  to  see  us.  Thereupon,  the  Indian,  greedy  for  the  gift, 
told  me  that  if  I  would  give  him  another  horse  he  would  go 
to  siunmon  the  governor  of  the  Texas  and  that  he  would  leave 
his  wife  and  a  brother-in-law  of  his  to  guide  us.  So  I  sent 
him  on  this  day. 

Sunday,  the  7th,  Monday,  the  8th,  we  halted  where  the 
Indian  told  us  to  await  him  and,  also,  to  see  if  we  could  dis- 
cern any  smoke,  in  order  to  go  to  meet  the  company,  for  that 
was  the  signal  we  gave  them.* 

^  C  adds  that  on  this  day  the  twenty  soldiers  of  the  presidios  of  Parral 
(Nueva  Vizcaya)  reached  the  camp  of  San  Pedro  Martin. 

*  C  states  that  the  camp  set  out  from  San  Pedro  Martir  <mi  this  day,  going 
three  leagues  northeast  through  heavy  timber,  crossing  two  dry  arroyos  then 
going  west  and  north  through  heavy  timber,  crossing  four  dry  arroyos,  and 


412        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [1690 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

Tuesday,^  the  9th,  having  discerned  smoke,  I  set  out  with 
four  soldiers  to  meet  the  company.  Having  crossed  the 
San  Marcos  River,  about  noon  I  met  two  Indians,  and,  at  a 
little  distance,  Captain  Francisco  de  Benavides  and  three 
soldiers,  with  an  Indian  who  spoke  the  Mexican  language. 
From  him  we  learned  that  a  French  boy  was  in  a  rancherfa 
about  two  days'  march  to  the  westward  and  another  in  another 
rancherfa  to  the  east.  I  sent  the  said  Captain  Benavides 
with  two  soldiers  to  the  place  where  I  had  left  the  comrades 
awaiting  me  and  went  on  to  the  company,  which  I  foimd  in 
an  arroyo  where  it  had  just  halted.  Giving  them  orders  to 
march  next  day  and  to  await  me  where  their  comrades  were, 
and,  having  chosen  three  horses,  eight  soldiers,  and  supplies, 
the  Indian  interpreter  guiding  us,  we  advanced  twelve  leagues 
by  evening.*  12. 

Wednesday,  the  10th,  continuing  to  the  west  about  nine 
leagues,  we  marched  through  a  forest  of  oaks  and  grape-vines 
another  five  leagues,  and  upon  the  edge  of  the  wood  met 
some  Indians  and  a  French  boy  named  Pedro  Talon.'  As 
he  told  us  that  there  was  no  other  in  that  vicinity,  we  returned 
to  sleep  near  the  camp  of  the  night  before,  having  marched 
that  day  in  going  and  coming  twenty-seven  leagues.^    27. 

stopping  on  one  called  San  Migud  Arcangd.  The  entry  omits  entirely  tlie  data 
printed  here.  De  Le6n  evidently  reached  the  Colorado  near  La  Grange  The 
map  shows  above  the  network  of  arroyos  crossed  on  May  1  a  stream  corre^xwd- 
ing  to  the  upper  Navidad,  and  just  before  reaching  the  Cc^orado  a  small  stream 
flowing  into  the  Colorado  from  the  west    Such  a  stream  enters  at  La  Grange. 

^  Both  A  and  B  lack  entries  for  the  8th,  but  C  states  that  the  camp  left  San 
Miguel  Arcangd,  moved  north,  passed  eight  dry  arroyos,  travelled  nine  leaguesi 
and  camped  at  San  Gregorio  Nazianzeno. 

'  C  states  that  on  the  9th  the  camp  moved  from  San  Gregorio  north  seven 
leagues,  to  a  hill  named  Jesus  Marfa  y  Joseph  de  Buenavista ;  that  De  Le6tt 
reached  the  camp  in  the  afternoon,  and  set  out  with  eight  men,  including  Salinas 
Varona,  to  seek  a  French  boy  who  was  in  the  rancherla  toward  the  southwest, 
going  twelve  leagues. 

*  Talon  must  have  been  found  in  the  region  of  Gonzales,  probably  to  the 
northward  of  that  place. 

^  C  states  that  they  set  out  before  morning,  went  southwest  nine  leagues  to 
a  high  hill,  before  entering  the  forest,  then  five  leagues  throu^  a  forest  on  the 
edge  of  which  they  met  Pedro  Talon  coming  with  a  rancheria  of  Indians,  retunt- 
ing  that  day  almost  to  the  hill  of  Jesus  Marfa  y  Joaqph.    It  adds  that  Captain 


1690]  ITINERARY  OF  DE  LE6N,  1690  413 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

Thursday,  the  11th,  we  continued  our  joiuney  towards  the 
northeast  about  twelve  leagues,  to  a  high  hill  which  had  a 
clump  of  very  high  trees,  where  we  found  some  Indians  camped, 
who  informed  us  of  another  Frenchman  who  was  near  there 
in  a  rancherfa.  I  sent  an  Indian  to  summon  him  and  another 
Indian  afterwards  told  us  that  other  Frenchmen  had  arrived 
at  the  entrance  to  the  Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo.  At  the  same 
time  I  sent  two  soldiers  to  the  camp  in  order  that  four  should 
come  with  supplies  and  a  relay  of  horses,  so  that,  if  the  French- 
man should  not  come,  we  might  go  in  search  of  him.  We 
crossed  the  San  Marcos  River  this  afternoon  in  order  that, 
since  it  had  rained  heavily,  it  might  not  rise  and  keep  some  of 
us  on  one  side  and  some  on  the  other.  We  marched  this  day 
sixteen  leagues.^  16. 

Friday,  the  12th,  in  the  morning  the  French  boy  arrived 
with  three  Indians  and  said  his  name  was  Pedro  Mimi;  at 
the  same  time  came  the  soldiers  whom  I  sent  to  smnmon 
from  the  camp.  We  therefore  advanced  towards  the  northeast 
until  we  reached  it.    We  marched  this  day  six  leagues.*     6. 

Saturday,  the  13th,  the  company  set  out  from  San  Joseph 
towards  the  east  about  three  leagues,  and  another  three  towards 
the  northeast,  crossing  some  valleys  and  arroyos  with  little 
water.  Stopping  upon  the  bank  of  an  arroyo,  we  gave  it  the 
name  of  San  Francisco  de  Asis.'    We  marched  six  leagues.    6. 

Sunday,  the  14th,  the  company  set  out  for  the  Colorado 
River,  crossing  some  valleys  towards  the  northeast  and,  halting 
on  its  banks,  we  gave  it  the  name  of  E^spiritu  Santo  River,^ 
having  marched  six  leagues.  6. 

Monday,  the  15th,  the  company  set  out  down  stream  and 
at  a  distance  of  half  ^  a  league  crossed  the  river.    Passing 

Frandsoo  Martinez  continued  north  with  the  camp,  crossing  the  San  Marcos, 
and  proceeded  to  the  place  where  De  Le6n  had  left  his  companions,  at  San  nde- 
fonao,  having  travelled  eight  leagues. 

^  C  adds  that  the  camp  moved  thb  day  to  a  better  site,  called  San  Joseph, 
three  leagues  northeast. 

'  C  adds  that  they  foimd  the  camp,  which  awaited  them,  six  leagues  from 
the  river,  towards  the  north. 

« Evidently  the  Yegua  River.  *  The  Brazos  River. 

*  C  states  that  the  camp  moved  east  three  leagues,  crossed  the  river,  then 
one  league  ncurtheast,  then  north  one  league  to  San  Juan,  going  the  same  distance 


414        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [1690 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

through  a  very  thick  wood  towards  the  northeast,  and  maldiig 
several  detours  to  the  north,  we  halted  at  an  arroyo  to  which 
we  gave  the  name  of  San  Juan.  We  marched  this  day  five 
leagues.  5. 

Tuesday,  the  16th,  the  company  set  out  towards  the  north- 
east for  about  two  leagues,  crossing  two  arroyos  in  the  same 
direction,  and  camped  in  a  hollow,  having  marched  four  leagues. 
We  gave  it  the  name  of  Beatto  Salvador  de  Hortta.  4. 

Wednesday,  the  17th,  the  company  set  out  towards  the 
northeast-by-north  and  camped  at  an  arroyo  to  which  we 
gave  the  name  of  San  Diego  de  Alcald.^  We  marched  this 
day  six  leagues.  6. 

Thursday,  the  18th,  the  company  set  out  northeast-by- 
east,  crossing  several  arroyos  at  one  of  which  we  met  the  In- 
dian whom  we  had  sent,  with  the  governor  of  the  Texas, 
accompanied  by  fourteen  of  the  principal  Indians  among  them. 
I  gave  them  clothing  and  other  goods  from  those  we  were 
carrying,  the  said  governor  and  his  people  manifesting  much 
joy  at  having  seen  us  and  making  known  that  all  his  people 
were  awaiting  us  with  much  pleasure. 

RetiuTiing  to  a  very  pleasant  valley,  the  company  halted 
there  at  an  arroyo  and  gave  it  the  name  of  Valle  de  Santa  El- 
vira.   We  marched  this  day  eight  leagues.  8. 

Friday,  the  19th,  we  marched  north-by-northeast  and  at 
a  Uttle  (Ustance  we  entered  another  very  large  and  pleasant 
valley  to  which  we  gave  the  name  of  La  Santissima  Trinidad,* 
and  although  the  passage  was  arranged,  we  spent  most  of 
the  day  in  getting  the  supplies  across,  and,  having  crossed  the 
river,  f oimd  another  very  pleasant  valley  which  was  given  the 
name  of  Monclova.  We  marched  this  day  one  and  one  half 
leagues.  1 H- 

Saturday,  the  20th,  we  marched  northeast-by-east  through 

of  five  leagues.  The  crossing  of  the  Brazos  was  above  the  mouth  of  the  Nava- 
sota  River,  to  which  the  name  of  San  Juan  was  given. 

*  Evidently  a  branch  of  the  Bidais. 

'  There  b  an  ellipsis  here.  C  states  that  they  reached  a  large  vaUey  named 
Galve,  beyond  which  they  came  to  the  Bio  Trinidad.  C  adds  that  the  camp  east 
of  the  river  was  called  San  Sebasti&n,  although  it  mentions  a  valley  of  San  Sebas- 
tian next  day.  The  Trinity  was  apparently  reached  near  the  mouth  of  Boggy 
Creek. 


1690]  ITINERARY  OF  DE  LE6N/16gO  415 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

some  groves  of  live-oak  and  some  arroyos  for  a  distance  of 
four  leagues.  Upon  emerging  from  the  wood  we  found  a 
large  valley  which  was  named  San  Sebastian  and  at  one  side 
of  said  valley  we  found  four  ranches  of  Indians  who  had  planted 
maize  and  frijoles,  and  had  very  clean  houses  and  high  beds 
in  which  to  sleep.  We  bestowed  gifts  upon  them  and  con- 
tinued towards  the  northeast  through  groves  of  Uve-oak  and 
arroyos  to  some  pools  of  rain-water  to  which  we  gave  the  name 
of  San  Bernardino,  having  marched  seven  leagues.^  7. 

Sunday,  the  21st;  after  mass  we  set  out  northeast-by-east, 
through  some  groves  of  live-oak  and  of  pine,  crossing  the  dry 
beds  of  four  arroyos.  BLaving  arrived  at  an  arroyo  with  water 
the  company  halted  in  a  small  plaza  to  which  we  gave  the 
name  of  San  Carlos,  having  marched  six  leagues.  6. 

Monday,  the  22d,  we  set  out  northeast-by-east  through 
some  groves  of  live-oak,  crossing  five  dry  arroyos  and  some 
small  hills  where  there  are  veins  of  black  and  red  stone,  and 
continued  until  we  reached  a  valley  thickly  settled  with  the 
houses  of  the  Texas  Indians.  About  them  were  fields  of  maize, 
beans,  pimipkins  and  watermelons,  and  we  gave  the  valley 
the  name  of  San  Francisco  Xavier.  Making  a  detour  to  the 
north  by  a  hill  clad  with  live-oak,  at  about  a  quarter  of  a  league 
we  found  another  valley  of  Texas  Indians  and  their  houses; 
and  their  governor  telling  us  that  his  house  was  very  near, 
the  company  halted  upon  the  bank  of  an  arroyo,  having 
marched  this  day  five  leagues.*  To  this  settlement  we  gave 
the  name  of  San  Francisco  de  los  Texas.  This  afternoon  I 
went  with  the  governor  of  the  said  Texas  to  leave  him  at 
his  house,  where  his  mother,  his  wife,  a  daughter  of  his,  and 
many  people  who  were  expecting  him  came  out  to  receive 
me,  bringing  out  a  bench  upon  which  to  seat  me  and  giving 
me  a  limcheon  of  com  tamdes  and  aiole,  all  very  cleanly. 

Tuesday,  the  23d,  I  set  out  with  the  reverend  missionary 
fathers  over  the  half-league  intervening  between  the  camp  and 
the  house  of  the  governor,  in  a  procession  with  the  officers  and 
soldiers,  who  were  followed  by  a  large  number  of  Indians  with 
the  said  Indian  governor.    Having  reached  his  house,  the 

^  They  were  now  near  Crockett,  Houston  County. 
'  C  omits  all  the  rest  of  this  entry. 


416        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [leoo 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

missionaries  sang  the  Te  Deum  Laudamus.^  After  remain- 
ing a  while  at  his  house  seated  upon  benches  which  the  said 
governor  ordered  brought,  they  served  us,  in  jars  and  crocks, 
a  luncheon  of  boiled  beans,  atole,  and  pinole,  which  the  said 
fathers  and  soldiers  ate.    We  then  returned  to  camp. 

Wednesday,  the  24th,  a  chapel*  was  prepared  in  which  to 
celebrate  the  feast  of  Corpus  Cristi,  having  this  day  bestowed 
upon  the  Indians  clothing  and  the  other  conunodities.  This 
day  I  notified  the  governor  to  sununon  all  his  people  to  come 
to  the  feast  of  Corpus  Cristi. 

Thursday,  the  25th,  the  feast  of  the  Most  Holy  Sacrament^ 
was  celebrated  with  all  solemnity  and  a  procession,  all  the 
officeiB  and  soldiers,  the  Indian  governor,  and  maxly  of  his 
people  accompanying  the  procession  and  witnessing  the  hi^ 
msfis.^  Mass  having  been  completed,  the  ceremony  was  en- 
acted of  raising  the  flag  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty  (whom 
God  protect),  and  I,  the  said  General  Alonso  de  Leon,  as  the 
superior  officer  of  all  the  companies  which,  by  order  of  his 
Excellency,  the  Senor  Conde  de  Galve,  viceroy  of  this  New 
Spain,  had  come  on  this  journey  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty, 
accepted  the  obedience  which  they  rendered  to  his  Majesty, 
and  in  his  royal  name  promised  to  befriend  and  aid  them.  I 
delivered  to  the  governor  a  staff  with  a  cross,  giving  him  the 
title  of  governor  of  all  his  people,  in  order  that  he  might  rule 
and  govern  them,  giving  him  to  understand  by  means  of  an 
interpreter  that  winch  he  should  observe  and  do,  and  the  re- 
spect and  obedience  which  he  and  all  his  people  ought  to  have 
for  the  priests,  and  that  he  should  make  all  his  families  attend 
Christian  teaching,  in  order  that  they  might  be  instructed  in 
the  affairs  of  our  holy  Catholic  faith  so  that  later  they  mi^t 
be  baptized  and  become  Christians.  He  accepted  tJbie  sta£f 
with  much  pleasure,  promising  to  do  all  that  was  desired  d 
him,  and  the  company  fired  three  salutes.  Likewise,  the 
Reverend  Father  Commissary  of  these  conversions  in  this  mis- 
sion. Fray  Damian  Masanet,  was  given  possession,  in  order 

^  C  omits  most  of  the  rest  of  this  entry.    The  settlement  was  in  the  vaD^ 
of  San  Pedro  Creek.    See  Massanet's  letter,  p.  376,  above,  note  2. 
'  The  preparation  of  the  chapel  is  not  mentioned  in  C. 
*  /.  e.,  Corpus  Christi.  «  La  iriMM  eaniaku 


1690]  ITINERARY  OF  DE  LE6N,  1690  417 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

that  he  might  instruct  them  in  the  mysteries  of  our  holy 
Catholic  faith.  The  governor  and  his  people  having  b^ged 
us  to  leave  them  religious  to  teach  them  the  Christian  doc- 
trine^ as  a  pledge  of  friendship  we  asked  the  said  governor  to 
give  us  three  of  the  principal  Indians  of  this  province,  among 
tiiem  being  a  brother,  a  nephew,  and  a  cousin  of  the  governor, 
who  with  much  pleasure  promised  to  go  with  us  to  see  the 
most  Excellent  Senor  Conde  de  Galve,  viceroy  and  captain- 
general  of  New  Spain.  This  day  the  sun  was  observed  and 
we  found  ourselves  in  34°  T} 

Friday  J  the  26th,  I  set  out  with  the  missionary  fathers, 
some  soldiers  and  officers,  and  the  said  Indian  governor, 
towards  the  northeast,  to  find  the  most  suitable  place  to  put 
the  mission,  and  after  having  seen  three  small  valleys,*  we 
came  to  where  they  told  us  two  Frenchmen  had  died,  where  they 
had  wished  to  n^e  a  settlement,  and  where  we  saw  the 
graves.  We  placed  a  cross  in  a  tree  for  them  and  went  to  a 
river  which  we  found  could  be  crossed  only  by  means  of  a 
tree  which  the  Indians  have  athwart  it,  and  a  rope  of  which 
they  take  hold.  We  named  the  river  San  Miguel  Arcangel,' 
and  from  there  we  returned  to  camp,  having  travelled  six 
leagues.  6. 

Saturday  J  the  27th ;  Sunday,  the  28th ;  Monday,  the  29th ; 
Tuesday,  the  30th,  and  Wednesday,  the  31st,*  they  labored 
to  build  the  church  and  the  dwelling  of  the  apostolic  fathers, 
in  the  midst  of  the  principal  settlement  of  the  Texas. 

Thursday,  June  1st,  I  gave  possession  of  the  said  mission, 
the  reverend  father  conmiissary,  Fray  Damian  Masanet,  hav- 
ing sung  mass  in  the  said  church,  the  said  Indian  governor 
and  his  people  attending  mass  and  the  blessing  of  the  church. 
This  afternoon  I  sent  the  company  to  begin  the  return  march 
to  the  province  of  Coahuila,  over  the  same  road  by  which  we 

^  The  entry  for  the  25th  is  much  less  complete  in  C. 
*C  says  liiey  went  about  three  leagues  before  reaching  the  three  small 
valleys. 

*  C  adds  that  this  crossing  was  used  by  most  of  the  Indians  of  this  province, 
and  that  the  valley  at  the  river  was  named  San  Gaspdr.  The  other  three  valleys 
they  named  San  Antonio  de  Padua,  Santa  Margarita,  and  San  Carlos. 

*  C  adds  that  on  the  31st  possession  was  taken  of  the  house  and  church,  an 
event  which  is  assigned  to  June  1  by  the  other  diaries. 


418        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [im 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

came.  They  halted  this  night  at  the  camp  of  San  Carlos^ 
having  marched  five  leagues.  5. 

Friday,  the  2d,  with  the  reverend  father  commissary,  Pray 
Damian  Masanet,  and  six  soldiers,^  I  set  out  from  the  pueblo 
of  San  Francisco  de  los  Texas  to  follow  the  company,  there 
being  with  us  a  brother  of  the  governor,  a  nephew,  and  a 
cousin  of  his,  and  another  Indian  of  the  said  pueblo.  Having 
joined  the  company  we  advanced  to  the  Real  de  San  Bernar- 
dino, a  Uttle  over  half  a  league.  The  company  marched  this 
day  a  little  over  six  and  one-half  leagues.  6}^. 

Saturday,  the  3d,  we  continued  our  march,  crossing  the 
valley  of  San  Sebastian  and  that  of  Monclova.  We  reached 
the  Santisima  Trinidad  River  and,  as  it  was  so  swollen  that 
we  could  not  cross,  we  camped  near  the  river,*  having  marched 
this  day  six  and  one-half  leagues.  6^. 

Sunday,  the  4th;  Monday,  the  5th;  Tuesday,  the  6th; 
Wednesday,  the  7th;  Thursday,  the  8tli;  Friday,  the  9th; 
Saturday,  the  10th ;  this  day  a  raft  was  biult  and  the  crossing 
of  the  river  was  begun. 

Sunday,  the  11th,  the  crossing  of  the  river  was  completed, 
and  at  about  two  in  the  afternoon  the  company  set  out  through 
the  Valle  de  Galbe,  imtil  that  of  Santa  Elbira  waa  reach^, 
where  they  camped  by  some  pools  of  rain-water,  having 
marched  three  leagues.  3. 

Monday,  the  12th,  the  company  set  out  from  the  said  camp 
and,  passing  through  that  of  San  Diego  de  Alcala  about  two 
leagues,  camped  by  some  pools  of  rain-water,  having  marched 
nine  leagues.  9. 

Tuesday,  the  13th,  the  company  set  out  from  the  said  place 
and,  passing  through  El  Beato  Salvador  de  Horta,  we  reached 
the  Arroyo  de  San  Juan,  having  marched  this  day  eight 
leagues.  8. 

Wednesday,  the  14th,  the  company  set  out  from  the  said 
place  and,  crossing  the  Espiritu  Santo  River,  we  reached  a 
range  of  low  hills  where  there  was  an  arroyo  with  water,  by 

^  C  says  Salinas  Varona,  Martinez  and  four  soldiers.  It  omits  to  mentioa 
the  four  Indians  who  accompanied  them. 

*  C  states  that  they  camped  in  the  Valle  de  Monclova.  It  gives  the  dis- 
tance for  the  second  as  sax  leagues  and  for  the  third  as  seven  leagues. 


1090]  ITINERARY  OF  DE  LE6N,  1690  419 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

which  the  company  halted^  having  marched  this  day  eight 
leagues.  8. 

Thursday,  the  15th,  the  company  set  out  from  the  said 
place,  and  passing  by  the  Real  de  San  Francisco  de  Asis,  we 
reached  some  arroyos  of  water  whence  I  had  dispatched  the 
Indian  to  smnmon  the  governor  of  the  Texas,^  having  marched 
this  day  seven  leagues.  7. 

Friday f  the  16th,  the  company  set  out  from  the  said  place 
and,  passing  by  the  Real  de  San  Joseph,^  we  reached  an 
arroyo  with  water,  where  the  company  halted,  having  marched 
this  day  six  leagues.  6. 

Saturday,  the  17th,  the  company  set  out  from  the  said 
place,  and,  crossing  the  San  Marcos  River,  we  reached  an 
arroyo  with  water,  where  the  company  halted,  having  marched 
this  day  five  leagues.  It  was  given  the  name  of  Jesus,  Maria 
y  Joseph  de  Buena  Vista.'  5. 

Sunday,  the  18th,  the  company  continued  their  journey 
and  I,  General  Alonso  de  Leon,  with  sixteen  soldiers,*  set  out 
towards  the  northeast  in  search  of  two  French  boys  and  a 
French  girl,  of  whom  some  Indians,  who  were  camped  in  the 
said  place,*  gave  me  information.  We  travelled  over  some 
plains  for  about  four  leagues,  until  we  reached  a  small  wood, 
through  which  we  went,  and  afterward  marched  towards  the 
east  about  three  leagues  over  another  plain,  where  we  found  a 
small  wood  and  a  rancherfa^  of  the  Indiaiis.  We  continued 
from  there  over  some  very  large  plains^  where  there  were  a 
great  number  of  buffalo,  to  the  edge  of  a  small  river,  near  which 
was  a  large  clump  of  trees,  where  we  halted,  as  it  was  already 
very  dark,  having  marched  this  day  seventeen  leagues.    17. 

Monday,  the  19th,  we  continued  our  joiuney  along  the 
banks  of  said  stream,  which  has  timber  on  both  sides  and, 

^  C  omits  the  item  regarding  the  sending  for  the  governor  of  the  Texas. 

*  C  calls  it  Real  de  San  Joseph  y  San  Ildefonso. 

*  It  was  given  the  name  on  the  way  northeast. 

*  C  says  Salinas  Varona  and  sixteen  soldiers. 

*C  adds  "In  this  camp  there  were  many  nations  of  Indians,  such  as  the 
Canton&y  the  Thoag6,  the  Chan&,  and  the  Cabas." 

*  C  says  they  were  called  the  Tho  6. 

'  C  adds  that  they  were  going  southeast,  and  gives  the  distance  for  the  day 
as  sixteen  leagues. 


420        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [1690 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

having  crossed  it  and  marched  about  two  leagues,  we  found  a 
rancheria  of  Indians,^  to  whom  I  gave  presents  and  who  re- 
mained friendly  towMtis  us.  From  there  we  continued  towards 
the  south  over  some  plains,  and  after  going  about  one  league 
we  foimd  another  rancheria^  of  Indians  to  whom  I  also  gave 
presents.  From  there  we  continued  over  the  said  plains  in 
the  same  direction  for  about  four  leagues  until  we  entered  a 
small  wood.  We  went  through  this  and  continued  towards  the 
west  and,  crossing  a  large  arroyo  in  a  wood,  we  found  a  veiy 
large  nation  of  Indians,'  to  whom  I  gave  presents  and  who 
remained  friendly  towards  us,  and  gave  us  Indians  to  guide  us 
to  another  rancheria.  From  there  we  set  out  over  some 
plains  and,  as  it  was  now  night,  we  halted  on  the  bank  of  an 
arroyo,  having  travelled  this  day  fifteen  leagues.  15. 

Tuesday,  the  20th,  we  continued  our  journey  towards  the 
east  where  we  foimd  a  rancheria  of  Indians,^  to  whom  I  gave 
presents  and  who  gave  us  four  Indians  to  guide  us  to  where 
the  French  children  were.  From  there  we  set  out  in  the  same 
direction  over  some  plains  which  were  covered  with  buffalo, 
to  cross  the  arroyo  of  the  French,  and  having  crossed  it,  we 
continued  to  the  old  settlement,  and  from  there  continued 
towards  the  south  imtil  we  reached  the  arroyo  which  the  In- 
dians call  ^'de  Las  Canoas,^'^  and  having  crossed  it  we  came 
to  another  small  arroyo  where  we  halted,  having  marched  this 
day  fourteen  leagues.  14. 

Wednesday,  the  21st,  we  set  out  towards  the  south*  and 
after  about  one  league  we  met  two  Indians  who  were  comiog, 
on  horseback,  from  the  nation  which  had  the  French  children.' 
They  took  us  to  their  rancheria  which  was  on  the  headland 
of  a  small  bay.  Here  were  Roberto  and  Magdalena  Talon. 
I  discussed  their  ransom,  and  having  given  them  presents  and 
paid  the  ransom  which  they  asked,  they  came  with  us  with  a 
thousand  impertinencies,  begging  of  us  all  the  horses,  and 

1  CaUed  the  C6  o4  (C).  » CaUed  the  Tho  6  (C). 

>  C  states  that  it  contained  more  than  three  thousand  pencHU  and  m 
called  the  Na  aman. 

« Called  Caisquetebana  (C).  •  See  Itinerary  of  1689. 

*  C  says  southeast. 

7  Called  Cascossi,  often  written  Caocosi  (C). 


16901  ITINERARY  OF  DE  LE6N,  1690  421 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

even  the  clothing  which  we  wore  upon  our  backs.  Meanwhile 
they  went  to  get  the  other  French  boy,  who  was  two  leagues 
from  there  in  the  same  nation.  Having  brought  him,  they 
proceeded  further  with  their  impertinence,  carrying  bows  and 
arrows,  a  large  number  of  the  Indians  coming  with  shields, 
begging  exorbitant  things,  and  saying  that  if  we  did  not  give 
them  to  them  they  would  have  to  shoot  and  kill  us  all.  l^eir 
saying  this  and  beginning  to  shoot  were  simultaneous,  where- 
upon we  attacked  them,  and,  having  killed  four  and  wounded 
others/  they  retreated,  having  wounded  two  of  our  horses. 
We  departed  in  an  orderly  manner  to  camp  for  the  night  at 
a  distance  of  about  four  leagues,  where  we  had  slept  the  night 
before,  having  travelled  this  day  twelve  leagues.*  12. 

Thursday f  the  22d,  at  dawn  we  set  out  in  the  same 
northerly  direction  over  some  very  large  plains  to  the  bank 
of  the  Guadalupe  River,  and  about  ten  o'clock  at  night  we 
halted  near  a  small  wood,  having  inarched  this  day  fourteen 
leagues.  14. 

Friday,  the  23d,  we  set  out  towards  the  north  for  about  two 
leagues,  where  we  foimd  the  track  of  the  company  which  had 
gone  by,  and  after  about  three  leagues  we  came  up  with  them 
at  the  ford  of  the  Guadalupe  River,  where  we  halted,  having 
inarched  five  leagues.  5. 

Saturday,  the  24th,  St.  John's  day,  the  company  set  out 
from  the  said  place,  and,  crossing  the  Guadalupe  River,  we 
continued  our  inarch  to  an  arroyo  which  is  before  the  Real 
de  Agua  Salada,  where  we  camped,  having  marched  this  day 
seven  leagues.  7. 

Sunday,  the  25th,  the  company  set  out  from  the  said  place, 
and  passing  by  the  Real  de  la  Sdada,  we  reached  the  Arroyo 
del  Leon,  where  the  company  halted,  having  inarched  this  day 
seven  leagues.  7. 

Monday,  the  26th,  the  company  set  out  from  the  said 
place,  and  we  reached  the  Medina  River,*  where  the  company 
halted,  having  marched  this  day  five  leagues.  5. 

Tuesday,  the  27th,  the  company  set  out  from  the  said 

^  C  says  four  were  killed  and  two  wounded. 

'  C  says  twelve  leagues  north. 

*  C  says  they  crossed  the  Medina  and  gives  the  distance  as  six  leagues. 


422        TEXAS:  DE  LE6N-MASSANET  EXPEDITIONS      [1600 

DATE.  LEAGUES. 

place,  and  arrived  at  an  arroyo  with  water,  where  the  company 
halted,  having  marched  this  day  eight  leagues.^  8. 

Wednesday,  the  28th,  the  company  set  out  from  the  said 
place,  and,  the  guide  having  lost  the  way,  we  camped  at  an 
arroyo  with  water  above  the  ford  of  the  Robalos  River,  having 
marched  this  day  five  leagues.*  5. 

Thursday,  the  29th,  the  company  set  out  from  said  place, 
and  passing  the  Real  del  Aire,  we  reached  some  pools  of  water, 
where  the  company  camped,  having  marched  five  leagues.'  5. 

Friday,  the  30th,  the  company  set  out  from  the  said  place, 
and  crossing  the  Rio  Hondo  we  reached  Las  Cruzes,  about  three 
leagues  above  the  ford  of  the  Jondo  River,  having  marched 
this  day  eight  leagues.  8. 

Saturday,  July  1st,  the  company  set  out  from  the  said 
place,  and  we  arrived  at  the  Sarco^  River,  having  marched 
this  day  five  leagues.  5. 

Sunday,  the  2d,  the  company  set  out  from  the  said  place 
and,  crossing  the  Nueses  River,  we  reached  some  pools  of 
water,  where  the  company  camped,  having  marched  this  day 
eight  leagues.^  8. 

Monday,  the  3d,  the  company  set  out  from  the  said  place, 
and  crossing  the  Arroyo  de  Ramos,*  we  reached  some  poob 
of  water,  where  the  company  halted,  having  marched  this  day 
ten  leagues.  10. 

Tuesday,  the  4th,  the  company  set  out  from  the  said  place, 
and  we  arrived  at  ike  Rio  Grande  but,  as  it  was  very  much 
swollen,  it  could  not  be  crossed,  and  the  company  halted 
there,  having  marched  this  day  eight  leagues.  8. 

Wednesday,  the  5th;  Thursday,  the  6th;  Friday,  the  7th; 
Saturday,  the  8th;  Sunday,  the  9th;  Monday,  the  10th,  and 
Tuesday,  the  11th,  we  remained  in  camp  upon  the  bank  of  the 
said  Rio  Grande,  through  being  unable  to  cross,  as  it  was  still 

'  C  gives  the  distance  as  seven  leagues. 

'  C  says  nothing  about  the  guide  losing  his  way,  but  states  that  th^r  went 
west  four  leagues,  and  south  one  league  to  a  randierla  of  The  o6  Indians. 

'  C  states  that  on  thb  day  the  horse  herd  of  two  hundred  and  seven  head 
and  twenty-five  men  were  left  behind  to  come  more  slo^dy,  being  worn  out 

^  Called  Rio  Frio  in  C.  *  C  says  aevea  leagues. 

*  C  calls  it  Arroyo  de  Caramanchd,  and  gives  the  distance  as  d^t  leagues. 


1690]  ITINERARY  OP  DE  LE6N,  1690  423 

DATE.  LBAQUES. 

very  much  swollen.^  From  there  I  dispatched  a  courier  to 
his  Excellency  sending  him  a  Frenchman  named  Pedro  Muni, 
the  autos,  map,  and  this  itineraiy,  giving  an  accoimt  to  his 
Excellency  of  the  entire  expedition. — ^Alonso  db  Leon. 

^  C  states  that  on  the  afternoon  of  the  12th  De  Le6n  swam  his  horse  across, 
f<Aowed  by  Father  Massanet,  four  soldiers,  and  Pedro  Mone.  C  continues  the 
journey  to  Mondova.  On  the  13th  they  went  to  Los  Charcos  de  Agua  V^e, 
fourteen  leagues;  on  the  14th  to  the  Sabinas,  above  the  junction,  seventeen 
leagues;  and  on  the  15th  to  Mondova,  twdve  leagues. 


IV.   ARIZONA 

THE  JESUITS  IN  PIMERf  A  ALTA  (SOUTHERN 
ARIZONA  AND  NORTHERN  SONORA) 

1687-1710 


INTRODUCTION 

While  the  frontier  was  being  pushed  northeastward  into 
Texas^  it  was  at  the  same  time  being  extended  northwestward 
into  Arizona.  Little  was  accompUshed  before  the  end  of  the 
seventeenth  century  toward  colonizing  California^  but  steady 
advance  had  been  made  up  the  Pacific  slope  into  Sinaloa  and 
Sonora.  By  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  large 
herds  of  cattle  were  grazing  in  the  valleys  of  the  Mayo, 
Yaqui,  and  Sonora  Rivers.  Mining  outdistanced  stock- 
raising,  and  in  advance  of  both  went  the  border  military 
posts. 

But  the  most  notable  factor  in  pushing  northward  the 
frontier  on  the  Pacific  slope  was  the  work  of  the  Jesuit  mission- 
aries. Beginning  their  labors  there  about  1590,  by  1600  five 
Jesuit  missionaries  had  founded  eight  substantial  churches 
near  the  Sinaloa  River.  Ten  years  later  Fuerte  de  Montes- 
claros  was  built  on  the  Rio  del  Fuerte,  and  in  the  same  year 
a  notable  treaty  was  made  with  the  Yaquis.  Thus  encour- 
aged, the  Jesuits  advanced  to  the  Mayo  River  in  1613,  when 
th^  built  what  is  regarded  as  the  first  mission  in  modem 
Sonora.  According  to  Father  P^rez  de  Ribas,  in  1644  there 
were  thirty-five  missions  in  Sinaloa  and  Sonora,  each  serving 
from  one  to  four  Indian  pueblos,  and  the  records  showed  a 
total  of  over  300,000  baptisms  to  that  date.  By  the  end  of 
the  third  quarter  of  the  century  missions,  followed  or  preceded 
by  mining  camps  and  ranches,  had  ascended  the  valley  of  the 
Sonora  River,  on  the  eastern  and  western  branches  respectively, 
as  far  as  Arispe  and  Cucurpe.  Meanwhile,  since  Vizcaino's 
time,  pearl  fishing  in  the  GuK  of  California  had  been  inter- 

427 


428         ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PTMRRTA  ALTA 

mittently  carried  on^  and  several  unsuccessful  attempts  had 
been  made  to  colonize  the  Peninsula.^ 

The  next  forward  step  on  the  mainland  was  taken  wh^ 
Father  Eusebio  Kino  and  his  companions  entered  Pimerfa 
Alta,  in  1687.  Pimerfa  Alta,  the  home  of  the  Upper  Pimas, 
extended  from  the  valley  of  the  Altar  River  to  that  of  the  Gila, 
and  thus  included  that  part  of  Arizona  which  was  later  con- 
tained in  the  Gadsden  Purchase.  The  r^on  had  been  entered 
by  Friar  Marcos  de  Niza,  in  1539.  It  had  been  crossed  on  its 
eastern  and  western  edges  by  different  divisions  of  the  Coto- 
nado  party,  and  in  1604  Onate  had  descended  Bill  WHliams 
Fork  and  the  Colorado.  Between  that  time  and  the  Pueblo 
Revolt  of  1680  the  colonists  of  New  Mexico  opened  a  trade 
with  the  Pimas  of  the  San  Pedro  River  valley.  But  no  record 
has  come  to  us  of  Spaniards  having  entered  what  is  now  Arizona 
from  the  south,  after  1542,  until  the  advent  there  of  Father 
Kino,  and  when  he  arrived  in  northern  Sonora  in  1687  all  the 
region  beyond  the  Altar  River  valley  was  practically  imknown. 

Father  Kino  (Kuhn)  was  bom  in  Trent,  on  the  border  be- 
tween Germany  and  Italy,  in  1644.  He  was  educated  in  the 
imiversities  of  Freiburg  and  Ingolstadt,  where  he  distin- 
guished himself  in  mathematics.  At  the  age  of  twenty-five 
he  decided,  during  a  severe  illness,  to  become  a  missionary  to 
heathen  lands.  He  hoped  to  go  to  the  Far  East,  to  follow  in 
the  footsteps  of  Saint  Francis  Xavier,  but  instead  he  was  sent 
to  Mexico,  where  he  arrived  in  1681.  There  he  at  once  came 
into  prominence  by  entering  into  a  controversy  with  the 
learned  Jesuit  Sigiienza  y  G6ngora,  concerning  the  comet  of 
that  year.  Two  years  later,  in  the  capacity  of  royal  cosmog- 
rapher  and  superior  of  the  missionaries,  he  joined  the  expedi- 

1  Bancroft,  NoHh  Mexican  States  and  Texas,  I.  235-236 ;  P^res  de  Ribas, 
Historia  de  las  Triumphos  de  Nuestra  Fi  entre  Oentes  las  mas  Bdrbaras  y  Fieras  dd 
Nuevo  Orhe  (Madrid,  1645) ;  Venegas  (Burriel),  Noticia  de  la  California  (Madrid, 
1757) ;  Alegre,  Historia  de  la  Compafiia  de  Jesus  (Mexico,  1841) ;  Qrt^a,  AfOh 
tdlicos  Afanes  de  la  Compafiia  de  Jesus  (Barcelona,  1757). 


INTRODUCTION  429 

tion  sent  under  Atondo  y  Atill6n  to  attempt  anew  the  con- 
quest and  conversion  of  California.  This  enterprise  failing, 
he  returned  to  Mexico  and  secured  permission  to  work  on  the 
mainland  opposite  the  Peninsula,  which  he  had  visited  while 
in  California.  His  request  was  that  he  might  work  among  the 
Guaymas  and  Seris,  but  he  was  sent  to  Pimerfa  Alta  instead. 

Arriving  at  his  destination  in  1687,  he  at  once  established 
the  mission  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores,  in  the  valley  of 
the  San  Miguel  Biver,  something  over  a  hundred  miles  south 
of  Tucson.  This  mission  was  his  headquarters  for  twenty- 
four  years  of  exploration,  missionary  work,  and  writing. 
Operating  from  this  base,  he  established  a  niunber  of  mis- 
sions south  of  the  present  United  States  in  the  valleys  of  the 
Magdalena  and  the  Altar ;  crossed  the  line  into  Arizona  and 
founded  the  missions  of  San  Xavier  del  Bac,  Guevavi,  and 
Tumacdcori;  several  times  explored  the  Gila  River;  and  in  an 
attempt  to  answer  the  old  question  whether  Califomia  was 
an  island  or  a  peninsula,  twice  descended  the  Colorado  below 
the  mouth  of  the  Gila,  once  crossing  into  Califomia  and  once 
reaching  the  Gulf.  This  inquiry  was  one  of  the  chief  interests 
of  the  last  eleven  years  of  his  life,  and,  as  a  result  of  his  explora- 
tions, he  answered  it  to  his  own  satisfaction  in  a  treatise,  as 
yet  unpublished,  I  believe,  which  he  called  "  Cosmographical 
Demonstration  that  Califomia  is  not  an  Island  but  a  Penin- 
sula, and  that  it  is  continuous  with  this  New  Spain,  the  Gulf 
of  Califomia  ending  in  latitude  thirty-five  degrees/'^ 

In  his  day  Father  Kino  was  the  principal  personage  in  his 
field.    It  was  he  who  created  Pimerfa  Alta  as  a  Spanish  prov- 

>  These  paragraphs  follow  closely  Bolton,  "Father  Kino's  Lost  History,  its 
Discovery,  and  its  Value,"  in  Papers  of  the  Bibliographical  Society  of  America, 
VI.  10-13.  See  references  dted  therein  and  also  Sommervogel,  Bibliathique  de  la 
Compagnie  de  JSeua,  premiere  partie,  IV.  1044;  Kino,  "Favores  Celestiales'' 
(MS.),  passim ;  Bancroft,  NoHh  Mexican  States,  I.  186-187,  250-251 ;  Alegre, 
Hist,  de  la  CompaHia  de  Jesus,  III.  42 ;  Berist&in,  Biblioteca  Hispano-Americana 
Septentrional;  Clavigero,  Historia  de  la  AnJtigua  6  Baja  Califomia  (Mexico, 
1852} ;  Ortega,  Apost6licas  Afanes,  p.  284. 


430         ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PIMERIA  ALTA 

ince  and  inspired  the  occupation  of  Lower  California.  Had 
life  and  strength  been  spared  him  to  push  with  his  wonted 
zeal  and  skill  his  projects  for  conversion  and  conquest  in  Alta 
California;  six  decades  would  not  have  elapsed^  perhaps,  be- 
fore his  dreams  were  realized,  and  then  by  the  Franciscans, 
after  his  own  order  had  been  expelled  from  Spanish  America. 
He  not  only  created  Pimerf  a  Alta,  but  he  first  made  known  its 
geography.  His  map  is  the  earliest  extant  showing  the  Gila, 
the  Colorado,  and  southern  Arizona,  on  the  basis  of  actual 
exploration.  His  letters,  diaries,  and  map,  and  his  recently 
rediscovered  History  are  indispensable  sources  for  knowledge 
of  the  development  of  geographical  ideas  concerning  Calif omia 
and  for  the  early  history  of  the  r^on  south  of  the  Gila  on 
both  sides  of  the  Gulf.^ 

Hitherto  our  knowledge  of  the  work  of  Kino  and  his  com- 
panions has  come  mainly  from  China's  Apostdlicos  Afanes 
de  la  Compania  de  Jesus  (Barcelona,  1754;  Mexico,  1887); 
Venegas  (Burriel),  Noticia  de  la  California  (Madrid,  1757); 
Alegre,  Historia  de  la  Compafiia  de  Jesus  (Mexico,  1841); 
Manje,  Ldz  de  Tierra  Incdgnita,  libro  11.  (printed  in  Doc.  HisL 
Mex.,  cuarta  s4rie,  tomo  I.,  Mexico,  1856),  and  some  of  Eino'a 
own  writings.  Of  these  the  foUowing  is  a  list  of  those  which 
have  been  known  and  available  to  modem  scholars,  eliminat- 
ing all  duplications,  all  titles  of  doubtful  authenticity,  and  all 
unpublished  manuscripts  whose  whereabouts  have  not  been 
ascertained : 

1.  Exposicion  Astronomica  de  eZ  Cometa  (Mexico,  1681). 

2.  "Tercera  Entrada  en  21  de  Diciembre  de  1683"  (printed 
in  DocumerUos  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico,  cuarta  s6r.,  I.  405- 
468 ;  original  manuscript  in  the  archives  of  Mexico). 

3.  A  letter  of  May  13,  1687,  ''an  einen  unbenanntoi 

^  For  a  fuller  statement  conoeming  Ejno  bibliogrAphy»  see  Bolton,  as  abofe» 
and  references  cited  therein.  The  following  statement  is  takm  mainty  from  thit 
paper. 


INTRODUCTION  431 

Priester"  (quoted  in  "Brief  Patris  Adami  Gilg,"  in  Stocklein, 
Neue  Welt  Bott,  1726). 

4.  "Relacion  del  estado  de  la  Pimeria  que  remitte  el  P 
Visitador  Horacio  Polici :  y  es  copia  de  Carta  que  le  escribe 
d  Capitan  EP  Christoval  Martin  Bemal/'  December  3  and  4, 
1697  (printed  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  tercera  q6t.,  IV.  797-809; 
original  manuscript  in  the  archives  of  Mexico). 

5.  "  Colocasion  de  nuestra  S^  de  los  Remedios  en  su  nueva 
capilla  De  su  nuevo  pueblo  de  las  Nuevas  Conversiones  de 
la  Pimeria  En  15  de  Setiembre  de  98  a'/'  Nuestra  Senora  de 
los  Dolores,  September  16,  1698  (printed  under  a  wrong  title 
in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  tercera  s6r.,  IV.  814r-816 ;  the  title  given 
above  is  that  of  the  original  manuscript  in  the  archives  of 
Mexico). 

6.  "Carta  Del  padre  Eusebio  Kino,  al  padre  visitador 
Horacio  Polici,  acerca  de  una  entrada  al  Noroeste  y  mar  de 
la  California,  en  Compania  del  Capitan  Diego  Carrasco,  actual 
teniente  de  esta  dilatada  Pimeria,  que  f ue  de  ida  y  vuelta  mas 
de  trescientas  leguas,  a  22  de  setiembre  de  1698,''  signed  at 
Nuestra  Se&ora  de  los  Dolores,  October  18,  1698  (printed  in 
Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  tercera  s6r.,  IV.  817-819.  The  above  title  is 
that  of  the  original  manuscript  in  the  archives  of  Mexico). 

7.  "Relacion  Diaria  de  la  entrada  al  nortueste  que  fue  de 
Yda  y  Buelta  mas  de  300  leguas  desde  21  de  setiembre  hasta 
18  de  otubre  de  1698.  Descubrimiento  del  desemboque  del 
rio  grande  hala  Mar  de  la  California  y  del  Puerto  de  S^  Clara. 
Reduction  de  mas  de  4000  almas  de  las  Costas  Bautismos  de 
mas  de  400  Parbulos  1698.  Con  Ensenanzas  y  Experienzias." 
(Unprinted.  The  above  title  is  from  the  original  in  the  archives 
of  Mexico.  Known  hitherto  only  in  the  form  of  a  manu- 
script copy  at  the  end  of  libro  I.  of  L&z  de  Tierra  Incdgnita  in 
the  Biblioteca  Nacional). 

8.  "Breve  relacion  de  la  insigne  victoria  que  los  Pimas 
Sobaipuris  en  30  de  Marzo  del  Ano  de  1698  han  conseguido 


432         ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PIMEBIA  ALTA 

contra  los  enemigos  de  la  Provincia  de  Sonora,"  May  3, 1698, 
postdated  October  25  (printed  in  Doc.  Hist  Mex.,  tercera  sdr., 
IV.  810-813.  The  above  title  is  from  the  original  manuscript 
in  the  archives  of  Mexico). 

9.  Paso  por  tierra  a  la  Califomia  y  sua  Confinantes  NuAq» 
Nadones,  etc.,  1701.  (This  is  Kino's  famous  map  of  Pimerfa 
Alta,  which  has  been  printed  in  many  editions.) 

10.  Une  lettre.  (So  cited  by  Sommervogel,  as  printed  in 
Scherer's  Geoffraphia  Hierarchica,  Mimich,  1702.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  the  extract  is  not  a  single  letter,  ''but  a  gathering  of 
several  letters"  of  Kino.) 

11.  "Favores  Celestiales  de  Jesus  y  de  Marfa  SS°*  y  del 
Gloriosissimo  Apostol  de  las  Yndias,''  etc.  (manuscript  in  the 
Archivo  General  y  Publico,  Mexico,  Secci6n  de  Misiones,  voL 
27).  This  manuscript  is  a  history  by  Father  Kino  of  his  en- 
tire work  and  that  of  his  companions  in  Pimerfa  Alta  between 
1687  and  1710,  with  considerable  attention  to  Califomia 
affairs.  It  was  used  by  the  early  Jesuit  historians,  especially 
Ortega,  and  is  the  principal  source  of  all  they  wrote  about 
Kino  and  his  companions.  It  has  been  unknown  to  modem 
scholars  until  recently  discovered  by  the  present  writer,  and 
its  existence  actually  denied.  Part  V.  of  this  work  is  an 
''Ynforme  y  Relasion  de  los  nuevos  Ck)mversione8  de  esta 
America  Septentrional"  (printed  below),  written  in  1710.  It 
is  a  general  summary  of  all  of  Kino's  work,  with  a  statement 
of  possibilities  for  future  development.  The  entire  work  has 
been  translated  and  edited  for  publication  by  the  present 
writer,  and,  it  is  hoped,  will  soon  appear  in  print. 


REPORT  AND  RELATION  OF  THE  NEW  CON- 
VERSIONS, BY  EUSEBIO  FRANCISCO  KINO, 
1710 

Dedication^ 

To  his  royal  Majesty,  Philip  7.,  God  preserve  himfor  many 

years : 

Your  royal  Majesty  has  ordered  in  your  very  Catholic 
cidida  of  July  17,  1701,  which  my  Father  Provincial  of  this 
New  Spain  as  well  as  the  Father  Visitor  of  these  missions  of 
Sonora  had  sent  me  in  printed  form  (in  it  being  printed  my 
name,  though  I  do  not  deserve  it,  and  the  name  of  Father 
Juan  Marfa  de  Salvatierra),  that  report  be  made  to  your  royal 
Majesty  of  the  location  and  state  of  the  heathen  of  this 
province  of  Sonora ;  therefore,  with  this  report  unknown  North 
America  places  itself  at  the  sacred  feet  of  your  royal  Majesty, 
for  by  means  of  the  more  than  two  hundred  leagues  of  new 
conquests  and  new  conversions,  which  have  a  compass  or 
drciunference  of  more  than  six  hundred  leagues  and  contain 
very  fertfle  lands  and  new  nations  already  very  friendly,  dis- 
covered  in  these  last  twenty-three  years  by  the  fathers  of  the 
Company  of  Jesus  in  more  than  fifty  expeditions  or  missions 
which  on  different  occasions  they  have  made  to  the  north, 
northeast,  northwest,  and  west,  some  of  which  have  been  of 
fifty,  seventy,  ninety,  one  hundred,  one  hundred  and  fifty,  two 
himdred  and  more  leagues,  there  now  remain  very  well  reduced 
all  these  many  nations.  And  they  ask  for  fathers  and  holy 
baptism,  and  it  would  seem  that  they  know  very  well  what  our 
Holy  Mother,  the  Church,  says  to  them  on  the  first  feast  day 
in  May,  day  of  San  FeUpe  and  Santiago,*  namely,  that  the 
Gentiles,  desiring  to  see  the  Saviour  of  the  world,  came  to 
PhiUp  (Gentiles  Salvatorem  videre  cupientes  ad  Philippum  acr 
cesserunt).    And  if  in  those  times  there  was  an  apostolic  Philip 

^  "Favores  Celestiales  de  Jesus  y  de  Marfa  SS°^  y  del  Gloriosissimo  Apostol 
de  las  Yndias,"  parte  V.  (Archivo  General  y  Publico,  Mexico,  Misiones,  vol.  27). 
'  St.  Philip  and  St.  James. 

433 


434         ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PIMERIA  ALTA      11710 

to  whom  the  Gentiles  drew  near,  it  is  very  notorious  that  to- 
day also  we  have  (and  we  of  this  unknown  North  America 
know  it)  our  very  grand  and  Catholic  monarch  Philip  to  whom 
these  innumerable  Gentiles  come. 

May  the  sovereign  Lord  of  the  heavens  preserve  the  life 
of  your  royal  Majesty  many  happy  years.  Mission  of  Nuestra 
Senora  de  los  Dolores,  February  2,  1710. 

The  sacred  feet  of  your  royal  Majesty  are  kissed  by  your 
humble  chaplain, 

EusEBio  Francisco  Kino. 

Report  and  relation  of  the  new  conversions  of  this  North  America^ 
which  comprise  more  than  two  hundred  leagues  of  fertile 
country,  and  extend  to  the  recently  discovered  land  rovU?  to 
Calif  omia,  which  is  not  an  island  hut  a  peninsula,  and  is 
very  popiiUms,  and  to  the  very  large  Rio  Colorado,  which  is 
the  true  Rio  del  Norte  of  the  ancients;  uriih  new  maps  of 
these  nalions  and  of  this  North  America,  which  hitherto  has 
been  regarded  cw  unknown.  Likewise,  of  the  very  great  adr 
vantage  to  both  Majesties  which  even  at  small  cost  to  the  royd 
treasury  can  be  secured  by  sending  father  laborers  in  the  royd 
service  to  these  new  conversions,  in  which,  in  the  opinion  of 
prudent  persons,  can  be  formed  a  new  kingdom,  which  can 
be  called  Kingdom  of  New  Navarre. 

By  Father  Eusevio  Francisco  Kino,  of  the  Company  of  Jesus, 
missionary  for  more  than  twenty-five  years  in  the  missions  of 
California  and  these  new  missions  and  conversions  of  this 
province  of  Sonora. 

Book  I. 

Of  the  Motives  for  writing  this  Report  and  Relation.^ 

For  days  and  years  many  persons  have  asked  of  me  maps, 
reports,  and  accounts  of  these  new  conversions,  and  althouj^ 
on  various  occasions  I  have  given  reports,  at  present  they  are 

^  That  is,  this  part  of  North  America. 

*  He  refers  to  his  own  explorations  between  1699  and  1706. 

'  In  the  manuscript  the  books  are  divided  into  chapters,  with  headings,  in 
some  cases  nearly  as  long  as  the  text  To  save  space  the  chxptsf  headings 
have  been  omitted.    Book  I.  is  divided  into  five  chapters. 


1710]  RELATION  OF  FATHER  KINO  435 

■ 

pressiiig  me  more  urgently;  some  of  them  alleging  first  the 
royal  ^rda  of  his  Majesty,  God  preserve  him,  of  July  17, 
1701,  which  orders  that  report  be  made  to  him  of  the  state  of 
California  (which  has  been  very  well  done  by  the  printed 
report  of  Father  Francisco  Kcolo),^  and  of  the  "state  and 
location  of  these  heathen  Indians  of  these  provinces  of  Sonora.'' 

In  different  letters  our  Father-General,  Thyrzo  Gon- 
zalez,^ with  other  superiors,  has  asked  of  me  reports  of  all 
edifying  incidents  that  might  happen,  and  of  the  celestial 
favoiTof  our  Lord  whichte  mi^t  e^erience  in  these  new 
conversions,  since  they  are  always  a  source  of  comfort  to  our 
people,  in  Europe  especially,  and  of  edification  to  those  in 
foreign  lands. 

PVay  Manuel  de  la  Oyuela,'  of  the  Sacred  Order  of  the 
Seraphic  Father  San  Francisco,  having  a  little  more  than  a 
year  ago  come  from  his  holy  convent  of  Guadalaxara  to  these 
provinces  of  Sonora  and  to  these  new  conversions,  to  ask  alms, 
went  with  me  on  an  expedition  far  enough  to  plainly  sight  the 
land  route  to  California  from  the  very  high  hill  of  Santa  Clara,* 
which  is  north  of  the  head  of  the  Sea  of  California,  traversing 
in  going  and  returning  more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty 
leagues  of  these  fertile  lands,  among  Indians  so  friendly,  af- 
fable, and  industrious  that  his  Reverence  said  that  in  these 
new  conquests  and  extensive  new  conversions  a  new  kingdom 
could  and  should  be  founded.  To  this  I  replied  that  if  this 
should  come  to  pass  I  should  rejoice  if  it  were  called  New 
Navarre,  in  honor  of  the  blessed  land  of  the  most  glorious 
apostle  of  the  Indies,  San  Francisco  Xavier,  my  great  patron, 
as  other  kingdoms  are  named  New  Viscaia,  New  Galicia,  etc. 
Afterward,  while  on  the  way  to  Guadalaxara,  within  the  last 
few  months,  his  Reverence  wrote  me  that  if  I  did  not  make 
report  of  the  ripeness  of  so  great  a  harvest  of  souls  an  account 
of  them  would  be  required  of  me  in  the  tribunal  of  God. 

^  Missionary  in  California,  who  took  Kino's  place  there.  He  wrote  a  well- 
known  report  on  the  missions  of  Lower  California  in  1702,  published  in  Lettres 
BdifianU$. 

'  Father  Tirso  Gonzalez,  general  of  the  Jesuits  from  1687  to  1705. 

*  Father  Qyuela  accompanied  Kino  on  the  expedition  of  1706.  "Favores 
Celestiales,"  part  IV.,  bk.  IV. 

^  A  mountain  range  west  of  Son6ita  and  near  the  head  of  the  Gulf,  reached 
l>y  Kino  several  times. 


436        ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PIMERIA  ALTA      11710 

Two  months  ago  Father  Juan  de  Hurtassen;  rector  of  the 
College  of  Vera  Cruz,  wrote  me  the  following :  "  My  Father 
Eusevio  Francisco  Eino,  from  Spain  persons,  to  whom  I  can- 
not excuse  myself,  are  writing  me,  asking  an  exact  account  of 
the  provinces  which  your  Reverence  has  discovered,  to  what 
degrees  of  latitude  and  longitude  th^  extend,  the  disposition 
of  the  nations,  what  rivers  and  land  they  comprise,  especially 
those  which  slope  to  California  from  south  to  north,  and 
whether  Calif  omia  is  an  island  or  a  peninsula,  or  which  view 
is  more  probable ;  what  reports  there  are  of  the  kingdom  of 
La  Quivira,  in  what  latitude  it  is  found,  how  far  it  is  to  the 
land  of  Jesso  in  that  region,  whether  any  rivers  run  into  the 
Sea  of  the  North,  or  all  empty  into  the  Sea  of  California,  and, 
in  fine,  everything  touching  this  matter;  for  they  write  me 
that  upon  this  matter  there  is  now  much  controversy  in  Madrid, 
with  a  variety  of  opinions.  If  everything  can  be  shown  on  a 
map,  so  much  the  better.  I  have  no  doubt  your  Reverence 
will  take  this  trouble;  and,  as  I  conjecture,  perhaps  it  wiD 
contribute  to  the  glory  of  God."^  Some  three  weeks  ago  I 
received  a  very  courteous  and  long  letter  from  my  Father 
Provincial  of  this  New  Spain,  Juan  de  Estrada,  in  which  his 
Reverence,  among  other  things,  writes  me  the  following :  "  In 
regard  to  your  Reverence's  coming  to  Mexico  to  print  the 
map,  you  will  be  needed  in  that  Pimeria  and  new  Christendom 
and  catechumenical  heathendom.  We  see  that  they  print 
relations  and  maps  of  less  consequence  in  France ;  and  your 
Reverence  may  judge  whether  a  map  of  more  consequence  and 
novelty,  accompanied  by  some  brief  relation,  with  arguments 
and  documents  showing  that  the  Califomias  are  only  penin- 
sulas, will  move  more  the  eagerness  of  the  printers  of  France 
to  make  the  map  and  print  the  written  relation.  I  have  found 
out  that  the  Father  Rector,  Juan  de  Hurtassum,  asks  your 
Reverence  for  those  maps  that  they  may  be  printed  in  France, 
whence  they  are  asking  for  them  and  for  reports  of  new  con- 
versions and  lands,  to  put  it  all  into  print."  Thus  far  the 
letter  of  my  Father  Provincial  and  the  reasons  for  writing  this 
brief  report. 

^  This  letter  illustrates  the  lively  interest  taken  in  Kino's  ezploratioos. 


1710]  RELATION  OF  FATHER  KINO  437 

Book  II. 

Beginnings  and  Progress  of  the  New  Conquests  and  New  Conr- 
versions  of  the  Heathendoms  of  this  extensive  Pimerla  and 
of  the  other  neighboring  New  Nations} 

It  is  well  known  that  during  almost  two  whole  centuries 
the  royal  Catholic  crown  of  Spain  has  spent  more  than  two 
millions  and  a  half  for  new  conquests  and  new  conversions  and 
for  the  extension  of  the  Holy  Evangel,  and  for  the  eternal 
salvation  of  the  souls  of  the  Calif omias ;  but  it  appears  that, 
thanks  be  to  His  Divine  Majesty,  the  blessed  time  is  now 
coming  when  not  only  the  conquest  and  conversion  of  the 
Califomias  is  being  accomplished,  but  also  at  the  same  time 
that  of  these  other  neighboring  extensive  lands  and  nations 
of  this  North  America,  most  of  which  has  hitherto  been  un- 
known, and  when  the  Lord  is  adding  to  the  rather  poor  lands 
of  the  Califomias  the  necessary  succor  of  these  very  extensive 
and  rich  lands,  abundant  champaigns,  and  fertile  rivers  and 
valleys. 

TTie  immense  but  very  CathoUc  expenditures  above- 
mentioned,  which  the  sovereign  Lord  always  most  liberally 
repajrs,  have  been  those  of  the  various  navigations  and  ex- 
peditions following : 

Li  the  year  1533  Don  Fernando  Cortes,  eleven  years  after 
having  conquered  Mexico,  discovered  Califomia  and  entered 
into  the  port  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  la  Paz.* 

Li  1535  Don  Anttonio  Mendosa,  first  viceroy  of  this  New 
Spain,  sent  to  Califomia  General  Francisco  de  Alarcon  with 
twelve  other  high-decked  ships,  which,  however,  were  all  lost.' 

In  1597  Sebastian  Biscaino^  went  at  his  own  expense  to 
Califomia  with  five  religious  of  San  Francisco. 

In  1602  he  went  a  second  time  at  the  expense  of  Philip 
the  Third  with  three  religious  of  Nuestra  Senora  del  Carmen, 
the  Count  of  Monte  Rey  being  viceroy. 

In  1606  there  came  to  him  a  royal  otduLa  that  he  should  go 

^  Bode  II.  is  divided  into  nine  chapters. 

s  Jimenez,  sent  out  by  Cort^,  discovered  California  in  1533;  Cort^  at- 
tempted to  found  a  colony  on  the  Peninsula  in  1535. 

*  Alaicdn's  voyage  was  made  in  1540.  ^  Viicaino. 


438         ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PIMERIA  ALTA       [1710 

to  colonize  at  the  port  of  Monte  Rey,  which,  however,  his 
death  prevented. 

In  1615  Captain  Juan  Yturbi  went  with  one  ship. 

In  the  years  1632,  1633,  and  a  Uttle  later,  Captain  Fran- 
cisco de  Ortega  went  to  California  a  first,  second,  and  third 
time. 

About  the  year  1636  Captain  Carboneh  went. 

In  1642  Captain  Luis  Cestin  de  Canas  went,  taking  with 
him  Father  Jacinto  Cortes,  of  the  Company  of  Jesus. 

In  1643  and  1644  Philip  the  Fourth  sent  Admiral  Don 
Pedro  Porter  Casanate. 

In  1648  and  1649  he  went  a  second  time,  taking  with  him 
Father  Jasinto  Cortes  and  Father  Andres  Baes,  of  the  Com- 
pany of  Jesus. 

In  1664,  at  the  expense  of  his  royal  Majesty,  Philip  the 
Fourth,  Admiral  Bernardo  Bemal  de  Pinadero  went  the  first 
time,  and  in  1667  he  went  the  second  time,  with  borrowed 
money. 

In  1668  Captain  Francisco  Lusenilla  went  to  Califoniia 
with  two  reUgious  of  San  Francisco.  ^ 

In  the  years  1681, 1682,  1683,  1684,  and  1685,  at  a  cost  to 
the  royal  treasury  of  more  than  half  a  milKon,  by  order  of 
Don  Carlos  the  Second,  Admiral  Don  Ysidro  de  Atondo  y 
AntiUon,  having  built  three  ships,  captain's  ship,  admiral's 
ship,  and  tender,  in  the  Sinaloa  River,  went  with  the  necessary 
soldiers  and  mariners  to  California ;  at  the  same  time  we, 
three  missionary  fathers  of  the  Company  of  Jesus,  went  also, 
I  going  with  the  offices  of  rector  of  that  mission  and  cosm(^- 
rapher  of  his  Majesty.  In  pursuance  of  that  enterprise  we 
were  some  months  at  the  post  and  bay  of  Nuestra  Senora  de 
la  Paz  in  latitude  twenty-four  degrees,  and  more  than  a  year 
at  the  Real  de  San  Bruno,  in  latitude  twenty-six  d^rees, 
whence  we  went  to  the  opposite  coast  and  the  Sea  of  the  South, 
about  fifty  leagues'  journey.  We  left  about  four  himdred  souls 
reduced.  And  we  having  come  to  the  harbor  of  Matanchd, 
of  Nueva  Galicia,  to  supply  ourselves  with  some  things  which 

^  For  accounts  of  the  foregoing  voyages  see  Bancroft,  North  Mexican  StaUt 
and  Texas,  chs.  VII.,  VIII.,  and  authorities  thoe  dted;  Venegaa  (Buiriel), 
Naticia  de  la  California,  paesim. 

'  Empesa,  i.  e.,  empreea. 


17101  RELATION  OF  FATHER  KINO  439 

we  needed,  the  senor  viceroy,  Don  Thomas,  Marqu^  de  la 
Laguna,  sent  us  to  meet  and  warn  and  rescue  the  China  ship, 
since  at  the  same  time  the  Pichilingues  pirates  were  waiting  in 
the  port  of  La  Navidad  for  the  ship  to  rob  it.  Meeting  her 
within  two  days,  thanks  be  to  the  Lord,  and  putting  to  sea 
with  her,  so  that  she  should  neither  come  to  land  nor  be  seen 
by  the  enemies  who  were  in  the  port  of  La  Navidad,  we  all 
arrived  in  safety  at  the  port  of  Acapulco,  leaving  the  pirates 
mocked,  and  our  Lord  having  rescued  four  or  five  millions  for 
the  royal  crown  and  his  loyal  vassals  without  loss,  in  reward 
of  the  very  Catholic  expenditures  which  the  royal  monarchy 
makes  in  honor  of  His  Divine  Majesty  and  for  the  good  of 
countless  souls.  ^ 

We  have  also  seen  and  now  see  at  this  very  same  time,  and 
in  the  very  years  and  months  of  the  expenditures  for  this 
above-mentioned  enterprise  of  California,  how  God  our  Lord 
has  granted  the  discovery  of  the  very  rich  mines  of  the  camps 
which  they  call  Los  PYailes,  Los  Alamos,  and  Guadalupe. 
These  posts  are  opposite,  near  to,  and  on  the  same  parallels 
of  twenty-five  and  twenty-six  degrees  as  California,  which 
through  those  CathoUc  expenditures  was  intended  to  be  con- 
quered and  is  being  conquered  for  our  holy  CathoUc  faith. 
The  very  richly  laden  China  ship,  or  Philippine  galleon,  having 
unloaded,  most  of  us  went  with  the  admiral  from  the  port  of 
Acapulco  to  the  City  of  Mexico,  where,  within  a  few  days,  we 
having  conferred  in  regard  to  the  most  suitable  means  for  con- 
tinuing the  conquest  and  conversion  of  California,  an  appro- 
priation of  thirty  thousand  pesos^  was  assigned  to  us ;  but  the 
same  week,  when  eighty  thousand  pesos  had  just  come  from 
Zacatecas,  and  they  were  about  to  give  it  to  us  and  let  us  go, 
a  ship  came  from  Spain,  which,  with  a  most  pressing  order, 
asked  five  hundred  thousand  pesos,  even  though  it  should  be 
borrowed,  in  order  thereby  to  repay  at  once  the  damages  done 
to  a  very  richly  laden  French  eiiip  which  a  few  years  before 
had  gone  to  the  bottom  in  the  Bay  of  Cadiz.  Thereupon  the 
conquest  and  conversion  of  California  was  suspended. 

As  soon  as  I  knew  that  the  conversion  of  coveted  California 

^Kino's  own  account  of  his  experiences  in  California  is  contained  in  his 
Tercera  Entrada,  listed  on  p.  430.    That  document,  however,  is  a  fragment 
>  Dollars. 


440         ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PIMERIA  ALTA      [1710 

was  suspended,  I  asked  and  obtained  from  my  superiors  and 
his  Excellency  permission  to  come  meanwhile  to  these  heathen 
coasts  nearest  to  and  most  in  sight  of  California,  to  the  Guai- 
mas  and  Serfs  ;^  and  I  having  arrfved  at  the  end  of  February, 
1687,  in  this  province  of  Sonora,  and  gone  to  Opossura  to  see 
the  Father  Visitor,  Manuel  Gonzales,  his  Reverence  came  with 
me  to  this  post  of  heathen  Pimas,  as  the  father  of  Cuciupe, 
near  by,  Joseph  de  Aguilar,  was  asking  of  him  a  father  for 
them.*  We  named  the  place  Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores. 
It  is  in  thirty-two  degrees  and  a  half  of  latitude.  We  entered 
March  12,'  1687,  accompanied  by  Father  Joseph  de  Aguilar 
and  his  servants ;  and  the  Father  Visitor  returning  the  follow- 
ing day  to  observe  Holy  Week  in  his  pueblos,  I  went  inland 
two  hours  after  his  departure  with  said  Father  Joseph  de 
Aguilar  and  some  guides,  going  ten  leagues  beyond  Nuestra 
Sefiora  de  los  Dolores,  toward  the  west,  to  the  good  post  and 
valley  which  we  named  de  San  Ygnacio,*  where  we  found 
even  more  people,  although  they  were  somewhat  scattered. 
We  returned  by  the  north  through  the  rancheria  of  Himeres,* 
which  we  named  San  Joseph,  and  through  that  of  Doagibubig,* 
which  we  named  Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Remedios,  which  ran- 
cherfas  immediately,  thanks  be  to  the  Lord,  we  began  reducing 
to  new  good  pueblos,  making  a  beginning  of  teaching  them 
the  Christian  doctrine  and  prayers,  by  means  of  a  good  in- 
terpreter and  a  good  native  helper,^  whom  I  procured  from  the 
old  Pima  mission  of  Los  Ures,®  and  of  the  building  of  the 
chiu-ches  and  houses,  of  crops,  etc. 

Afterward  I  made  other  missions,  or  expeditions,  to  the 
north  and  farther  to  the  west,  and  despatched  friendly  me»- 

^  He  left  Mexico  City  on  November  20,  1686. 

'  This  is  the  most  specific  explanation  of  the  change  of  Father  Edno's  plans 
which  I  have  seen. 

*  He  elsewhere  gives  the  date  as  the  13th.  D(^ores  was  situated  on  the  San 
Miguel  River,  a  few  miles  above  Cupurpe.  The  ruins  are  on  the  hacienda  of 
Dolores.    They  were  visited  by  the  editor  in  1911. 

^  It  stiU  bears  that  name.  It  is  over  the  mountains  from  Dolores,  cm  the 
Southern  Pacific  Railroad.  The  Indian  village  where  the  mission  was  founded 
was  called  Caborica. 

*  Imuris,  on  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  a  few  miles  north  of  San  Ignacia 

*  East  of  Imuris  and  north  of  Dolores.  '  TenuutiaiL 
'  On  the  Sonora  River  east  of  Hermosillo. 


1710]  RELATION  OF  FATHER  KINO  441 

sages  inviting  all  the  heathen  of  these  environs  to  receive  our 
holy  Catholic  faith  for  their  eternal  salvation,  in  imitation 
of  these  Pimas,  their  relatives  and  countrymen.  Soon  many 
came  from  various  parts  to  see  me  for  this  purpose,  and  we 
arranged  for  the  beginning  of  other  new  missions  and  pueblos. 
There  came  to  see  and  to  visit  us,  with  great  comfort  on  our 
part  and  his,  Father  Manuel  Gonzales.  He  asked  and  obtained, 
through  the  senor  alcalde  mayor,  four  additional  alms  from  the 
royal  chest,  for  four  other  new  missions  for  this  extensive 
Pimerfa ;  and  four  other  missionary  fathers  came  to  it  at  the 
time  when  I  dedicated  this  my  first  and  capacious  church  of 
Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores.^ 

Father  Juan  Maria  de  Salvatierra  having  entered  in  the 
year  1691  as  visitor  of  these  missions  of  Sinaloa  and  Sonora, 
his  Reverence  came  in  December  from  Chinipas  to  visit  us ; 
and,  seeing  in  his  holy  visit  to  these  new  missions  such  fertile, 
abundant,  and  pleasant  lands,  valleys  and  rivers,  he  expressed 
the  opinion  that  they  were  the  richest  he  had  seen  in  all  the 
missions,  to  which  I  replied  that  it  appeared  to  me  also  that 
these  lands,  so  rich,  might  be  the  relief  and  support  of  the 
somewhat  sterile  and  poor  California,  where  we  left  so  many 
souls  scattered  and  lost  and  who  were  still  asking  us  for  holy 
baptism ;  and  we  planned  to  make  every  endeavor  to  effect 
the  return  with  all  possible  haste  to  continue  said  conquests 
and  conversions.*  His  Reverence,  with  his  holy  zeal,  imme- 
diately, even  before  setting  out  from  these  Puna  missions, 
made  a  very  good  report  to  his  royal  Majesty  and  his  royal 
ministers;  and,  although  in  the  beginning  there  were  diffi- 
culties and  delays,  in  the  year  1697  ^  said  Father  Juan  Maria 

^  Father  Luis  Pinilla  took  charge  of  San  Ignacio,  Santa  Marfa  Magdalena, 
and  San  Miguel  del  Tupo;  Father  Antonio  Arras  of  San  Pedro  del  Tubutama 
and  San  Antonio  de  Uquitoa;  Father  Pedro  de  Sandoval  of  San  Lorenzo  del 
Saric  and  San  Antonio  del  Tucubabia ;  and  Father  Juan  del  Castillo  of  Cocdspera, 
San  L6zaro,  and  Santa  Marfa.  Most  of  these  pueblos  were  farther  north  than 
Dolores.    "  Favores  Celestiales,"  pt.  L,  bk.  I.,  ch.  7. 

'  The  most  notable  event  of  Salvatierra's  visitation  was  his  journey  with 
Kino  over  the  divide  into  the  valley  of  the  Santa  Cruz  River.  This  was  the 
first  recorded  expedition  into  Arizona  from  the  south  since  the  time  of  Coronado. 
They  went  as  far  north  as  TumadLcori.  ''  Favores  Celestiales/'  pt  I.,  bk.  II., 
chs.  1-2. 

*  In  the  meantime  Kino  had  done  great  work  in  Pimerfa  Alta,  of  which  he 
says  little  in  this  report    In  1692  he  again  entered  Arizona,  going  to  the  impor- 


442         ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PIMERfA  ALTA      Uno 

de  Salvatierra,  availing  himself  of  the  ahns  which  he  had  se- 
cured among  faithful,  pious  persons,  obtained  a  license  from 
the  senor  viceroy,  Don  Sarmiento  de  Valladares  y  Montesuma, 
permitting  his  BLeverence  and  me  to  go  to  Califomia.  For 
this  purpose  his  Reverence  came  from  Mexico  to  the  missions 
of  SinaJoa  and  Hyaqui,  provided  with  all  that  was  necessary 
from  Mocorito  de  Sinaloa.  He  informed  me  of  his  arrival, 
and  of  having  accomplished  the  desired  purpose  that  we  two 
should  go  to  Califomia,  sending  me  the  very  pleasing  letter  of 
the  Father  Provincial,  Juan  de  Palacios,  in  regard  to  the  mat- 
ter. Thereupon  I  immediately  reported  to  the  Father  Visitor, 
Horacio  Polise,  and  set  out  to  go  to  Hyaqui  and  our  best  be- 
loved Califomia.  But,  although  I  was  going  most  gladly, 
they  detained  me  over  here  as  being  necessary,  as  the  Father 
Visitor,  Horacio  Polise,  and  the  senor  governor  of  arms  and 
alcalde  mayor  of  this  province  of  Sonora,  Don  Domingo 
Xironsa  Petriz  de  Cmzatt,^  wrote  me  by  messenger.  Father 
Francisco  Maria  Picolo  went  in  my  place  to  Califomia,  and 
afterwards  made  a  glorious  report^  of  the  good  state  of  Cali- 
fomia, which,  thanks  be  to  our  Lord,  goes  on  being  so  happily 
conquered  and  converted  that  other  better  pens  than  mine 
consider  and  will  consider  it  well  to  write  of  its  apostolic  mis- 
sions. 

Remaining,  as  I  did,  over  here,  with  the  sole  relief  and 

tant  village  of  Bac,  where  later  he  founded  the  mission  of  San  Xavier,  and  visiting 
the  San  Pedro  valley  C  Favores  Celestiales,"  pt  I.,  bk.  II.,  ch.  3).  In  the  same 
year  he  went  down  the  Altar  valley  to  the  coast  (ibid.,  ch.  5).  Next  year,  ac- 
companied by  Lieutenant  Juan  Matheo  Manje,  he  again  went  to  the  coast  and 
at  Caborca  began  the  building  of  a  boat  for  navigating  the  Gulf.  In  the  same 
year  his  church  at  Dolores  was  dedicated.  In  1694  he  made  two  or  three  jour- 
neys to  Caborca,  where  he  founded  a  mission  in  which  he  established  Father 
Saeta.  In  November,  1694,  he  went  north  and  discovered  the  Casa  Grande,  oo 
the  Gila  River,  of  which  he  left  an  interesting  description.  By  1695  the  mis- 
sions had  become  important  enough  to  be  formed  into  the  separate  rectorate  of 
Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores,  Father  Marcos  Antonio  Kapus  being  first  rector. 
In  that  year  the  Pimas  revolted  and  destroyed  the  missions  of  the  Ahar  valley, 
and  Kino  played  an  important  part  in  quieting  the  Indians.  As  soon  as  diia 
had  been  effected  he  went  (1695)  to  Mexico  City  to  get  funds  for  the  mainland 
and  to  urge  the  conversion  of  California.  Father  Salvatierra  went  at  the  same 
time,  for  the  same  purpose.  Kino  secured  a  promise  of  new  miasionaries,  and 
as  soon  as  he  returned  to  Dolores,  in  May,  1096,  he  made  new  joum^ 
northward  to  prepare  for  them. 

> Governor  of  New  Mexico  from  1683  to  1686.  *See  p.  435,  note  1. 


1710]  RELATION  OF  FATHER  KINO  443 

comfort  of  the  hope  that,  availing  myself  of  the  licenses  which 
Father  Juan  Maria  de  Salvatierra  had  just  brought  me  from 
Mexico  from  the  Father  Provincial  and  from  his  Excellency,  I 
also  was  able  from  here  to  find  and  open  a  way  to  the  same 
Califomia  and  to  its  reduction,  in  latitudes  thirty,  thirty-one, 
thirty-two,  thirty-three,  thirty-four,  thirty-five  or  more  de- 
grees. For  this  piupose  I  made  various  missions,  or  ex- 
peditions, to  the  west  and  to  the  coast  of  the  Sea  of  Califomia. 
I  undert;ook  the  building  of  a  Uttle  vessel,  in  sections,  part 
here  at  Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores  and  part  at  La  Con- 
cepsion  de  Nuestra  Senora  de  Caborca,  which  is  about  fifteen 
leagues  distant  from  the  Sea  of  Califomia,  and  from  whose 
coasts  flames  and  smokes  in  the  Califomias  can  be  seen. 
Afterwards,  however,  since  by  the  divine  grace,  through  dif- 
ferent expeditions  which  I  made,  to  the  northwest  in  particular, 
I  discovered  that  in  latitude  thirty-four  and  one-half  degrees 
the  Sea  of  Califomia  ended  completely,  I  suspended  the  build- 
ing of  the  vessel. 

In  general,  in  these  twenty-one  years,  up  to  the  present 
time,  I  have  made  from  the  first  pueblo  of  Nuestra  Senora 
de  los  Dolores  more  than  forty  expeditions  to  the  north,  west, 
northwest,  and  southwest,  of  fiifty,  eighty,  one  hundred,  two 
hundred,  and  more  leagues,  sometimes  accompanied  by  other 
fathers,  but  most  of  the  time  with  only  my  servants  and  with 
the  govemors,  captains,  and  caciques  of  different  rancherias 
or  incipient  pueblos  from  here  and  from  the  interior. 

To  the  north  and  northeast  I  have  travelled  ^  on  different 
occasions  more  than  one  hundred  and  thirty  leagues  to  Casa 

^  He  encontrado,  i,  e.,  entrado.  In  December,  1696,  and  several  times  in 
1697  Kino  went  to  the  valleys  of  the  Santa  Cruz  and  San  Pedro  and  began  the 
founding  of  stock  ranches  to  support  future  missions.  In  the  fall  of  1697  he  went 
with  Captain  Bemal  and  a  guard  of  soldiers  down  the  San  Pedro  to  the  Gila, 
returning  by  San  Xavier  del  Bac.  In  1698  he  went  again  to  the  Gila  and  returned 
by  way  of  Son6ita  and  Caborca.  In  1699  he  went  northward  by  way  of  Son6ita 
and  along  the  Gila  Range  to  the  lower  Gila,  which  he  ascended  to  Casa  Grande. 
In  the  fall  of  1699  a  visit  was  made  to  San  Xavier  del  Bac  and  Son6ita.  In 
April,  1700,  he  went  to  Bac  and  founded  there  the  mission  of  San  Xavier.  In 
the  fall  of  the  same  year  he  reached  the  Yuma  junction.  In  1701  he  made  an 
expedition  with  Salvatierra  to  the  Santa  Clara  Mountain  near  the  head  of  the 
Gulf.  In  the  fall  of  the  same  year  he  descended  the  Colorado  to  the  Quiquimas 
and  crossed  to  the  Califomia  side.  In  1702  he  again  descended  the  Colorado 
and  reached  the  Gulf. 


444         ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PIMERlA  ALTA       [1710 

Grande;  which  is  a  building  of  the  ancients  of  Montesuma, 
who  set  out  from  those  lands  when  they  went  to  found  the 
City  of  Mexico,  and  to  the  Rio  Grande,  or  Rio  de  Hila,*  which 
issues  from  the  confines  of  New  Mexico  through  the  Apacherfa, 
and  comes  to  these  our  Pimas  Sobaiporis,  and  afterwards 
flows  more  than  one  himdred  leagues  to  the  west  by  the  Co- 
comaricopas  and  Yumas,  imtil  it  unites  with  the  most  volu- 
minous Colorado  River,  which  is  the  true  Rio  dd  Norte  of 
the  ancients.  And  I  have  penetrated  to  the  borders  and  in 
plain  sight  of  the  Apacherfa,  which  intervenes  between  this 
extensive  Pimeria  and  the  province  of  Moqui  and  Zuni. 

To  the  westward  of  New  Mexico  with  different  fathers, 
Father  Agustln  de  Campo,  Father  Marcos  Antonio  Kappus, 
and  Father  Ger6nimo  Minutuli,  I  have  penetrated  the  seventy 
leagues  extending  to  the  Sea  of  California,  and  far  enough  to 
get  a  very  plain  view  of  more  than  twenty-five  leagues  of  con- 
tinuous land  of  California.  And  now  they  have  their  missions 
well  founded:  Father  Agustln  de  Campos  at  San  Ignacio, 
San  Joseph  de  Himires,  and  Santa  Maria  Madalena;  and 
Father  Ger6nimo  Minutuli  at  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  del 
Tubutama,  Santa  Tereza,  and  San  Antonio  dd  Uquitoa. 
Besides,  there  are  good  beginnings  of  baptisms,  building  of 
churches  and  houses,  cattle,  sheep  and  goats,  horses,  sowings 
and  harvests  of  wheat,  maize,  beans,  etc.,  in  the  new  pueblo 
of  Nuestro  Senora  de  la  Conzepzion  dd  Caborca,  at  San  An- 
tonio de  Busanic,  and  in  other  parts. 

To  the  northwest  I  have  travelled  more  than  two  hundred 
leagues,  to  the  head  of  the  Sea  of  California,  where  enters  the 
very  voluminous,  populous,  and  fertile  Colorado  River,  which 
is  the  true  Rio  del  Norte  of  the  ancients,  and  the  river  which 
Francis  Drake  and  his  followers  called  del  Coral,  as  he  calls 
the  other,  the  Hila  River,*  which  issues  through  the  borders 
of  this  Pimeria,  the  Tizon  River. 

It  is  true  that  on  its  banks  and  in  its  vicinity  it  has  many 
fire-brands,*  which  the  natives  in  cold  weatiier  cany  in 
their  hands,  warming  the  pit  of  the  stomach  to  relieve  their 
nakedness.  At  eight  or  nine  in  the  morning,  when  the  sun 
usually  warms  up  a  little,  they  throw  them  away,  of  which  I 
have  been  an  eye-witness.    But  Drake  is  very  mudi  in  error  in 

>Gila.  >Gfla.  •  Tiwnei. 


17101  RELATION  OF  FATHER  KINO  445 

his  fabulous  demarkatioO;  in  which  he  very  wrongly  depicts 
California  as  an  island;  saying  that  its  sea  extends  up  to  the 
Sea  of  the  North  and  the  much  talked  of  Strait  of  Anian,  for 
in  these  ten  years,  in  fourteen  expeditions  which  I  made  for 
this  purpose,  we  have  plainly  discovered  that  this  Sea  of 
California  extends  no  farther  than  to  thirty-four  degrees  and 
a  half  of  latitude,  where  there  is  plainly  a  passage  to  Cali- 
fornia. By  it  there  continually  come  to  us  many  of  those 
blue  shells^  which  are  produced  only  on  the  opposite  coast  of 
the  above-mentioned  California  and  South  Sea,  whereby  every 
year  the  ship  from  China  is  accustomed  to  come. 

On  one  of  these  joimieys  to  the  northwest  Father  Adamo 
tfilg  went  with  me  to  the  Huma*  nation,  by  order  of  the  Father 
Visitor  Horasio  Polise;*  and  Father  Juan  Maria  de  Salva- 
tierra,  who  since  has  been  most  deservedly  Father  Provincial 
of  this  Province  of  New  Spain,  went  to  San  Marcelo  del  Sonoy- 
dag,  and  far  enough  to  catch  a  sight  of  the  closing  of  these  their 
lands  at  the  head  of  the  Sea  of  California.^  Father  Manuel 
Gonzales  went  with  me  to  the  very  mouth  of  the  large  Colorado 
River ;  *  and  only  a  year  and  a  half  ago  Fray  Manud  de  la 
Oyuela,  of  the  Sacred  Order  of  San  Francisco,  went  with  me 
to  the  very  high  hill  of  Santa  Clara,  •  which  is  exactly  north^ 
of  the  head  of  the  Sea  of  California,  and  from  which  it  is  seen 
most  plainly  that  this  sea  ascends  no  higher  up,  and  that 
California  has  a  continental  connection  with  this  mainland  of 
New  Spain.  Of  the  truth  of  this  his  Reverence,  with  Ensign 
Juan  Mateo  Ramires  and  Commander  Juan  Duran,  gave  me 
a  sworn  certificate. 

From  two  other  journeys  which  I  made,  one  to  the  north 
and  the  other  to  the  west,  it  came  about  that  more  than 
twenty  governors  and  captains  of  this  extensive  Pimerla  came 

^  In  1699,  while  on  the  Gila  above  the  Yuma  junction,  Kino  was  given  a 
present  of  some  blue  shells,  which  became  the  inspiration  for  a  new  series  of 
explorations.  He  reasoned  that  if  these  shells  came  from  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
there  must  be  land  connection  with  California.  With  this  convicticHi,  he  made 
his  journeys  of  1701  and  1702. 

•Yuma. 

*  Father  Gilg  went  on  the  expedition  of  February  and  March,  1699. 

^  In  1701.    They  went  to  the  seacoast  west  of  Son6ita. 

» In  1702.  •  In  1706. 

'  It  b  considerably  south  of  east  from  the  very  head  of  the  Gulf. 


446         ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PIMERIA  ALTA      [1710 

from  fifty,  seventy,  ninety,  and  more  than  one  hundred  leagues' 
journey  to  this  pueblo  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores  to 
Bfik  of  me  fathers  and  holy  baptism  for  all  the  people  of  thdr 
rancherfas.  And,  I  having  suggested  to  them  that  those 
fathers  must  be  asked  from  the  Father  Visitor,  who  was 
about  one  hundred  leagues  from  here,  they  asked  me  to  give 
them  guides  to  go  with  them,  that  they  might  go  there  to  ask 
the  means  for  their  salvation ;  so  I  had  to  go  with  them  for 
that  purpose  as  far  as  Santa  Maria  de  Baseraca,^  ninety-six 
leagues  beyond,  to  see  the  Father  Visitor,  Horacio  Police, 
who,  particularly  since  then,  has  always  been  most  symr 
pathetic  toward  and  fond  of  these  new  conversions.  He  con- 
soled them  as  best  he  could,  receiving  them  with  all  affection, 
promising  them  that  he  would  do  his  very  best  to  secure  for 
them  the  necessary  missionary  fathers  desired,  and  they  asked 
them  from  Mexico  of  the  Father  Provincial,  Juan  de  Palacios. 
In  his  new  and  large  church  of  Santa  Maria  de  Baseraca  the 
Father  Visitor  catechised  and  baptized  one  of  the  captains, 
who  was  named  Marcos,  after  his  godfather,  the  governor  of 
Baseraca,  and  who  aided  us  generously,  particularly  in  all  the 
environs  of  his  incipient  pueblo  of  San  Ambrosio  del  Busanic. 
The  Father  Visitor,  Horacio  Polise,  in  thanksgiving  for  the 
comfort  which  he  felt  in  the  coming  of  so  many  new  people, 
although  it  was  in  October,  chanted  a  solemn  mass  to  the 
three  holy  kings,  who  were  the  first  to  see  and  recognize  and 
adore  the  Redeemer  of  the  world  ;*  for  some  of  them  came 
more  than  two  hundred  leagues,  and,  with  as  many  more 
which  they  had  to  travel  in  return  to  their  homes,  the  distance 
was  more  than  four  hundred.  His  Reverence  wrote  to  the 
seiior  governor  of  the  arms  of  this  province  that  he  also  ought 
to  try  to  inform  himself  of  the  good  state  of  this  Pima  nation, 
since  if  it  were  promoted  it  would  be  very  advantageous  for 
everything,  and  especially  to  restrain  the  enemies  of  this 
province  of  Sonora,  the  Hocomes  and  Apaches.  His  Lord- 
ship therefore  sent  twenty-two  soldiers  to  Quiburi,'  whither 
we  went  and  found  Captain  Coro,  who  with  his  people  was 
dancing  over  the  scalps  of  some  hostile  Hocomes  whom  he  had 
killed  a  Uttle  while  before.* 


^  This  was  in  1697.  <  PnrnUia 

*  In  1697  under  Captain  Bemal. 

^  Quiburi  was  in  the  San  Pedro  valley  near  the  present  Mexican  border. 


1710]  mhaxsis  of  jstezr  cno  ^«c 

On  tins  nrrtfinri  ^ntoL  I  td^x  s  T^.Tflranr  or  i:ia:7ifr.  v  «3if 


l-^lLil}** 


^K^n..,.*.,     .— ,»,«^    ^^--  — — '— -^      *— -     — «-     --^     *»T^«1-VW*     5" 


said  thai  in  laie  imFrJ^r  lirpre-  vers-  bicses 


jmnrinee  of  SrrvriL  sni  suae  I  'kz^w  ib^ 
fact,  aod  ^hasi  zkr  i^isse  P^zdis  b=i  ib»  H^ 

JaDOB 
fftfqdinfr 

them  with  me. 


4H.      ^1 


Thar  prJnfinaJ  cacixse  azd  ca3>iJk^  c&Zkd  A: 

ric],^  had  oome  viih  hs  iro  S3el^  tvo  t 

Sefion  de  los  Dokecs  u  be  ca«ec2iKd  az>i  hsMiaeiL  «ii  2if 


r  Iv>  ^^ 


ciaoo  Aavier,  azu  izie  oiasT  soc. 

We  entered  logeahsr  fraen  S&r.ia  Ai^a  oe  Q^iSx*  by  tJif 
vaUejr  and  liver  of  San  Joseph  de  Te^rcsAie.*  Cj^^osiin  Cvcv% 
abo  aooompanrins  is.  We  arrived  by  the  sftae  rrrer  «;  the 
▼ezy  pleaaaDt  Talky  of  the  Pimas  Soba^uiis^  ani  a:  i^  Ri> 
Grande  de  Hihu  the  above-^i£cii(»)ed  Captain  Fr:K»ci^\> 
Human  eommg  more  than  ihirry  kagues  to  zneefi  ani  r^^K>^ 
us,  with  his  two  sens,  one  of  whom  was  gOTeirxr  a=ii  ibe  ^MbfT 
alcalde  of  his  great  nncheria  of  San  FefnacKix  Ir.  r:)^  paarie 
did  we  find  the  least  trace  of  hoises  stolesi  f noisi  ibis  icwrrkv 
of  SoDora.  Erervwhere  ther  recerred  i25  wiih  crcissets  asii 
with  aiches  erected  on  the  roads,  and  with  varkxis  pfts^  a7>i 
with  their  manv  viands.  Bv  the  Hila  River  w^  d^sswcii^i 
more  than  fwty  leagues  farther  to  the  west,  to  the  Oasst  GrK;:>ie 
and  to  La  Encaman<Hi  dd  Tusconimo.'  wbei>^  w^  wvw  7^- 
ceived  with  much  joy  on  his  part  and  (m  oui^  w::b  mkr.y 
crosses  and  with  many  arehes  placed  on  the  ivms^  by  4be 
captain  of  that  great  rancheria,  idio  was  called  «^;2a;::  de  IV 
lasios,  for  we  had  given  him  this  name  of  the  aci^  Father 
Provincial  at  his  l^^itism,  he  being  one  of  tho^  wbi>  two 
months  before  had  gone  to  Santa  Maria  de  Baaeraa  to  s^e 
the  Father  Visitor  Horacio  Pohse. 

Afterwards  we  returned  by  the  extensive  valley  of  the 
other  Pimas  Sobaiporis  to  the  west,  namely,  San  Fmici^xi 
Xavier  dd  Baac  of  the  Rio  de  Santa  Maria*:  *  and  comiz^  by 

1  lYoiii  netf  the  GiU  River.  >IVS«iIVaKw 

•  Vnia^es on  the  GiU  netf  Casa  Gnntle.  ^HkSmmOw. 


448         ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PIMERIA  ALTA      [1710 

San  Caietano^  San  Gabriel  de  Guebavi,^  San  Luiz  de  Bacoancos, 
and  Santiago  de  Cocospera,  to  this  pueblo  of  Nuestra  Senora 
de  los  Dolores,  we  went  also  to  the  neighboring  pueblos  of 
Cucurpe  and  Toape,  where  was  found  Father  Melchor  Bar- 
tiromo. 

Hearing  that  we  had  found  those  more  than  seven  thousand 
Pima  Sobaiporis  so  friendly,  and  disposed  to  receive  our  holy 
Catholic  faith,  and  without  the  very  least  trace  of  hostilities, 
or  of  having  stolen  horses,  and  that  in  almost  all  places  they 
received  us  with  arches  and  with  crosses  placed  on  the  roads, 
and  with  their  many  provisions,  and  that  they  had  given  us 
more  than  seventy  little  ones  to  baptize,  and  that  we  had 
given  more  than  sixty  staffs  of  office  to  justices,  governors, 
captains,  alcaldes,  fiscales,  constables,'  etc.,  and  that  the 
principal  captain  of  these  natives,  Humaric,  had  come  more 
than  thirty  leagues  to  meet  and  receive  us,  said  Father 
Melchor  de  Bartiromo  chanted  another  solemn  mass  at  Toape 
to  Nuestra  Senora  de  la  Concepcion,  in  thanksgiving  for  so 
happy  a  result  and  for  the  great  ripeness  of  that  harvest  of 
so  many  souls. 

In  all  the  more  than  forty  journeys  or  missions  which  I 
made  into  the  interior,  through  the  teaching  of  the  Christian 
doctrine  and  the  love  and  fear  of  God,  in  order  that  the  poor 
natives  may  arrive  at  eternal  good  fortime  and  escape  from 
the  eternal  fires,  and  through  the  charitable,  paternal,  and 
good  treatment  which  according  to  our  holy  institute  we 
have  attempted  to  give  these  poor  Indians,  they  have  al- 
ways given  me  many  little  ones  to  baptize.  In  the  first 
journey  or  mission,  which,  coming  from  the  Rio  Grande, 
from  the  north  to  the  south,  I  made  to  these  coasts  of  the  Sea 
of  California,*  where  they  never  had  seen  any  white  face  or 
Spanish  person  in  the  eighty  leagues  of  coast  which  I  travelled, 
more  than  five  thousand  Indians  being  reduced,  they  gave  me 
four  hundred  and  thirty-five  infants  to  baptize  in  the  great 
rancheria  alone  which  we  named  San  Francisco.*    On  the  4th 

^  In  the  Santa  Cruz  valley,  a  few  miles  northeast  of  Nogales.  The  ruinfl 
of  the  mission  founded  by  Kino  were  still  visible  in  1911,  and  were  aem  by  the 
present  writer.  San  Cayetano  and  San  Luis  de  Baeoancos  were  both  in  the  Santa 
Cruz  valley,  with  Guebavi  between  them. 

's  TopUM.  'That  of  1698.  « San  Franciaoo  dd  Adid. 


17101  BELATION  OF  FATHER  KINO  449 

of  October,  after  mass,  they  gave  me  one  himdred  and  two 
little  ones  to  baptize ;  and  in  the  afternoon,  at  the  neighboring 
rancheria  which  followed  it,  and  which  we  named  San  Serafin, 
they  gave  me  sixty  others.  When  two  years  afterwards  the 
Father  Visitor,  Anttonio  Leal,^  in  his  holy  and  apostolic 
visit,  penetrated,  with  Father  Francisco  Gonzalvo  and  me, 
more  than  eighty  leagues  northward  and  went  as  far  as  San 
Francisco  Xavier  del  Baac  of  the  Sobaiporis,  and  as  far  as 
'  San  Augustfn,*  and  returned  by  the  westward,  he  arrived  at 
San  Serafin  and  San  Francisco,  solemnizing  several  baptisms 
in  different  places,  greatly  consoling  and  edifying  all  this  ex- 
tensive Pimerfa  and  its  neighboring  nations;  and  at  San 
Serafin  and  San  Francisco  the  Uttle  ones  whom  I  had  previ- 
ously baptized  received  his  Reverence  with  their  little  crosses 
in  their  hands,  a  great  number  of  which  were  afterwards 
collected,  some  being  given  to  the  Father  Visitor  and  others 
to  me.  Those  which  they  gave  me  I  took  to  Nuestra  Senora 
de  los  Dolores.  The  Father  Visitor,  with  his  paternal  holy 
zeal,  was  captivated  by,  and  looked  always  with  his  very 
warm  love  and  affection  upon  these  new  conversions  and  these 
holy  new  Pima  missions;  and  having  visited  this  one  of 
Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores,  that  of  San  Ygnacio,  and  that 
of  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  del  Tubutama,  he  aided  us  to  seciu-e 
some  fathers  for  the  rest.* 

With  all  these  expeditions  or  missions  which  have  been  made 
to  a  distance  of  two  hundred  leagues  in  these  new  heathen- 
doms in  these  twenty-one  years,  there  have  been  brought  to 
oiu*  friendship  and  to  the  desire  of  receiving  our  holy  Catholic 
faith,  between  Pimas,  Cocomaricopas,  Yumas,  Quiquimas,* 
etc.,  more  than  thirty  thousand  souls,  there  being  sixteen  thou- 

1  In  1699. 

*  San  Agustin  del  Qyaut,  north  of  where  Tucson  now  stands.  Across  the 
river  and  farther  south  was  San  Cosme  del  Tucson. 

*  They  came  in  1701.  Father  Juan  de  San  Martfn  took  charge  of  the  mis- 
sion of  Guebavi,  with  San  Cayetano  and  San  Luis  as  msiias ;  Father  Francisco 
Gonzalez  took  charge  of  San  Xavier  del  Bac;  Father  Ygnacio  de  Yturmende 
went  to  Tubutama,  and  Father  Gaspar  de  los  Barrilas  went  to  Caborca.  "  Favores 
Celestiales/'  pt.  II.,  bk.  II.,  ch.  13.  Bancroft  maintains  that  there  were  no  resi- 
dent mis^onaries  in  Arizona  in  Kino's  day,  but  this  shows  that  he  was  mistaken. 

^  The  three  tribes  last  named  were  all  Yuman,  living  on  the  lower  Colorado 
and  the  lower  Gila  rivers.    See  Hodge,  Handbook,  under  the  respective  names. 


450         ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PIMERIA  ALTA       [1710 

sand  of  Pimas  alone.  I  have  solemnized  more  than  four 
thousand  baptisms,  and  I  could  have  baptized  ten  or  twdve 
thousand  Indians  more  if  the  lack  of  father  laborers  had  not 
rendered  it  impossible  for  us  to  catechise  them  and  instruct 
them  in  advance.^  But  if  our  Lord  sends,  by  means  of  his 
royal  Majesty  and  of  the  superiors,  the  necessary  fathers  for 
so  great  and  so  ripe  a  harvest  of  souls,  it  will  not  be  diflicult, 
God  willing,  to  achieve  the  holy  baptism  of  all  these  souls 
and  of  very  many  others,  on  the  very  populous  Colorado 
River,  as  well  as  in  Califomia  Alta,  and  at  thirty-five  degrees 
latitude  and  thereabouts,  for  this  very  great  Colorado  River 
has  its  origin  at  fifty-two  degrees  latitude.* 

And  here  I  answer  the  question  asked  of  me  in  the  letter 
of  the  Father  Rector  Juan  Hurtasum,*  as  to  whether  some 
rivers  run  into  the  North  Sea  or  all  empty  into  the  Sea  of 
Califomia,  by  saying  that  as  this  Colorado  River,  which  is  the 
Rio  del  Norte  of  the  ancients,  carries  so  much  water,  it  must 
be  that  it  comes  from  a  high  and  remote  land,  as  is  the  case 
with  the  other  large-volumed  rivers  of  all  the  world  and 
terraqueous  globe ;  therefore  the  other  rivers  of  the  land  of 
fifty-two  degrees  latitude  probably  have  their  slope  toward 
the  Sea  of  the  North,  where  Husson*  wintered.  Some  more 
information  can  be  drawn  from  the  maps  which  I  add  to  this 
report ;  and  in  order  not  to  violate  the  brevity  which  I  prom- 
ised herein,  I  will  add  only  that  in  regard  to  the  fourteen 
journeys  for  two  hundred  leagues  to  the  northwest,  I  have 
written  a  Uttle  treatise  of  about  twenty-five  sheets  which  is 
entitled  "  Cosmographical  Proof  that  Califomia  is  not  an 
Island  but  a  Peninsula,"*  etc. ;  and  that  of  these  new  discov- 
eries and  new  conversions  in  general,  by  order  of  our  Father- 
General,  Thirso  Gonzales,  I  am  writing  another  and  more 
extensive  treatise,  with  maps,  of  which  more  than  one  hun- 
dred sheets  are  already  written.  By  suggestion  of  his  Rever- 
ence it  is  entitled  "Celestial  Favors  of  Jesus  Our  Lord,  and  of 
Mary  Most  Holy,  and  of  the  most  Glorious  Apostle  of  the 

^  Ortega,  and  others  who  follow  him,  state  that  "Kmo  baptised  more  than 
forty  thousand  Indians.  This  is  the  result  of  adding  a  cipher  to  Kino's  own 
figures,  which  he  more  than  once  gives  as  four  thousand. 

*  In  reality,  about  43"^  20'  N.  <  See  page  436.  «  HudacML 

*  So  far  as  the  editor  knows,  this  is  not  extant. 


17101  RELATION  OF  FATHER  KINO  451 

Indies,  San  Francisco  Xavier,  experienced  in  the  New  Con- 
versions of  these  New  Nations  of  these  New  Heathendoms  of 
this  North  America."  ^ 


Book  HI. 

Oj  the  very  great  Advantage  to  both  Majesties  which  can  he  secured 
by  the  Promotion  of  these  New  Corupiests  and  Conversions, 
on  account  of  the  many  great  Benefits  and  Utilities  which  they 
promise.^ 

For  many  years  this  province  of  Sonora  has  suffered  very 
much  from  its  avowed  enemies,  the  Hocomes,  Janos,  and 
Apaches/  through  continual  thefts  of  horses  and  cattle,  and 
murders  of  Christian  Indians  and  Spaniards,  etc.,  injuries 
which  in  many  years  not  even  the  two  expensive  presidios, 
that  of  Janos^  and  that  of  this  province  of  Sonora,  have  been 
able  to  remedy  completely,  for  still  these  enemies  continue  to 
infest,  as  always,  all  this  province  of  Sonora,  with  their  ac- 
customed murders  and  robberies  and  their  very  notorious 
and  continual  hostilities.  They  have  already  reached  and 
they  now  go  as  far  as  Acenoquipe,  in  the  Valley  of  Sonora 
itself ;  and  as  far  as  Tuape  in  the  Valley  of  Opodepe  ;•  and 
as  far  as  San  Ygnacio  and  Santa  Maria  Magdalena  in  this 
Pimeria. 

But,  by  founding  very  good  missions  for  them  in  these 
new  conquests  and  conversions,  particularly  in  the  good 
eastern  valley  of  the  great  valley  of  Santa  Ana  de  Hiburi,* 
where  Captain  Coro  is  at  present,^  who  already  is  a  Christian 
and  is  called  Anttonio  Leal,  a  great  restraint  can  be  placed 
upon  these  enemies,  who  are  accustomed  to  live  in  the  neigh- 
boring sierras  of  Chiguicagui ;  and  by  fortifying  for  said  Cap- 
tain Coro  his  great  rancheria  for  a  new  pueblo,  as  shortly, 
God  willing,  we  shall  fortify  him  for  the  protection  of  Santa 

^  See  the  titles  listed  on  page  432. 

*  Book  III.  is  divided  into  twelve  chapters. 

*  Tribes  living  in  general  to  the  northeast  of  Dolores. 
« Janos  is  in  northern  Chihuahua. 

■  Tuape  and  Opodepe  were  in  the  San  Miguel  River  vaUey,  south  of  Dolores. 

*  Quiburi.    The  San  Pedro  valley  in  Arizona  is  meant 
'  The  principal  Indian  chieftain  of  that  region. 


452         ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PIMERIA  ALTA     [Oi 

Marfa  Baseraca^  he  will  continue  better  his  accustomed  & 
peditions  against  these  enemies ;  and  he  will  be  able  to  dm* 
tise  them,  as  he  is  accustomed  to  do,  winning  very  good  w 
tones,  as  always,  and  even  much  greater,  for  the  total  idirf 
of  this  province  of  Sonora,  just  as  when  a  few  years  ago*  h 
killed  at  one  blow  more  than  two  himdred  of  those  enonia^ 
and  as  four  months  ago,  in  the  expedition  which  he  made  m 
pursuit  of  those  who  were  carrying  off  cattle  and  horses  fan 
the  Real  de  Bacanuche,^  he  killed  fifteen  adult  enemies  anl 
carried  off  ten  little  prisoners.  One  of  them  I  have  here  in 
my  house.  One  of  them,  having  baptized  and  catechised 
them,  I  named  Joan  Miguel,  which  are  the  names  of  oar 
Father-General  and  of  the  Provincial;  the  other  I  named 
Phelipe,  in  honor  of  our  very  Catholic  monarch,  God  save  him 

liie  promotion  of  these  new  conversions  will  serve  aba 
for  the  advancement,  good  government,  and  good  administn- 
tion  of  the  many  more  missions  which  can  be  founded  farther 
on,  for  there  are  prudent  and  weighty  persons,  zealous  for  the 
service  of  the  Majesties,  who  are  of  the  opinion  that  in  these 
more  than  two  hundred  leagues  of  new  rich  lands,  inhabited 
by  Indians  industrious  and  newly  conquered  and  reduced,  a 
new  kingdom  can  with  ease  be  founded,  which  can  be  caDed 
New  Navarre,  as  others  are  called  New  Viscaia,  New  Galisiai 
New  Kingdom  of  Leon,  etc. 

By  promoting  the  new  conversions  of  this  extensive  Pime- 
ria,  with  the  favor  of  Heaven  we  shall  be  able  shortly  to  enter 
upon  the  reduction  and  conversion  of  the  neighboring  Apa- 
cheria,'  which  lies  to  the  north  and  northeast  of  us,  and  ex- 
tends northwest  to  the  very  large  Colorado  River,  or  Rio  dd 
Norte,  above  the  thirty-fifth,  thirty-sixth,  and  thirty-seventh 
degrees  of  latitude  and  beyond,  for  we  know  that  it  flows 
from  northeast  to  southwest  and  issues  about  ten  leagues 
west  of  the  province  of  Moqui  ;*  for,  we  having  sent  messages 
to  those  natives  up  the  Colorado  River,  already  they  invite 
us  to  enter  to  see  them,  and  already  they  give  us  certain  re- 
ports that  soon,  in  imitation  of  the  rest  over  here,  they  wiQ 

^  In  1698.    See  list  of  Kino's  writings,  no.  8,  on  p.  431,  above. 
s  A  mining  camp  in  the  Sonora  River  valley  east  of  DfAons,  and  north  of 
Arispe. 

'  The  whole  body  of  Apaches.  ^  The  Hopi,  in  nortbeasteni  Aiiiona. 


1710]  RELATION  OF  FATHER  KINO  453 

become  reduced  to  our  friendship  and  to  the  desire  of  receiving 
«yur  holy  Catholic  faith. 

By  way  of  the  same  Apacheria,  which  is  in  thirty-two  de- 
grees latitude,  we  shall  be  able,  with  the  divine  grace,  to  enter 
to  trade  with  New  Mexico  and  with  its  nearest  provinces, 
Moqui  and  Zuni,  for  on  an  average  it  is  not  more  than  forty 
or  fifty  leagues,  which  is  the  distance  at  thirty-four  degrees 
latitude,  where  live  our  already  well-subdued  and  domestic 
Pimas  Sobaiporis  of  San  Fernando,  the  most  remote,  at  the 
junction  of  the  rivers  Hila  and  San  Joseph  de  Terrenate,  or 
de  Quiburi;  at  latitude  thirty-six  degrees,  where  are  the 
provinces  of  Moqui  and  Zuni ;  and  as  far  as  thirty-seven  de- 
grees, in  which  is  found  the  Villa  of  Santa  F6  of  New  Mexico ; 
for  we  have  also  certain  reports  that  before  the  revolt  of  New 
Mexico^  the  Spaniards  of  those  provinces  used  to  come  by 
way  of  Apacheria  to  these  our  most  remote  Pimas  Sobaiporis 
to  barter  hatchets,  cloth,  sackcloth,  blankets,  chomiie,  knives, 
etc.,  for  maize. 

With  the  promotion  of  these  new  conversions  not  only 
will  the  Christian  settlements  already  formed,  new  and  old, 
have  more  protection,  and  be  defended  by  them,  as  has  been 
tsuggested,  but  at  the  same  time  a  way  will  be  opened  to  many 
other  new  conquests  and  new  conversions,  in  many  other 
more  remote  new  lands  and  nations  of  this  still  somewhat 
unknown  North  America:  as  for  example,  to  the  northward, 
to  the  Gran  Teguayo;  to  the  northwest,  to  the  Gran  Qui- 
bira  ;*  and  to  the  west,  to  Calif omia  Alta,  of  this  our  same 
latitude  of  thirty-four,  thirty-five,  thirty-six  degrees,  and 
farther,  and  to  its  opposite  coast  and  the  South  Sea ;  and  to 
its  great  Bay  of  the  Eleven  Thousand  Virgins  ;*  to  the  famous 
port  of  Monte  Rey,  which  is  in  neighboring  and  fertile  lands 
(and  a  royal  cidvla  came  to  Sebastian  Biscaino  that  he  should 
go  to  colonize  it),  and  to  the  very  renowned  Cape  Mendozino. 

^  The  Pueblo  uprising  in  New  Mexico  in  1680. 

*Gran  Teguayo  and  Gran  Quivira  were  two  geographical  names  which 
persisted  in  Spanish-American  geography  until  the  nineteenth  century.  They 
were  always  assigned  to  regions  northward  of  New  Mexico,  but  were  variously 
shifted  about  by  different  writers  and  map-makers.  See  indexes  of  Bancroft, 
Arizona  and  New  Mexico ;  Bancroft,  History  of  the  Norikwest  Coast,  U. ;  Bancroft, 
North  Mexican  States  and  Texas,  II. 

*  Port  San  Quentin.    See  Vizcaino  documents,  pp.  73-76,  above. 


454         ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PIMERIA  ALTA      [1710 

At  the  same  time,  after  having  entered  to  Moqui  and  New 
Mexico,  to  the  northwest  and  the  east,  it  will  be  possible  to 
have  conmiunication  with  New  France,  and  with  the  new  con- 
quests, conversions,  and  missions  which  at  present  they  are 
making  with  their  glorious  and  apostolic  journeys  from  east 
to  west.  And  if  we  enter  to  the  north  and  northeast,  and 
afterwards  turn  to  the  east,  it  will  be  possible  to  open  a  way 
to  Europe  from  these  new  conquests  and  conversions  of  this 
North  America  where  we  are,  only  half  as  long  as  the  road 
which  we  now  have  and  are  accustomed  to  travel,  by  way  of 
the  City  of  Mexico  and  the  Port  of  Vera  Cruz ;  for  if  the  one 
road  is  much  more  than  two  thousand  leagues,  the  other  will 
be  Uttle  more  than  a  thousand.^ 

Just  as  to  the  northeast  and  east  of  this  North  America 
we  shall  be  able  to  have  a  shorter  road  to  Europe,  in  the  same 
way  we  shall  be  able  to  have  by  the  northwest  and  the  west  a 
convenient  land  route  to  Asia,  and  to  Great  Tartaiy  and  to 
Great  China,  since  to  the  westward  of  Cape  Mendocino  and 
connected  therewith  follows  the  land  of  Jesso;  afterwards 
comes  the  land  which  they  call  Tierra  de  la  Compania  (may 
our  Lord  grant  that  some  day  it  may  be  of  the  (Company  of 
Jesus  and  converted  to  our  holy  Catholic  faith)  and  tiie  land 
nearest  to  Japan ;  and  afterward  the  narrow  Strait  of  Anian, 
which  is  no  more  than  ten  or  twelve  leagues  across,  and  has 
the  convenience  of  an  island  in  the  middle  by  which  to  pass  to 
Great  Tartary,  and  from  there  to  Great  China.  For  lately 
the  very  learned  author  of  the  very  curious  New  Geographic 
Mirror,*  Don  Pedro  de  Mendosa,  gentleman  of  the  Order  of 
Calatrabe,*  notes  that  a  few  years  ago  Father  Grimaldi,  of  our 
Company,  having  gone  from  Great  China  to  Great  Tartary, 
near  those  places  and  countries,  learned  that  the  sea,  where  I 
know  that  the  Strait  of  Anian  enters,  was  no  farther  distant 
than  forty  days'  journey.  And  it  is  patent  that  there  is  no 
other  Strait  of  Anian  than  this  which  I  here  mention,  for  al- 
though Drake,  in  order  to  carry  his  point  that  California  was 
an  island,  would  feign  another  Strait  of  Anian  with  another 
much-talked-of  Sea  of  the  North  over  here  above  California, 

^  To  open  a  northeastern  route  to  Europe  by  way  of  the.  northern  interior 
had  long  been  contemplated. 

*  Nveto  Espejo  Owgrdfico.  *  Calatrava. 


1710]  BELATION  OF  FATHER  KINO  455 

and  that  he  had  turned  back  from  his  navigation,  yet  it  is  all 
false. 

Another  great  advantage  of  much  value  to  both  Majesties 
will  be  that  these  new  conversions  and  this  province  of  Sonora 
and  all  the  kingdom  of  Nueva  Biscaia,  by  way  of  the  Bio 
Grande,  or  Hila,  which  is  that  of  El  Tison,  and  by  the  land 
route  to  Calif omia  will  be  able  to  provide  a  port  of  call  to  the 
China  ship/  and  trade  with  her,  and  succor  with  fresh  food 
persons  sick  with  the  very  painful  disease  of  scurvy  which  she 
is  accustomed  to  bring  with  her,  originating  from  their  salt, 
dry,  and  stale  food,  and  all  with  very  great  advantages  and 
gains  for  all,  obviating  the  very  long  and  costly  transporta- 
tion of  many  of  their  goods  from  these  latitudes  above  thirty 
degrees  to  the  port  of  Acapulco  and  from  Acapulco  to  Mexico, 
and  to  these  provinces  of  Nueva  Biscaya,  etc.  And  this 
port  of  call,  with  all  due  deference  to  the  navigators  of  the 
China  ship,  it  appears,  might  be  at  the  Bay  of  Todos  Santos, 
or  at  the  famous  neighboring  port  of  San  Diego  of  the  opposite 
coast,  which  are  at  about  the  same  latitude  (though  a  Uttle 
below)  as  the  passage  by  land  to  California,  that  is,  at  thirty- 
five  degrees. 

There  are  royal  cidvlas  and  royal  provisions  which  charge 
us  to  report  the  new  heathendoms,  and  happily  we  shall  com- 
ply with  them  if  we  try  to  secure,  as  is  so  just,  the  promotion 
of  these  new  conversions.  The  new  royal  cidvla  of  our  very 
Christian,  very  Catholic  monarch,  Philip  the  Fifth,  God  save 
him  many  happy  years,  of  July  17, 1701,  orders  that  report  be 
made  to  him  not  only  of  the  state  of  the  new  conversions  of 
Califomia,  which  already  has  been  very  well  executed  in  the 
exact  printed  report  by  Father  Francisco  Marfa  Picolo,  but 
''also  of  the  location  and  state  of  the  uncivilized  heathen  In- 
dians of  this  province  of  Sonora. '^ 

And  the  royal  cidvla  of  his  immediate  predecessor,  Don 
Carlos  the  Second,  God  rest  his  soul,  charges  tiie  same,  as  given 
me  by  the  royal  Audiencia  of  Guadalaxara  inserted  in  my  royal 
provision  when  twenty-one  years  ago  I  came  from  California 
and  from  Mexico  to  these  new  conversions  of  this  extensive 
Pimerfa.  It  is  dated  at  Buen  Retiro,  May  4,  1686.  With 
this  royal  cidvla  his  royal  Majesty  relieves  his  conscience,  and 

^  The  Manila  galleon. 


456         ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PIMEBIA  ALTA      [1710 

that  of  the  royal  councfl,  by  charging  the  consciences  of  those 
of  us  who  live  over  here  near  and  bordering  upon  these  heaths 
nations  in  order  to  seek  the  means  for  the  eternal  salvation 
of  so  many  souls  in  this  North  America  who  live  in  such 
helplessness  and  even  neglect^  as  the  royal  cidvla  expresses  it, 
as  hitherto  has  been  unknown,  in  a  matter  so  very  essential, 
and  by  commanding  that  all  the  time  possible  be  gained  for 
him  therein  without  sparing  expense,  since  it  is  plainly  recog- 
nized  that  our  Lord  always  repays  well  known  and  very  much 
augmented  increase  to  the  royal  crown.  All  these  are  words 
from  the  royal  cidvla.^ 

It  is  plain,  moreover,  that  by  the  Catholic  promotion  of  these 
new  conquests  and  conversions,  or  the  new  kingdoms  of  this 
New  Navarre,  the  Catholic  empire  of  the  Catholic  royal  crown 
and  of  our  holy  mother,  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  is  hap- 
pily extended,  so  that  happily  all  the  world  may  be  one  fold 
with  one  shepherd,^  and  this,  by  the  divine  grace,  without 
great  expenditure  from  the  royal  chests,  and  with  only  the 
accustomed  alms  for  the  missionary  fathers,  because  the  na- 
tives are  so  reduced  and  so  domestic  that  they  thenoiselves, 
even  without  the  expense  of  sustaining  soldiers,  are  able  to 
inflict  and  do  inflict  very  exemplary  punishment  of  whatever 
evil,  crime,  theft,  adultery,  or  miuxier  which  may  or  is  accus- 
tomed to  happen. 

At  the  same  time  we  hope,  God  willing,  that  by  means  of 
our  superiors  over  here  in  Mexico,  and  those  in  Madrid  and 
Rome,  we  shall  bring  it  about  that  his  Holiness  wfll  grant  to 
all  the  benefactors  and  promoters  of  these  new  conquests  and 
new  conversions  some  very  favorable  indulgences,  and  fullest 
rejoicing^  in  life  and  for  the  hour  of  death ;  and  that  also  his 
royal  Majesty,  God  save  him  for  many  years,  will  be  pleased  to 
honor  the  benefactors  and  promoters  with  immunities,  priv- 
ileges, and  exemptions,  from  his  royal  magnificence  and  mag- 
nanimous liberality.    And  perhaps  of  these  benefactors  there 

^  This  cidvla  is  quoted  in  full  in  'Tavores  Cdestiales/'  pt.  I.,  bk.  I.,  du  2. 
The  date  is  given  there  as  May  14, 1689.  Kino  does  not  here  quote  exactly,  but 
only  in  substance. 

'  Utt  (t.  e.)  ul  fiat  unum  ovUe  et  umu  pastor.    Cf.  John  x.  16. 

*  Jvbileos  pleninmoa. 


17101  BELATION  OF  FATHER  KINO  457 

may  be  founded  a  pious  congregation  of  Mary  Most  Holy 
and  of  the  Twelve  Disciples,  as  it  is  said  there  is  one  in 
Peru. 

If  we  continue  with  the  promotion  and  advancement  of 
these  new  conversions,  we  shall  be  able  to  continue  to  make 
correct  maps  of  this  North  America,  the  greater  part  of  which 
has  hitherto  been  unknown,  or  practically  unknown,  for  some 
ancients  blot  the  map  with  so  many  and  such  errors  and  with 
such  unreal  grandeurs  and  feigned  riches  as  a  crowned  king 
whom  they  carry  in  chairs  of  gold,  with  walled  cities,  lakes  of 
quicksilver,  of  gold,  of  amber,  and  of  corals.  With  reason 
Father  Mariana  rebukes  them  for  deceiving  us  with  these 
riches  which  do  not  exist.  They  do  not  say  a  word  about  the 
principal  riches  that  exist  there,  which  are  the  innumerable 
souls  redeemed  by  the  most  precious  blood  of  our  Redeemer, 
Jesus  Christ,  and  these  accompanied  by  the  very  abundant 
conveniences  and  temporal  means,  utilities,  facilities,  and  op* 
portunities  which  immediately  and  without  any  fiction  I  shall 
mention  in  this  fourth  part  of  this  report. 

Book  IV. 

Of  the  many  Temporal  Means,  Facilities,  and  Opportunities, 
which  Our  Lord  offers  and  gives  in  these  new  Conversions 
in  order  to  he  able  to  secure  this  great  Advantage  for  both 
Majesties.^ 

The  greater  the  means  the  greater  our  obligation  to  seek 
the  salvation  of  so  many  souls  in  the  very  fertile  and  pleasant 
lands  and  vallejrs  of  these  new  conquests  and  conversions. 
There  are  already  very  rich  and  abundant  fields,  plantings 
and  crops  of  wheat,  maize,  frijoles,  chick-peas,  beans,  lentils, 
bastard  chick-peas,  etc.  There  are  good  gardens,  and  in 
them  vineyards  for  wine  for  masses,  with  reed-brakes  of 
sweet  cane  for  syrup  and  panocha,^  and,  with  the  favor  of 
Heaven,  before  long  for  sugar.  There  are  many  Castilian 
fruit  trees,  as  fig-trees,  quinces,  oranges,  pomegranates,  peaches, 

^  Book  IV.  contains  fifteen  chapters. 

*  A  sort  of  candy  made  by  boiling  cane  sap. 


458         ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PTMERIA  ALTA      [1710 

apricots,  pear-trees,  apples,  mulberries,  pecans,  prickly  pears, 
etc.,  with  all  sorts  of  garden  stuff,  such  as  cabbages,  mdons, 
watermelons,  white  cabbage,  lettuce,  onions,  leeks,  garlic, 
anise,  pepper,  mustard,  mint,  Castilian  roses,  white  lilies, 
etc.,  with  very  good  timber  for  all  kinds  of  building,  such  as 
pine,  ash,  cypress,  walnut,  china-trees,  mesquite,  alders, 
poplar,  wiUow,  tamarind,  etc. 

Another  t^poral  means  which  our  Lord  gives  us  for  the 
promotion  of  these  new  conquests  are  the  plentiful  ranches 
which  are  already  stocked  with  cattle,  sheep,  and  goats,  many 
droves  of  mares,  horses,  sumpters,  mules  aa  well  as  horses, 
pack  animals  necessary  for  transportation  and  commerce,^ 
with  very  rich  and  abundant  pastures  all  the  year  to  raise 
very  fat  sheep,  producing  much  tallow,  suet,  and  soi^,  which 
already  is  made  in  abundance. 

The  climate  of  most  of  these  new  lands  and  new  con- 
quests where  the  promotion  of  these  new  conversions  is  asked, 
is  very  good  and  pleasant,  and  somewhat  similar  to  that  of 
Mexico  and  to  the  best  of  Europe,  with  neither  too  great  heat 
nor  too  great  cold. 

In  these  new  nations  and  new  lands  there  are  many  good 
veins  and  mineral  lands  bearing  gold  and  silver ;  and  in  the 
neighborhood  and  even  in  sight  of  these  new  missions  and  new 
conversions  some  very  good  new  mining  camps  of  very  rich 
silver  ore  are  now  being  established. 

The  natives  of  these  new  conquests  and  new  nations  are 
industrious  Indians,  who  are  docile,  affable,  and  very  friendly, 
and  at  the  same  time  warlike  and  valiant,  able  to  defend 
themselves  against  their  enemies  and  to  fight  against  our  ad- 
versaries the  enemies  of  this  province  of  Sonora,  for  these  our 
Pimas  defend  themselves  very  well,  better  than  any  other 
nation  whatsoever,  against  the  warlike  Apaches,  and  their 
allies,  the  Hocomes,  Janos,  etc. ;  and  they  continually  win  veiy 
good  victories  over  them,  even  with  notable  relief  to  this 
province  of  Sonora,  taking  away  from  them  at  times  their 
prisoners  and  stolen  articles. 

^  In  the  last  years  of  the  seventeenth  century  Sano  established  several  stodc 
ranches  in  the  Santa  Cruz  and  San  Pedro  valleys  to  supply  the  missioiis  projected. 
Farther  south  he  and  his  associates  established  many  more  ranches. 


17101  RELATION  OF  FATHER  KINO  459 

These  natives,  particularly  those  of  this  extensive  Pimeria, 
have  very  good  fabrics  of  cotton  and  of  wool;  also  many 
nicely  made  baskets,  like  hampers,  of  di£ferent  sizes,  many 
colored  macaw  feathers,  many  deer  and  buffalo  hides,  and 
toward  the  sea  coast  much  bezoar,  and  the  efficacious  corv- 
trayerha,'^  and  in  many  parts  the  important  medicinal  fruit 
called  the  jojoba.^ 

On  this  coast  of  the  Sea  of  Califomia,  or  Calif omian  Gulf, 
of  these  new  conquests,  we  have  very  good  salt  beds,  of  white 
as  well  as  rock  salt ;  and  there  are  inlets  and  posts  very  suit- 
able for  fishing  for  aU  sorts  of  very  savory  fish,  sluimps, 
oysters,  etc. 

All  these  nations,  not  only  those  of  this  extensive  Pimerfa, 
but  also  those  of  the  neighboring  Cocomaricopas,  Yumas, 
Quiquimas,  etc.,  all  the  year  continually  come  to  see  me  from 
fitfty,  seventy,  one  hundred,  one  himdred  and  fifty  and  more 
leagues  from  the  interior.  Others  from  even  more  remote 
parts  have  sent  very  friendly  messages  and  gifts,  among  them 
blue  shells'  from  the  opposite  coast  and  South  Sea,  and  they 
ask  me  to  go  to  see  them  and  baptize  them,  and  to  secure  for 
them  missionary  fathers  who  may  go  to  minister  to  them. 

Not  only  do  these  natives  come  so  many  leagues  to  this 
my  pueblo  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores  to  ai&  of  me  the 
succor  of  the  missionary  fathers  whom  they  need,  but  as  I 
cannot  give  them  and  do  not  secure  for  them,  many  of  the 
governors,  captains  and  caciques,  after  having  come  from  the 
north,  northwest,  west,  etc.,  fifty,  seventy,  one  himdred,  and 
more  leagues,  go  and  have  gone  many  times  to  see  the  father 
visitors  and  father  rectors  and  alcaldes  mayares  and  their 
deputies,  to  the  valley  of  Sonora,  to  the  Real  de  San  Juan,  and 
to  Oposura.^  Sometimes  they  have  gone  to  the  valley  of 
Santa  Maria  de  Baseraca,  which  is  about  one  hundred  leagues 
distant  from  here.    Last  year  during  the  journey  and  visit  of 

^  Dorstenia  contrayerba,  a  medical  plant. 

*  "American  fruit,  similar  to  judfas  [phcueolus  mdgaris],  small  and  of  the 
color  of  a  chestnut.  The  inside  is  white  and  bitter  but  pleasing  to  the  taste.  It 
is  used  as  a  digestive"  (Dicdonario  Salvai), 

•  See  p.  445,  note  1. 

^  San  Juan  and  Oposura  are  both  on  the  upper  water  of  the  Yaqui  River, 
Boutheast  of  the  Arispe. 


460        ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PIMERIA  ALTA       11710 

the  Father  Visitor;  Francisco  Mar(a  Piccolo,  to  this  Pimeria, 
more  than  thirty  governors,  captains,  alcaldes,  fiscals,  etc., 
came  from  the  interior,  all  on  horseback.  As  his  Reverence  had 
just  set  out  from  this  Pimerfa,  all  went,  and  I  with  them,  to 
overtake  his  Reverence  as  far  as  Cucurpe,  where  he  promised 
them  that  the  necessary  fathers,  for  whom  they  very  anxioudy 
prayed,  should  come  to  them.  Up  to  the  present  they  have 
not  arrived,  perhaps  because  there  has  not  been  in  Mexico,  as 
has  been  written  me,  means  with  which  to  equip  them ;  but 
at  present  two  pious  persons  offer  to  send  from  here  the  neces- 
sary equipment  for  two  or  three  fathers.  May  our  Lord  bring 
them! 

Another  of  the  advantages  and  means  which  here  facilitate 
the  desired  service  of  both  Majesties,  is  the  fact  that  this 
Pima  language  which  we  speak  here  extends  more  than  two 
himdred  leagues  into  the  interior,  even  among  the  other  and 
distinct  nations  of  the  Cocomaricopas,  Yumas,  and  Quiquimas, 
for  in  all  places  are  foimd  intermingled  some  natives  who 
speak  both  languages,  that  of  the  nation  where  they  are  and 
our  Pima  tongue,  and  therefore  everywhere  we  have  plenty 
of  good  interpreters,  both  men  and  women,  for  the  reduction 
and  teaching  of  all,  and  to  explain  to  them  promptly  the 
Christian  doctrine  and  the  mysteries  of  our  holy  Catholic 
faith. 

In  all  these  new  conquests  and  new  people  where  we  have 
travelled  they  have  no  particular  idolatry  or  doctrine  which 
it  will  be  especially  difficult  to  eradicate,  nor  polygamy,  nor 
ponios  as  in  Japan  and  in  Great  China,  and  although  they 
greatly  venerate  the  sun  as  a  remarkable  thing,  with  ease  one 
preaches  to  them,  and  they  comprehend  the  teaching  that 
God  Most  High  is  the  All-Powerful  and  He  who  created  the 
sun,  the  moon,  and  the  stars,  and  all  men,  and  all  the  world, 
and  all  its  creatures. 

In  these  new  conversions  the  natives  have,  even  far  in  the 
interior,  as  is  the  case  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  la  Consepcion  del 
Caborca,  forty-six  leagues  to  the  westward,  in  San  Ambrosio 
del  Busanic,  thirty-seven  leagues  to  the  northwest,  and  in 
San  Francisco  Xavier  del  Bac,  sixty  leagues  to  the  north, 
pueblos  or  missions  begun,  with  good  beginnings  of  instruc- 


17101  RELATION  OF  FATHER  KINO  461 

tion  in  the  Christian  doctrine  and  in  prayer.^  In  these  places 
there  are  temastianeSj  or  teachers  of  the  doctrine,  and  many 
infants  and  some  adults  have  been  baptized.  They  have 
their  cabildos  of  justices,  governors,  captains,  alcaldes,  fiscales, 
and  their  topHes,  alguacUes,  etc.  They  have  good  beginnings 
of  houses  for  the  comfortable  living  of  the  fathers  whom  they 
hope  to  receive,  and  of  churches,  fields  of  wheat,  maize  and 
beans,  cattle,  sheep  and  goats,  horses  and  mules,  droves  of 
mares  and  of  horses,  and  beginnings  of  gardens,  all  of  which 
the  very  domestic  and  loyal  natives  tend,  as  if  the  fathers 
whom  they  pray  and  beg  for  and  hope  and  deserve  to  receive 
were  aheady  hying  there. 

This  first  mission,  or  district,  or  pueblo,  of  Nuestra  Senora 
de  los  Dolores,  is  actually  arranging  for  and  deUvering  a  decent 
equipment  for  founding  the  new  mission  of  Santa  Marfa  de 
Bagota,  which  is  twenty-two  leagues  from  here  toward  the 
north,  that  is,  new  vestments  with  which  to  say  mass,  three 
hundred  head  of  cattle  for  their  ranch,  one  hundred  head  of 
sheep  and  goats,  a  drove  of  mares,  a  drove  of  horses,  a  house 
in  which  to  hve,  the  beginnings  of  a  church,  with  provisions 
and  the  necessary  furnishings  for  a  house,  and  the  beginnings 
of  sowings  and  crops  of  wheat,  maize,  etc.  Almost  as  much 
was  given,  to  the  value  of  three  thousand  pesos,  from  the  stock 
of  Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Dolores,  a  few  years  ago,  for  the 
f oxmding  and  equipment  of  the  mission  of  San  Ignacio ;  and 
other  like  aid  this  and  other  missions  of  these  new  conquests 
and  new  conversions  will  be  able  to  give  in  time. 

The  promotion  of  these  new  conversions  and  the  service 
of  both  Majesties  which  is  hoped  for  in  them  is  greatly  facili- 
tated by  the  fact  that  different  benefactors,  missionary  fathers 
of  the  old  missions  of  the  Company  of  Jesus,  as  well  as  secular 
gentlemen,  promise  very  good  aid  in  the  form  of  cattle,  sheep 
and  goats,  horses,  clothing,  fabrics  or  garments,  provisions, 
and  some  silver,  to  aid  the  new  missionary  fathers  who  may 
come  to  these  new  conversions  to  found  new  missions,  for 
their  churches  and  houses,  the  value  already  amounting  to 
more  than  twenty  thousand  pesos.    One  person  alone  offers 

^  From  this,  as  from  other  data,  it  is  inferred  that  there  was  now  no  resident 
missionary  at  San  Xavier. 


462         ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PTMERIA  ALTA      [1710 

five  thousand  in  suitable  goods,  with  some  silver,  for  the 
foimding  and  for  the  church,  house,  and  fortification  of  the 
settlement  or  great  mission  of  Santa  Ana  de  Quibori,  where 
Captain  Coro  Uves;  because  it  is  notorious  that  those  his 
natives  will  be  able  to  continue  to  pursue  the  neighboring 
avowed  enemies,  the  Hocomes,  Janos,  and  Apaches,  for  the 
very  great  and  total  relief,  or  remedy,  of  all  this  province  of 
Sonora. 

Now,  in  addition,  at  the  very  same  time  that  this  brief 
report  is  asked  of  me  and  I  am  writing  it,  the  Senor  commissary 
ciu^te  and  vicar  of  the  Real  de  San  Juan,  Don  Ainttonio  de 
Zalasar,  writes  me  that  his  Ulustriousness,  the  Most  Pious 
Prince  of  the  church,  the  Senor  Doctor  Don  Ygnacio  Dias  de 
la  Barrera,  most  meritorious  Bishop  of  the  city  of  Durango 
and  of  all  these  provinces,  has  said  to  his  Grace  in  the  city  of 
Guadiana,  Durango,^  within  the  past  few  months,  that  he  is 
possessed  of  very  CathoUc  and  most  zealous  holy  determinar 
tion  to  seek,  although  it  may  be  by  alms,  the  necessary  aid  and 
equipment  for  some  few  missionary  fathers  to  Uve  in  and  ad- 
minister these  new  conquests  and  conversions.  These,  then, 
are  the  opportune  means  which  our  Lord  offers  us  to  enable 
us  to  accomplish  a  great  service  of  both  Majesties  and  the 
eternal  salvation  of  very  many  souls  in  all  this  most  extensive 
North  America. 

Epilogue  very  suitable  and  so  much  the  more  because  unlooked 
for,  in  regard  to  the  abovcrmentioned  Means,  as  well  asinr^ 
gard  to  the  Svbject-Matter  of  all  this  Report  or  Relation,  for 
which  prays  tiie  new  Letter  of  our  new  Father-General, 
Miguel  Angd  Tarnburini,  which  has  just  arrived  from  Rome, 
at  these  new  Conversions^ 

More  than  three  years  ago,  by  order  of  our  Father-Gen- 
eral, Thirso  Gonzales,  God  rest  his  soul,  I  sent  to  Rome  a  re- 
lation of  the  state  of  these  new  conversions,  which  was  alto- 

^  Pimerla  Alta  was  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  diocese  of  Durango  at  this 
time. 

*  This  appears  as  chapter  16,  book  IV.,  in  the  manuscript.  Father  lifidieie 
Angdo  Tamburini  was  general  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  from  1706  to  1730. 


17101  RELATION  OF  FATHER  KINO  463 

gether  very  conf onnable  to  and  uniform  with  a  relation  which 
the  Father  Visitor  Orasio  Polise  had  also  made,  and  which  the 
Father  Rector  Juan  Marfa  de  Salvatierra  had  seen,  subscribed 
to,  and  approved.  And  now,  in  the  most  courteous,  holy 
letter,  which,  having  just  written  this  present  report,  I  have 
just  received  from  our  new  Father-General,  Miguel  Angel 
Tamburini,  his  Reverence  writes  me,  very  much  to  our  pur- 
pose, the  following : 

"I  received  with  special  comfort  two  letters  from  your 
Reverence,  dated  January  24  and  June  30,  1704.  With  ^em 
comes  what  your  Reverence  calls  a  dedicatory  for  the  treatise 
which  is  bemg  perfected  with  the  title  of  'Celestial  Favors 
Experienced  in  the  New  Conquests  and  New  Conversions  of 
North  America.'  In  the  letters  as  well  as  in  the  draft  of  the 
dedicatory,  which  contains  the  notices  of  the  new  discoveries 
and  of  their  state,  I  find  much  wherein  to  praise  the  mercies 
of  God,  in  those  nations  which  are  being  discovered  and 
brought  to  his  knowledge;  and  our  Company  owes  special 
thanks  to  His  Divine  Majesty,  because  He  uses  her  sons  as  an 
instrument  so  greatly  to  His  glory. 

"Very  much  do  I  rejoice  at  the  aid  which  your  Reverence 
has  sent  and  is  arranging  to  send  every  year  to  the  Cali- 
fomiaS;  and  at  the  two  churches  which  you  have  built  and 
dedicated,  which  have  become  among  the  best  there  are  in 
the  province,  and  that  you  are  continuing  your  treatise  on 
those  missions  with  the  title  of  *  Celestial  Favors,'  of  which 
you  have  sent  us  hither  the  first  part.  I  am  hoping  for  the 
other  two  which  your  Reverence  promises,  and  that  they  all 
may  be  approved  in  Mexico,  that  they  may  be  publidied. 
All  the  notices  which  your  Reverence  gives  me  fill  me  with 
joy,  and  with  a  desire  to  repay  the  anxieties  and  glorious 
travails  of  your  Reverence  and  of  your  companions ;  but  just 
as  you  have  opposition  there,  we  here  regret  that  the  war, 
lack  of  commerce,  and  perils  of  the  seas  keep  our  missionaries 
detained.  But  we  all  hope,  with  great  confidence  in  the  lov- 
ing providence  of  God,  that,  since  in  these  very  contrary  times 
He  has  willed  to  discover  those  new  nations  and  to  diiow  us 
so  many  souls  who  wander  scattered  outside  of  His  fold,  it  is 
not  that  we  may  see  them  perish,  but  to  give  us  means  and 


464        ARIZONA:  THE  JESUITS  IN  PIMERIA  ALTA      imo 

forces  to  bring  them  from  their  forests  and  reduce  them  to 
pueblos  and  churches.  Therefore,  I  pray  His  Divine  Majesty 
to  guard  your  Reverence  many  years,  as  I  desire. 

Your  Reverence's  servant  in  Christ, 

"Miguel  Angel  Tambuhini. 

"Rome,  Sept.  5, 1705. 

"All  things  to  the  greater  honor  and  glory  of  God  and  of 
the  Virgin  Mary,  Mother  of  God,  and  to  the  salvation  of  souls 
and  nations."  ^ 

^  Omnia  ad  Mayorem  Dei  Deipareque  Virginia  MaricB  Honorem  et  CRonam  d 
animarum  Jentiumque  SakUem* 


INDEX 


Abas,  340. 

Abaii,340. 

Abo  province,  215-216. 

Abreojoe  Point,  62,  62  n. 

Abreojoe  Rocks,  15,  15  n.,  62  n. 

Acanis,  339. 

Acapuloo,  13  n.,  45,  46,  49,  53,  53  n., 
55  n.,  73,  93,  106,  107, 121,  439,  455. 

Acapulco  Island,  100. 

Account  of  the  Discovery  of  the  Buf- 
falo, by  Ofiate,  223-232. 

Account  of  the  Joiamey  to  the  Provinces 
and  SMemente  of  New  Mexico,  by 
Antonio  de  Espejo,  168-194. 

Acenoquipe,  451. 

Aoevedo,  Father  Antonio,  316,  317, 
325. 

Achubales,  339. 

Aooma,  139,  140,  165,  210,  218,  222, 
236,238. 

Adid,  448. 

Agreda,  Marfa  de  Jesds  de,  354,  387. 

Agua  Asul  River,  295. 

Agua  de  la  Pefia,  238. 

Aguayo,  Marquee  de  San  Miguel  de, 
353. 

Aguidas,  339. 

Aguilar,  aee  Galeote. 

Aguilar,  Joseph  de,  440. 

Aguilar,  Martin  de,  63, 64, 75, 80,  223. 

Aguirre,  Martin  Ruis  de,  99. 

Agustln,  L&zaro,  287,  296,  298,  299, 
301. 

Aielis,339. 

Aijados,  313. 

Aire,  422. 

Alamito,  326  n. 

Alamo,  388,  388  n.,  405,  405  n. 

Alamos,  439. 

Alamosa,  226  n. 

Alaro6n,  Francisco  de,  437,  437  n. 

Alaro6n,  Juan  de,  73,  73  n. 

Alaro6n,  Pasqual  de,  52,  60,  69,  74, 
83,  93,  98,  106;  explores  Colorado 


River,  5;  adviser  to  Vizcaino,  45; 

explores  land,  59,  64;  in  charge  of 

water-supply,  63,  66,  67  n.,  78,  80; 

surveys  by,  71-72;  friendliness  to- 
ward Indians,  78,  85,  86. 
Albuquerque,  233  n. 
AlcaU,  209. 

Alchedomas,  276,  276  n. 
Alegre,   Hisloria  de  la  CompaiUa  de 

JesHe,  428  n.,  429  n.,  430. 
Ahnad^n,  283. 

Almansa,  Pedro  Femindez  de,  185. 
Almansar,  Hernandez  de,  170. 
Almooer,  Bartolom^  Gonz^ez  de,  267. 
Alonso,  Indian,  235. 
Alpine,  Tex.,  327  n. 
Altar  River,  428,  429. 
Altar  Valley,  442  n. 
Alvarado,  5,  166. 
Amacavas,  270,  270  n.,  271,  273. 
Amaya,  Casilda  de,  185. 
Amazon  Island,  3,  3  n.,  4. 
American  Antiquarian  Society,   PrO' 

ceedinge,  172  n. 
American  Historical  Review,  350. 
Anacacho  Mountain,  287,  297  n. 
Anchimos,  339. 
Anchinoda,  Captain,  371. 
Andres,  Indian,  152. 
Angel  de  la  Guarda,  335,  336. 
Anian,  kingdom  of,  109. 
Anian,  Strait  of,  43,  47,  97,  108,  109, 

111,  118,  121,  129,  131,  199,  445, 

454. 
Afio  Nuevo  Point,  32  n. 
Antelope  Hills,  255  n. 
Antelope  Spring,  240  n.,  243  n. 
Anthony  d  Padua,  St.,  358;  see  also 

San  Antonio. 
Apaches,  212,  252,  253,  315,  321,  331- 

332, 335, 336, 337-^338,  446,  447, 451, 

458,462. 
Apalache,  348. 
Apes,  oifx. 


465 


466 


INDEX 


Apo9t6Ueo8  Afanes  de  la  CompatUa  de 

JwiSa,  by  Ortega,  428  n.,  429  n.,  430. 
Aquarius  Range,  244  n.,  215  n. 
Aquino,  Father  Tomis  de,  46,  52,  56, 

68,  72,  75,  106,  120. 
Arames,  308. 
Aranda,  Joan  de,  157. 
Arfooleda,  81  n. 
Archivo  de  Indias,  at  Seville,  11,  140, 

166  n. 
Archivo  General  y  Pt&blioo,  Mexico, 

319,  405  n.,  433  n. 
Archuleta,  Melchor  de,  332. 
Arcos,  9ee  Los  que  hacen  Arcos. 
Arellano,  Francisco  Ramlres  de,  50, 

104-105. 
Arellano,  Tristan  de,  159. 
Argoli,  Andrea,  Ephemeridea,  391  n. 
Arispe,  425  n.,  427,  459  n. 
Arizona,  236  n.;  Eq)ejo  arrives  in,  165, 

166;  Ofiate  in,  269-276;  Jesuits  in, 

425-464. 
Arixona  and  New  Mexico,  by  H.  H. 

Bancroft,  140,  145  n.,  152  n.,  155  n., 

180  n.,  187  n.,  205  n.,  453  n. 
Arkansas  River,  201,  205,  211,  258, 

258  n.,  260,  260  n. 
Armada  Eepafiota,  by  C.  F.  Duro,  46 

n.,  49  n. 
Armas,  Baltasar  de,  53,  108  n. 
Arras,  Father  Antonio,  441  n. 
Arricivita,  Cr&nioa,  368  n. 
Arte  de  Navegar,  by  Pedro  Medina, 

391,  391  n. 
Asay,  valley  of,  149. 
Ascensi6n,  Father  Antonio  de  la,  46, 

52,  53  n.,  68,  76,  81,  83,  106,  107, 

107  n.,  272;  diary  of,  50,  65  n.; 

statement  of,  94  n.;  character,  104; 

Brief  Report  of  Discovery  of  South 

Sea  and  New  Spain,  104-134. 
AecerU  of  the  Enchanted  Mesa,  by  F.  W. 

Hodge,  235  n. 
Assumption,  Our  Lady  of  the,  63  n. 
Asunci6n  Idand,  63,  63  n. 
Asunci6n  Point,  15,  15  n.,  63  n. 
Atlantic  Ocean,  3,  43;  «ee  alao  North 

Sea. 
Atocha,  Nuestra  Sefiora  de,  324. 
Atondo  y  Atill6n,  Admiral  Ysidro,  429, 

438. 
Aumaric,  aee  Humario. 
Aura  River,  293,  306  n. 


AtuHn  Ameriean^  article  by  H.  E.  Bol- 
ton, 349  n.,  362  n. 

Autor  An6nimo,  357  n.,  397  n.,  401  n., 
402  n.,  403  n. 

Ayer,  Edward  E.,  141  n.,  167. 

Ayerde,  Diego  de,  231. 

Axcu^,  FemiUides  de,  284. 

Azevedo  y  Poreda,  Juan  de,  52. 

Babosarigames,  307. 

Bac,  aee  San  Francisco  Xavier  del  Bae. 

Baca,  Captain  Ygnacio,  332. 

Bacallaos,  see  Newfoundland. 

Bacanuche,  452. 

Bacoancoe,  448,  448  n. 

Bacora,  Captain,  306. 

Baes,  Father  Andr^,  438. 

Bagres  River,  252,  252  n. 

Bahaoechas,  273,  273  n.,  275. 

Bajuneros,  340. 

Balboa,  Vasco  Nufies  de,  3. 

Baldb*cel  Rivadeneira  Sotomayor,  An- 
tonio, 28&-286,  289,  291,  307-^09. 

Ballenas  Bay,  15,  15  n.,  61  n.,  62  n., 
Ill,  111  n. 

Baluartes,  308,  309,  388,  405. 

Bancroft,  H.  H.,  265  n.;  Hietary  c/  Qie 
North  Mexican  States  and  Texas,  4  n., 
5  n.,  142  n.,  428  n.,  429  n.,  453  n.; 
History  of  Calif  omia,  10  n. ;  History 
of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  140, 145 
n.,  152  n.,  155  n.,  180  n.,  187  n.,  205 
n.,  453  n.;  History  of  the  Norlhwest 
Coast,  453  n. 

Bancroft  Library,  319;  pianos  in,  ^. 

Banda  Point,  see  Grajero  Point. 

Bandelier,  A.  F.,  Final  Report,  146  n., 
149  n.,  152  n.,  233  n. 

Bafios,  Licentiate,  160. 

Barbadillo,  see  Salas  BarfoadiUo. 

Barcfa,  Ensayo  Cronoldgico,  318. 

Barela,  Diego,  337,  339. 

Barela,  Pedro,  267. 

Barrado,  Heroiando,  Dedaraiionof,  151- 
153;  Bdaci^  Breve,  140,  154-157, 
167. 

Barreto,  Francisco,  170. 

Barrilas,  Father  Gasp^  de  los,  449  n. 

Barrilla  Springs,  328  n. 

Barroto,  Francisco,  185. 

Barroto,  Juan  Enrlques,  348. 

Bartiromo,  Father  Melchor,  448. 

Baseraca,  see  Santa  Marfa  de  Basenea. 


INDEX 


467 


Island  ofy  90  n. 

Salvador  de  Horta  Riyer,  414, 

Greek,  256  n. 
's  Bay,  35  n. 
jures,  339. 
3,  aee  Velarde. 

Nuestra  SefLora  de,  323,  324. 
I,  Father  Bemaldino,  156,  163- 
169,  182,  188,  190. 
des,   Alonso   de,    ''Memorial,'' 
Q.,  347,  354  n. 

des,  Captain  Francisco,  411, 412. 
a,  Father,  see  San  Buenaven- 
,  Father  Dionisio  de. 
in,    Biblioteca    Hispano-Ameri" 
Seplenirionalf  429  n. 
^  Ambrosio  de,  292,  299,  309. 
,  Captain  Christ6yal,  443,  446. 

de    Finadero,    Admiral    Ber- 
o,  438. 

illo,  138,  139,  234  n. 
bem.  Our  Lady  of,  323  n. 
339. 
287. 

^phical   Society   of    America, 
?r«,  429  n. 

eca  Nacional,  104  n.,  105  n. 
hhque  de  la  Compoffnie  de  J^euSf 
lommervogel,  429  n. 
River,  414  n. 
ue  River,  261  n. 
Qdy  River,  240  n.,  244  n.,  245  n., 

Q. 

illiams  Fork,  204,  206,  270  n., 
271  n.,  428. 

illiams  Mountain,  243  n. 
a,  see  Nueva  Vizcaya. 
Mountain,  8,  32  n. 
Bay,  69  n.,  77,  77  n. 
ks,  339. 

8,  285,  304,  305,  308. 
le  San  Domingo,  61  n. 
;gra,  Juan  Gutierrez,  231,  232, 
267. 

Creek,  414  n. 

IS,  Francisco  de,  45,  53,  59,  78, 
)1  n.,  95  n. 

IS,  Captain  Ger6nimo,  97. 
,   H.   E.,   Jumano   Indiana  in 
18,  315  n. ;  Spanish  Occupation  of 
iSf  315  n. ;  article  in  Austin  Amer' 
,  349  n.,  362  n.;  Location  of  La 


SaUe's  Colony  in  the  QvXf  of  Mexico, 
349  n.;  Native  Tribes  about  the  East 
Texas  Missions,  349  n.,  376  n.;  Gvide 
to  the  Archvoes  of  Mexico,  351 ;  Father 
Kino's  Lost  History,  429  n. 

Bonilla,  Francisco  Leyva  de,  200. 

Bonilla,  Joan  Garcia,  167. 

Bordoy,  Father  Antonio,  368. 

Bosque,  Fernando  del,  aids  Balcdrcel, 
285;  seeks  information  relative  to 
Indians,  286-287;  report  of,  288;  re- 
turns to  Guadalupe,  288,  291;  Diary 
of,  291-309. 

Bosque-Larioe  Expedition,  281-309, 
313,  356  n. 

Bove,  see  San  Ildefonso. 

Bravo  River,  353,  354,  357  n.,  390. 

Brazos  River,  376  n.,  413,  413  n.,  414 
n.,  418. 

"Breve  Relaci6n,"  of  Ofiate,  250  n.,  251 
n.,  255  n.,  257  n. 

Brevissima  Rdacion,  by  Bartolom^  de 
las  Casas,  133  n. 

Brewster,  Betty  B.,  289-290,  294. 

Brief  and  True  Account  of  the  Exptora- 
tion  of  New  Mexico,  154-157. 

Buen  Suceso,  Nuestra  Sefiora  del,  322, 
323. 

Buena  Esperanza  River  (Colorado), 
271,  271  n.,  275,  280. 

Buena  Grente,  Island  and  Bay  of,  82  n., 
86  n. 

Buena  Vista,  Jesus  Marfa  y  Joseph  de, 
419. 

Buffalo,  165,  204,  217,  219,  298,  339, 
339  n.,  360,  372,  373,  375;  Discovery 
of  the,  223-232. 

Bumey,  Voyages,  85  n. 

Busanic,  444,  446,  460. 

Bustamante,  Pedix)  de,  139,  157  n.; 
Declaration  of,  142-150. 

Cabas,  419  n. 

Cabesas,  302. 

Cabeza  de  Vaca,  Alvar  Nufies,  144, 173, 
224;  Journey  of,  224  n. 

Caborca,  442  n.,  443,  443  n.,  444,  449 
n.,  460. 

Caborica,  440  n. 

Cabrillo,  Juan  Rodriguez,  63  n.,  65  n., 
69  n.,  77  n.,  83  n.;  expedition  under, 
5-12,  43;  diary  of  expedition  of,  13- 
39,  54  n.,  127  n.;  death  of,  33. 


468 


INDEX 


CabriUo,  Vouage  qf,  by  H.  W.  Henshsw, 

22  n.,  23  n.,  26  n.,  33  a. 
Caburcol,  355. 
Cacaxtles,  284. 
Cadiz  Bay,  439. 
Cadodacho,  349. 
Caisquetebana,  420  n. 
Calatrava,  Order  of,  454«  454  n. 
Caldera,  mifision,  Mexico,  356,  356  n. 
Caldera  River,  388. 
Caldfvar,  see  Zaldivar. 
California,  427,  429,  430,  435,  436; 

early  explorations  of,  3-5;  CabriUo 

and  Ferrelo's  exploration  of, '5-39; 

Vizcaino's   exploration   of,   44-134, 

273;  Ofiate's  journey  to,  206,  268- 

280. 
California,  Gulf  of,  44,  92  n.,  107,  109- 

111,  206,  272,  427-429. 
California,  Historia  de  la  Ardigua  6 

Baja,  by  Clavigero,  429  n. 
California,  History  of,  by  H.  H.  Ban- 
croft, 10  n. 
California,  Lower,  5,  6,  109-115,  126, 

127;  explorations  of,  13-23,  38,  39, 

46,56-79,  107,  108,  115,  116. 
California,  Noticia  de  la,  by  Venegas 

(Burriel),  50,  428  n.,  430. 
California,  Unuferaity  of,  PuUicaiione 

in  History,  315  n. 
Calif  omia  vnder  Spain  and  Mexico,  by 

Richman,  49,  94  n. 
Calif omias,  DocumerUos  rrferentes,  etc., 

by  Carrasco  y  Guisasola,  46  n.,  48, 

54  n.,  55  n. 
Camf,  valley  of,  148. 
Campo,  Father  Agustin  de,  444. 
Cafifiida  del  Refugio,  7. 
Canadian  River,  205,  255  n.,  263  n. 
Canas,  see  Cestin  de  Canas. 
Candelaria,  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  la,  333- 

334. 
Canoas,  Pueblo  de  las,  7,  25,  38. 
Canoes,  Creek  of,  401,  401  n. 
Cantond,  419  n. 
Cape  Blanco,  47,  108  n.,  121  n. 
Cape  Colnett,  78  n. 
Cape  Corrientes,  13,  13  n.,  55,  55  n., 

100. 
Cape  Engafio,  5,  6. 
Cape  Fortunas,  see  King's  Peak. 
Cape  Galera,  see  Point  Concepci6n. 
Cape  la  Cruz,  79  n. 


Cape  Martin,  see  Point  Pinoe. 
Cape  Mendocino,  13  n.,  36  n.,  37  n.,  43, 

47,  52,  68,  81  n.,  93^-97,  107,  108, 

108  n.,  109,  110,  115,  116,  120,  121, 

129,  453,  454. 
Cape  of  the  Cross,  see  Grajero  Point 
Cape  Pinoe,  see  Northwest  Cape. 
Cape  Pulmo,  13  n. 
Cape  San  L^zaro,  61  n. 
Cape  San  Lucas,  14  n.,  54  n.,  55,  56, 

56  n.,  58,  60,  96,  98,  98  n..  Ill,  113. 
Cape  San  Martin,   see   Point  Santo 

Tom^. 
Cape  San  Quentfn,  21  n.,  73  n.,  79  n. 
Cape  San  Sebaatiin,  97,  108,  108  n^ 

121,  121  n. 
Cape  San  Sim6n  y  Judas,  77,  79  n. 
Cape  San  Tom^,   see   Point  Santo 

Tomds. 
Cape  Snow,  8,  32,  32  n.,  33. 
Cape  Tosco,  14,  14  n. 
Capistrano,  Father  Juan,  364. 
Carabajal,  Luis  de,  283. 
Caramanchel  Creek,  391  n.,  407,  422, 

422  n. 
Carbajal,  Juan  de  Vitoria,  267. 
CarboneU,  Captain,  438. 
Cardenas,  see  Coleccidn  de  DoeumaUos 

InSditos, 
Carmel,  Our  Lady  of,  54,  56,  124; 

order  of,  52. 
Carmel  Bay,  94  n. 
Carmel  River,  94,  94  n. 
Carmelites,  46,  104,  124. 
Carmen,  Nuestra  Sefiora  del,  437;  see 

also  Carmel. 
Carpinteria,  7,  26  n. 
Carrasco  y  Guisasola,  Doeumentos,  46 

n.,  48,  54  n.,  55  n. 
Carrera,  Antonio,  5. 
Cartas  de  Indias,  140,  142  n. 
Casa  Grande,  442  n.,  443,  443  n.,  444, 

447,  447  n. 
Casanate,  Admiral  Pedro  Porter,  438. 
Casas,  Bemabe  de  las,  238;  see  alto 

Las  Casas. 
Cascossi,  420,  420  n. 
Casis,  Lilia  M.,  351. 
Castafieda,  227  n. 
Castafio  de  Sosa,  Gasp&r,  200,  283. 
Castildavid,  147. 
CastUe,  101,  110,  174,  181. 
Castillo,  Diego  del,  314^  315. 


INDEX 


469 


Castillo,  Father  Juan  del,  441  n. 
Castillo  Bueno,  Juan  del,  108  n. 
Castro,  aee  Montero  de  Castro. 
Catalina  Island,  7,  24,  24  n.,  34  n.,  81- 

87.  07,  07  n. 
Catarax,  259,  260  n. 
Catholic  Chwrch  in  AmerieOf  by  J.  G. 

Shea,  355  n. 
Catujanos,  304. 
Caulas,  339. 

Cavanillas,  see  Velasques  de  Cavanillas. 
Cavas,  384. 

Cavendish,  Thomas,  43,  56,  56  n. 
Cavo  Blanco  de  San  Sdbastiin,  96  n. 
Caxco,  202. 
Caypa,  203. 

Cedros  Island,  see  Cerroe  Island. 
CSduUu,  433,  434,  437,  455,  456,  456  n. 
Cenizas  Island,  68  n.,  73,  73  n.,  77  n. 
Central  America,  3. 
Cermefio,    Sebastian    Meldndes    Ro- 

drfgues,  44, 45, 91  n.,  94  n.,  120  n. 
Cerralvo,  283. 
Cerros  Island,  6,  9, 10, 16, 16  n.,  17, 17 

n.,  46,  65-«8,  68  n.,  69,  77. 
Cestin  de  Canas,  Captain  Luis,  438. 
Chacala,  55,  55  n. 
Chamuscado,  Frandsoo  Sanches,  150, 

151,  165,  168,  181,  199,  233  n. 
ChaniL,  419  n. 
Chapa  River,  406. 
Chapultepec,  100  n. 
Charooe  de  Agua  Verde,  423  n. 
Charles  U.,  438,  455. 
Cheblie,  357. 

Cheguas  province,  see  Puaray  province. 
Cheres  province,  216. 
Chiguicagui,  451. 
Chihuahua,  451. 
China,  67, 109, 119,  120, 131, 174, 181, 

219. 
China,  EieUrry  of  the  Kingdom  of,  by 

Mendoza,  167. 
Chinipas,  441. 
Chiquitas,  339. 
Chocolate  Mountains,  271  n. 
Chomenes,  356. 

Ckr&nioa,  by  Espinosa,  354  n.,  368  n. 
Chr&nica  de  la  Promneia  del  Santo  Evan- 

geliOy  by  Vetancur,  354  n.,  355  n. 
Chr&nica,  eee  aUo  Cr&nioa, 
Cibola,  see  Zufii. 
Cicacut,  7,  8,  29. 


Cicquique,  166. 

Cicuy6,  218,  218  n. 

Cimarron  Biver,  256  n. 

Clark,  R.  C,  The  Beginninge  of  Texas, 
349  n.,  392  n.,  394  n. 

Claros,  Father,  234,  234  n. 

Clavigero,  Fnmcisoo  Sav^o,  Hietoria 
de  la  Antigua  6  Baja  California, 
429  n. 

Coahuila,  284,  285,  288,  289,  291,  291 
n.,  348,  350,  354,  355,  357-^58,  364, 
367, 371,  388. 

Coahuiia  y  Texas,  Apuntee  para  la  Hie^ 
toria  Antigua  de,  by  Portillo,  286  n., 
289,  357  n. 

Cocapas,  276,  276  n. 

Cocomaricopas,  444,  449  n.,  460. 

Cooomas,  288,  299. 

Coc^spera,  441  n.,  448. 

Coc6ye8,  212,  218. 

Colabrotes,  339. 

CoUoddn  de  Docwnentoe  Iniditoe,  by 
Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  3  n.,  11,  50, 
104  n.,  105  n.,  139-140, 142  n.,  144  n., 
147  n.-151  n.,  154  n.,  158  n.,  159  n., 
166, 167-168  n.,  180  n.,  193  n.,  195  n., 
205  n.,  206-208, 212  n.,  234  n.,  250  n., 
251  n.,  255  n.,  261  n.,  262  n.,  263  n., 
264  n. 

CoUcd&n  de  Varioe  Documentoe  para  la 
Hietoria  de  la  Florida,  by  Bucking- 
ham Smith,  11,  11  n.,  12,  351. 

Colnett  Bay,  78  n. 

Cologne,  76  n. 

Colorado  River,  5,  112,  130,  206,  245 
n.,  270  n.,  271,  271  n.,  273,  428,  443 
n.,  444,  445,  445  n.,  449  n.,  450,  452; 
see  also  Little  Colorado. 

Colorado  River,  of  Texas,  313,  317, 
334,  338,  360  n.,  372,  372  n.,  375  n., 
376  n.,  401  n.,  402  n.,  410  n.,  412  n., 
413. 

Commission  Creek,  255  n. 

Concepci6n,  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  la,  448. 

Concepci6n  de  Nuestra  Sefiora  de 
Caborca,  see  Caborca. 

Conchos,  151,  164,  166,  168,  170-171, 
174-176. 

Conchos  River,  137, 138, 145, 158, 164, 
190,202. 

Conchumuchas,  340,  340  n. 

Conquebacos,  339. 

Conte,  Antonio,  249. 


470 


INDEX 


Conte  de  Herrera,  Antonio,  239  n.,  248. 

Contotores,  307. 

Copala,  271  n.,  272. 

Copala  Lake,  271,  273,  279. 

Corbdn,  Captain  Toribio  G6me2  de, 

45,  92  n.,  106. 
Coibett,  J.  S.,  Drake  and  the  Tudor 

Navy,  32  n. 
Gordero,  Manuel  Sessar,  92  n. 
C6rdoba,  223. 

Goro,  Captain,  446,  447,  451,  462. 
Coronado,  Francisco  Vasquez,  5,  169, 

179, 184, 185,  235,  441  n.;  expedition 

of,  5,  137,  199,  206,  428. 
Coronado  Expedition,  by  G.  P.  Win- 
ship,  169  n.,  179  n.,  183  n.,  227. 
Coronadoe  Islands,  23,  23  n.,  79  n. 
Corpus  Christi  River,  343. 
Cort^,  Francisco,  3  n. 
Cort^,  Hernando,  3-4,  44,  201,  283, 

386,  437,  437  n. 
Cortes,  Father  Jacinto,  438. 
Cort^,  Marcos,  231. 
Corufia,  Count  of,  142,  159-160,  168. 
Co6tans6,  91  n. 
Cotton,  137,  144,  149,  156,  174,  177, 

185,268. 
Council  of  the  Indies,  45,  110,  131. 
Cow  Creek,  260  n. 
Coxedor,  BiEdtasar  Martfnes,  267. 
Crockett,  415  n. 
Crdnica,  Arricivita,  368  n. 
Cr&nica,  by  Obreg6n,  140-141,  167. 
Crdnuxif  see  also  Chronica. 
Cruz,  AguBtfn  de  la,  357  n. 
Cruz,  Fray  Manuel  de  la,  285-287, 288. 
Cruzados,  242  n.,  270,  270  n. 
Cruzate,  Governor  Domingo  Gironza 

Petris  de,  314,  315,  316,  318,  320, 

336,  338,  440. 
Cuaguila  River,  405. 
Cuatro  Cidnegas,  163,  170. 
Cubia,  Captain  Diego  de,  223,  231, 

247  n. 
Cuchans,  see  Yumas. 
Cucurpe,  427,  440,  440  n.,  448,  460. 
Cuencame,  371. 
Cueva,  Juan  de,  150,  153. 
Cuitaos,  314. 
Cujacos,  339. 
Cujalos,  339. 

Culiacdn,  4,  55  n.,  99,  127,  129. 
Cuna,  Bernardo  de,  185. 


Quni,  eee  Zufii. 
Cunquebaoos,  339. 
Cuyler's  Harbor,  7,  8,  38  n. 

Davidson,  George,  11,  12;  Early  Yo\f 
(tgeSf  14  n.,  16  n.,  17  n.,  20  n.,  22  il, 
24  n.,  25  n.,  28  n.-39  n.  pastim,  56 
n.,  58  n.-69  n.  pcunm,  73  n.,  77  n.,  78 
n.,  79  n.,  80  n.,  83  n.,  85  n.,  87  n., 
89  n.,  91  n.,  94  n.,  96  n.,  117  n.; 
Identification  of  Sir  Fronde  DnMn 
Anchorage  on  the  Coast  of  California 
in  the  Year  1579,  32  n. 

Dicouoertes  et  Etablissements  dee  Frwnr 
ffdSf  by  Margry,  375  n. 

Deep  Port,  eee  San  PaUo  Bay. 

De  Le6n,  Captain  Alonso  de,  348-352, 
355,  366,  366  n.;  Itimerariee,  326  n., 

352,  388-423;  expedition  of  1686, 

353,  354;  expedition  iA  1687,  354, 
354  n.;  expedition  of  1688,  355-357; 
expedition  of  1689,  357-364,  388- 
404;  expedition  oA  1690,  367-387, 
405-423;  avlos,  399  n.;  Hietoria  de 
Nuetfo  Le&n,  286  n.,  349,  350,  352, 
353  n.,  357  n.,  388  n.,  390  n.,  397  n., 
399  n.,  401  n.,  403  n.,  404  n. 

De  Le6n-Ma8sanet  expeditiooBy  345- 

423. 
Denotero  of  Vizcaino's  voyage,  48, 49, 

55  n.,  58  n.,  59  n.,  61  n.,  63  n.,  64  n., 

65  n.,  67  n.,  69  n.,  78  n.,  79  n.,  80  n., 

81  n.,  83  n.,  89  n.,  90  n.,  95  n. 
Descalona,  see  Eecalona,  Father  Juan 

de. 
Desert  Tslands,  see  Coronadoe  Islands. 
Deepejo,  see  E^pejo,  Antonio  de. 
Detobitis  Indians,  340. 
Diaz  de  Vargas,  see  Vargas,  Frandsoo 

Dfaz  de. 
Dicdonario  Salvat,  459  n. 
Dijus,  339. 
Doagibubig,  440. 
DocumentoSf  ed.  Carrasco  y  Guiaaaola, 

46  n.,  48,  54  n.,  55  n. 
Documentos  InSditoSf  see  Colecddn  de 

Documentos   Iniditos,    and    Garda, 

Genaro. 
Documentos  para  la  Hietoria  de  Mtaeo, 

51,  210,  268  n.,  430,  431,  432. 
Dolores,  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  los,  429, 

440,  441,  441  n.,  442  n.,  443,  447, 

448,  449,  452  n.,  459,  461. 


INDEX 


471 


Domingues,  Baltasar,  332. 

Domingues,  Juan,  332. 

Dorantes,  224. 

Drake,  Sir  Francis,  43,  444;  IderUificor 

turn  of  Sir  Francis  Drake* 8  Anchorage, 

by  George  Davidson,  32  n. 
Drake  and  the  Tudor  Navy,  by  J.  S. 

Corbett,  32  n. 
Drake's  Bay,  8,  32,  32  n.,  45,  46,  91  n., 

94,  94  n.,  96,  120,  120  n. 
Duero  River,  271. 
Duran,  Juan,  445. 
Durdn,  Fray  Rodrigo,  202. 
Durango,    137,    163,    169,    190,    462, 

462  n. 
Duro,    Cesdreo    Fem^dez,    Armada 

Espafiola,  46  n.,  49  n.;  Don  Diego  de 

Pefialosa,  315  n.,  317-318. 

Eagle  Pass,  287,  306  n. 

Early  Voyages,  by  George  Davidson, 

14  n.,  16  n.,  17  n.,  20  n.,  22  n.,  24  n., 

25  n.,  28  n.-39  n.  paaaim,  56  n.,  58 

n.,  59  n.,  61  n.,  63  n.,  65  n.,  67  n.,  69 

n.,  73  n.,  76  n.-80  n.,  83  n.,  85  n.,  87 

n.,  89  n.,  90  n.,  91  n.,  94  n.,  96  n., 

117  n. 
Echancotes,  339. 
Echegaray,  Martin  de,  347-348. 
Edwards  County,  287. 
El  Coxo,  28,  29  n.,  30. 
El  Moro  Island,  86  n. 
El   Morro  de  los  Reyes,   see  Point 

Reyes. 
El  Paso,  164,  202,  203,  314,  315,  316, 

317,  318,  320  n. 
El  Paso  District,   The  Beginnings  of 

Spanish  SetUements  in,  by  Hughes, 

315,  320,  324  n. 
El  Paso  River,  353,  353  n. 
Eleven  Thousand  Virgins,  Bay  of,  72- 

76,  76  n.,  79  n.;  see  also  Port  San 

Quentfn. 
Elisondo,  289. 

Emeges,  165;  see  also  Jemez. 
Emmes,  province  of  the,  216. 
Encamaci6n  del  Tusconimo,  447. 
Encinitas,  83  n. 
Enfado  (or  Pintada),  129. 
Engaflo  Point,  see  Punta  Baja. 
Engelhardt,  Father  Zephyrin,  Missions 

and  Missionaries  of  Calif omia,  128  n. 
Ensayo  Cnmoldgico,  by  Barcfa,  318. 


ErUrada,  by  Luxin,  164  n.,  173  n.,  176 

n.,  184  n.,  186  n.,  187  n. 
Ephemerides,  by  Andrea  Argoli,  391  n. 
Escalante,  Phelipe  de  (and  Barrando), 

"Relaci6n  Breve,"  140,  142  n.,  154- 

157,  167. 
Escalona,  Father  Juan  de,  210,  250, 

250  n.,  266. 
Escanjaques,  205,  257,  257  n.,  258,  261 

n.,  264  n. 
Escobar,   Father   Francisco   de,   268, 

279. 
Escorza,  Juan  Bautista,  371. 
Espejo,  Antonio  de,  130  n.,  156,  206, 

223, 243  n.,  247  n.,  321  n.;  expedition 

of,  140,  141,  161-195,  199;  narrative 

of,  168-192;  Letter  to  Viceroy,  193- 

194;  Letter  to  King,  195. 
Espinosa,  Captain  Marcelo  de,  231. 
Espinosa,  Chrdnica,  354  n.,  368  n. 
Espfritu  Santo  Bay,  313,  342,  347,  348, 

353,  353  n.,  354,  355,  357,  362  n., 

367-368,  369,  370,  399-400. 
Espfritu  Santo  River,  376  n.,  418;  see 

also  Brazos. 
Est^an,  Indian,  299,  304,  307,  308. 
Estrada,  Juan  de,  436. 
Estremadura,  Nueva,  307. 
Evans,  Richard  Stuart,  11. 
Explicaci&n,    of   Vizcaino  charts,   49, 

65  n.,  69  n.,  77,  77  n.,  79  n.,  80  n., 

87  n.,  95  n. 
Exposici&n  Aslron&mica  de  el  Cometa, 

by  Kino,  430. 

False  Bay,  81  n. 

Farallones,  Gulf  of  the,  8. 

Farfdn  de  los  Godos,  Captain  Marcos, 

187  n.,  206,  222,  262  n.;  documents 

concerning,  187  n.;  expedition  to  the 

salines,  235,  236  n.;  expedition  to  the 

mines,  237,  239-249. 
Father  Kinoes  Lost  History,  Us  Discovery 

and  its  Value,  by  H.  E.  Bolton,  429  n. 
Favores  CeUstiides,  by  Kino,  429  n., 

432;  extract  from,  433-464. 
Fem^dez,  Bartolom^,  5. 
Femindez,  Gonzalo,  1(X). 
Femdndez,  Gregorio,  185. 
Ferrelo  (Ferrer,  Ferrel),  Bartolom^,  5, 

11,    47;    succeeds    Cabrillo,    8-10; 

diary,  perhaps  by,  11-39. 
Figueroa,  Isidro  Juarez  de,  267. 


472 


INDEX 


Pinal  Report,  by  A.  F.  Bandolier,  146 

n.,  149  n.,  152  n.,  233  n. 
Fires,  Bay  of,  7,  26. 
Flagstaff,  Arixona,  240  n. 
Flanders,  173,  175,  183,  357. 
Flax,  184. 

Flechas  Chiquitas,  330. 
Fletcher,  Reverend  Francis,  The  World 

Encompassed  by  Sir  Francia  Drake, 

32  n. 
Flores,  Antonio,  53,  73,  90  n.,  108  n. 
Florida,  4,  43,  144,  159,  173,  224,  272, 

283-284,  347,  400. 
Fontcuberta,  Father  Miguel,  308, 308  n. 
Fort  Ross,  8. 
Fort  Stockton,  328  n. 
Frailes,  eee  Los  Frailes. 
France,  347,  375. 
Frandscans,  in  New  Mexico,  138,  142, 

143, 151, 163, 168, 169, 179, 208, 221, 

222,  223,  250,  251,  266,  268,  445;  in 

Texas,  284-287,  291,  313,  316,  350, 

364-366,  368,  396. 
Francisco,  Indian,  152. 
Francisco,  Juan,  59,  67,  67  n.,  77,  78, 

80,  81,  357,  357  n. 
Francisco  Xavier,  Indian,  447. 
Frayles,  see  Los  Frailes. 
French  settlement  in  Texas,  360-361, 

361  n.,  366, 367-368, 369  n.,  397-399, 

401-404. 
Frias,  Juan  de,  170,  185. 
Frio  River,  392,  392  n. 
Fuegos  Bay,  see  Fires,  Bay  of. 
Fuerte  de  Montesclaros,  427. 
Fuerte  River,  4,  427. 
Fumos,  Bahia  de  los,  eee  Santa  Monica 

Bay. 

Gadsden  Purchase,  428. 

Galbe  valley,  418. 

Galeote,  Ensign  Martin  de  Aguilar,  52, 
52  n.,  74,  108  n. 

GaUcia,  111,  308. 

Galisteo,  233  n. 

Galisteo  Pass,  251,  251  n.,  252  n. 

Gallegos,  Hernando,  138,  139,  140, 
144  n.,  146  n.,  147  n.,  149  n.,  150, 
150  n.,  157  n.;  "Relaci6n  y  Con- 
cudfo  de  Chamuscado,"  140,  148  n., 
150  n.;  declaration,  140,  150  n. 

Gallegos,  Pedro  de  Trugillo,  267. 

Gallinieui,  eee  Bagres  River. 


Gallinas  National  Forest,  234  n. 

Gallo,  El,  see  San  Rafael. 

Galve,  Conde  de,  357,  364,  416,  417. 

Gamarra,  348. 

Garcia,  Frandsoo,  267. 

Garcia,  Genaro,  Documentoe  InidUot  6 
muy  Baroa  para  la  Hietaria  de  MizieOf 
349;  ed.,  De  Le6n's  Hietoria  de  Nwvo 
Le6n,  349  n. 

Garcia,  Marcos,  239  n.,  248. 

Garcitas  River,  361  n.,  397  n.,  402  n. 

Garrison,  G.  P.,  Texae,  349  n. 

Garza,  Lorenso  de  la,  357. 

Garza,  TomAa  de  la,  357. 

Gaviota  Pass,  7,  8,  27,  20;  ass  obo 
Cicacut. 

Gediondos,  316,  334  n.,  330. 

Geniocanes,  288,  303. 

Geograpkia  Hierarehioa^  by  Scherer, 
432. 

Geographical  Society  of  the  Pacific, 
Traneactiona  and  Proceedinga,  6  n., 
0  n. 

Ger6nimo,  Indian,  151,  152-153. 

Giganta  Island,  112. 

Gila  River,  428,  420,  430,  442  n.,  443 
n.,  444,  445  n.,  447,  440  n.,  453, 455; 
see  alao  Nombre  de  Jesds  River. 

Gilg,  Father  Adam,  445,  445  n. 

Gironza,  Petris  de  Cnuate,  aee  Cm- 
zate. 

Godoi,  Diego  Luoero  de,  321,  337,  343. 

Golden  Gate,  8,  47. 

Gomes,  Antonio,  332. 

G6mez  de  Corbto,  Admiral  Toribio, 
45,  53,  53  n. 

Gonzilez,  E.  J.,  Cdleceidn  de  NoHcUu  y 
DocumerUoa  para  la  Hiaioria  de  Nuevo 
Le6n,  286  n.;  Leccionea  Oralea  de  Hia- 
ioria de  Nuevo  Le&n,  286  n. 

Gonzilez,  Father  Francisco,  449, 440  n. 

Gonzilez,  Father  Manuel,  440, 441, 445. 

Gonz^ez,  Father  Tirso,  435,  435  n., 
450. 

Grajero  Point,  21,  21  n.,  79  n. 

Gran  Quivira,  see  Quivira. 

Gran  Teguayo,  see  Teguajro. 

Granada,  235, 236  n. ;  see  alao  Hawikuh. 

Grand  Canyon,  5. 

Great  Xinesi,  381  n. 

Griffin,  George  Butler,  40. 

GroUette,  Santiago,  364,  403  n. 

Guadalajara,  Bidbop  of,  288-280. 


INDEX 


473 


Guadalajara,  Diego  de,  314,  316,  317, 

337,  371,  435. 
Guadalajara,  Audienda  of,  9ee  Nueva 

Galida. 
Guadalajara  city,  284. 
Guadalquivir  River,  271. 
Guadalupe,  288,  289,  291,  299,  304, 

305,  308,  309,  325  n. 
Guadalupe  (Sinaloa),  439. 
Guadalupe,  Nuestra  Sefiora  de,  286, 

320,324. 
Guadalupe  River,  348, 358, 358  n.,  360, 

363,  369, 369  n.,  370, 370  n.,  385, 385 

n.,  400,  400  n.,  407,  410,  410  n.,  421. 
Guadiana,  villa  of  (Durango),  190. 
Gu^jaido,  Captain  Nioolis  de,  371. 
Gua3nnas,  429. 

Gu^Mura,  Diego  Martin  de,  267. 
Guebavi,  8ee  Guevavi. 
Gueiquesale,  Est^ban,  tee  EstSban. 
Gueiquesalee,  285,  287,  288,  301,  306. 
Guerra,  Juan,  100. 
Guerrero,  53  n. 
Guevavi,  429,  448,  448  n. 
Guisasola,  see  Cairasco. 
Guzm^,  4,  55  n. 

Habre  Ojo,  see  Abreojos  Rocks. 

Hackett,  Charles  W.,  ''Location  of  the 
Tiguas,"  146  n. 

Hagllis,  276,  276  n. 

Hakluyt,  Vaifogea,  44,  167. 

Hakluyt  Society  PubUcations,  167. 

Half  Moon  Bay,  8. 

Halliquamaya,  276  n. 

jianmsflnes,  oiSv* 

Handbook  qf  Ameriean  Indians,  by 
Hodge,  26  n.,  146  n.,  171  n.,  172  n., 
177  n.,  178  n.,  181  n.,  182  n.,  183  n., 
186  n.,  189  n.,  216  n.,  217  n.,  233  n., 
234  n.,  235  n.,  276  n.,  376  n. 

Harchuleta,  Francisco  de,  341-342. 

Hasinai  Indians,  349  n. 

Hediondos,  see  Jediondoe. 

Hendido  Island,  94  n. 

Henshaw,  H.  W.,  Voyage  of  CabriUo, 
11,  22  n.,  23  n.,  26  n.,  33  n. 

Hermosillo,  440  n. 

HemiUidez,  Gregorio,  170,  185,  187. 

HeroiUidez,  Joan,  170,  185. 

Herrera,  Antonio,  Hitioria  Oeneralf  5 
n.,  10, 10  n.,  13  n.,  18  n.,  21  n.,  28  n., 
30  n.,  31  n.,  36  n.,  37  n. 

Herrera,  Crist6bal  de,  249. 


Hiburi,  see  Quibuii. 

Hidalgo,  Father  Francisco,  368,  368  n. 

Himires,  San  Joseph  de,  440,  444. 

Hinehis,  339. 

Hinsas,  340. 

Historia  de  la  Compafiia  de  JesAs,  by 
Alegre,  428  n.,  429  n.,  430. 

Historia  de  los  Triumphos  de  Nuestra 
F4,  by  Pdrez  de  Ribas,  428  n. 

Historia  General,  etc.,  by  Antonio 
Herrera,  5  n.,  10,  10  n.,  13  n.,  18  n., 
21  n.,  28  n.,  30  n.,  31  n.,  36  n.,  37  n. 

Historia,  Oeografia  y  Estadistica  del 
Estado  de  TamaulipaiS,  by  Alejandro 
Prieto,  286  n. 

Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana  and 
Florida,  by  French,  351. 

Historical  Society  of  Southern  Cali- 
fornia, PMications,  49. 

Hooomes,  446,  447,  451,  458,  462. 

Hodge,  Frederick  W.,  Handbook  of 
American  Indians,  26  n.,  146  n.,  171 
n.,  172  n.,  177  n.,  178  n.,  181  n.,  182 
n.,  183  n.,  186  n.,  189  n.,  216  n.,  217 
n.,  233  n.,  234  n.,  235  n.,  276  n.,  376 
n.;  Jumano  Indians,  233  n.;  Ascent 
of  iKs  Enchanted  Mesa,  235  n. 

Hondo  River,  366,  369  n.,  392,  407, 
422. 

Hopi,  452  n.;  see  also  Moqui. 

Horsehead  Crossing,  316, 329  n.,  330  n. 

Hualpai  camp,  243  n. 

Hualpai  Range,  244  n. 

Hudson,  Henry,  450. 

Hughes,  A.  M.,  The  Beffinnings  of 
Spanish  Settlements  in  the  El  Paso 
District,  315,  320  n.,  324  n. 

Huicasiques,  339. 

Humafia,  Antonio  Guti^rres  de,  200, 
201,  201  n.,  204,  205,  208,  209,  213, 
218,  224,  229  n.,  251,  258,  261. 

Humari,  Captain  Frandsco,  447. 

Humes  Indians,  339. 

Hurtassen,  Father  Juan  de,  436,  450. 

Hutchinson,  Kansas,  260  n. 

Hyaqui,  442. 

Ibarra,  Diego  de,  141,  142,  143,  199, 

271  n. 
Ibarra,  Frandsco  de,  159. 
Ibarra,  Joan  L6pes  de,  170,  185. 

Jnrjiiiriff   440. 

Indian' chiefs,  186,  203,  267,  271,  273, 
276,  287,  288,  304,  348,  349. 


474 


INDEX 


Indian  language,  28,  275,  279. 

Indians,  6,  12,  88  n.,  128-129,  146,  147, 
154,  155;  of  California,  seen  by 
Cabrillo,  17,  19-27;  and  Ferrelo,  30, 
33,  a4,  38;  and  Vizcaino,  59,  60,  64, 
71-74,  78,  81-90,  92,  97,  98,  102, 
115-120,  124,  125,  128,  132-134;  of 
New  Mexico,  and  Rodriguez,  143- 
156,  159;  and  Espejo,  164,  168-192; 
and  Ofiate,  201,  203-205,  216-218, 
224, 233-238,  241-246, 252, 253, 257- 
264,  268,  270-280;  of  Texas,  and 
Larios  and  Bosque,  285-288,  296- 
308;  and  Mendoza,  313-316,  321, 
322,  325,  327,  330,  331,  337-340;  and 
Massanet,  365-367,  372-^2,  386; 
and  De  Le6n,  389,  390,  395-398,  403, 
407,  410^121;  of  Pimeria  Alia,  and 
Kino,  446-453,  458-462;  religion  and 
the,  74,  83,  84,  107,  121-122,  125, 
132,  285-289,  296-297,  298,  299-300, 
303,  304,  307,  308,  309,  317,  33^-339, 
381-382,  433-464;  and  French  set- 
tlement, 397-399,  401-i03;  9ee  also 
Abas;  Abau;  Acanis;  Achubales; 
Acomas;  Aguidas;  Aielis;  Alche- 
domas;  Amacavas;  Anchimos;  Apa- 
ches; Apes;  Arames;  Arooe  (Los  que 
hacen);  Babosarigames;  Bacoanoos; 
Bahacechas;  Bajuneros;  Beitoni- 
jures;  Bibis;  Bibits;  Bobidas;  Bobo- 
les;  Cabas;  Cabesas;  Cacaxtles;  Catu« 
janoe;  Caulas;  Cavas;  Chanas; 
Chiquitas;  Chomenes;  Coahuilas; 
Cocapas;  Cocomas;  Coc6yes;  Co- 
labrotes;  Conchoe;  Conchumuchas; 
Conquebacoe;  Contotores;  Cruzadoe; 
Cuitaos;  Cujacos;  Cujaloe;  Cunque- 
bacos;  Detobitis;  Dijus;  Echanco- 
tes;  Emmes;  Escanjaques;  Flechas 
Chiquitas;  Gediondos;  Geniocanes; 
Guaymas;  Gueiquesales;  Hagllis; 
Hanasines;  Hinehis;  Hinsas;  Ho- 
comes;  Huicasiques;  Hiunez;  In- 
James;  Isconis;  Isuchos;  Jeapas; 
Juanas;  Jumanos;  Machomenes; 
Maguas;  Manosprietas;  Mansos; 
Mescales;  Naamans;  Nobraches; 
Ocanes;  Oranchos;  Ororosos;  Ozaras; 
Pachaques;  Pacpuls;  Pagaiames;  Pai- 
abunas;  Papanes;  Paquachiames; 
Pasquales;  Pataquaques;  Pimas; 
Firos;  Pojues;  Puchames;  Puchas; 


Pueblos;  Puguahianes;  Pylchas; 

Quems;  Querechos;  Quicuchabes; 

Quisabas;  Quitacas;   Quiviras;  San 

Buenaventura;  Siacuchas;  Suajos; 

Sumas;  Teanames;  Teandas;  Tejas 

(Texas);  Tenimamas;  Teroodans; 

Tetecores;  Tilijaes;  Tlalliquamallas; 

Tlascalas;  Tlaxcaltecos;  Tobosos; 

Tojumas;  Toremes;  Unojitas;  Vivits; 

Wichitas;  Xaesers;  Xomans;  Ylames; 

Yoricas;  Yoyehis;  Yumas;  Zufiis. 
Injames,  339. 

Inojosa,  Alonso  Nufiez,  267. 
Inojoea,  Hernando,  231. 
Inojosa,  Captain  Pablo  de  Aguilar,  231. 
International  Railroad,  306  n. 
Ireland,  cows  of,  173. 
Isconis,  340,  340  n. 
Isuchos,  339. 
Itinercario,  of  Mendoza,   320-343;  of 

De  Le6n  in  1689,  38S-404;  of  De 

Le6n   in    1690,    405-423;   ase   ai$o 

Ytinerario. 
Iturbi,  50,  109  n.,  Ill  n. 

Jalisco,  201. 

Janoe,  447,  451,  458. 

Japan,  43,  109,  119. 

Jarri,  Juan,  348. 

Jeapas,  287,  296,  297. 

Jediondos  village,  316,  334  n.,  339. 

Jesuits,  in  Pimerfa  Alta,  425-464. 

Jestis  Maria,  Father  Francisco,  368. 

Jimenez,  4,  437  n. 

Joseph,  Indian,  201  n.,  205,  209,  224, 

251,  251  n. 
Juan  de  Dios,  223. 
Juan   Rodriguez,  Island  of,  ase  San 

Miguel  Island. 
Juanas,  339. 
Jumana  language,  337. 
Jumano  Indians,  The,  F.  W.  Hodge, 

233  n. 
Jumano  Indians  in  Texas,  The,  by  H. 

E.  Bolton,  315  n. 
Jumanos,  166,  190,  204,  215,  216  n., 

225,  225  n.,  260  n.,  354  n.;  Mendosa- 

L6pes  expedition  to,  164,  311-^43. 
Jumees,  308. 
Juni  province,  see  Zufd. 

Kansas,  5,  201. 
Kansas  River,  261  n. 


INDEX 


475 


Kappus,  Father  Marcos  Antonio,  442 
n.,  444. 

Keeran,  Claude,  ranch  of,  362  n. 

King's  Peak,  9. 

Kino  (Kiihn),  Father  Eusebio  Fran- 
cisco, 450,  452;  biography,  429^130; 
bibliography,  430-432;  Report  and 
Relation  of  New  Conversions  in 
Pimeria  Alta,  433-464. 

La  Barrera,  Bishop  Ignacio  Dlas  de,  462. 

La  Belle,  ship,  400  n. 

La  Grange,  412  n. 

La  Hasencion  del  Seflor,  9ee  Ascenci6n 
del  Sefior. 

La  Junta,  315-318. 

La  Paz,  4,  44,  92  n.,  98  n.,  267. 

La  Po8esi6n,  see  San  Miguel  Island; 
Port  San  Quentin. 

La  SaUe,  347-349,  353  n.,  361  n.,  362 
n.,  400  n.,  402  n. 

La  SaUe*8  CoUmy  on  the  Qv3f  of  Mexico^ 
The  Location  of,  by  H.  E.  Bolton, 
349  n. 

La  Zorra,  see  Zorra. 

Lagar,  eee  Legar,  Miguel  de. 

Laguna,  240  n. 

Laguna,  Marqute  de  la,  353,  439. 

Laguna  de  Oro,  130  n.,  156  n. 

UAimahle,  ship,  400  n. 

Land  of  Sunshinef  by  C.  F.  Liunmis, 
210,  261  n.,  271  n.,  315  n.,  354  n. 

L'Archevdque,  Jean,  401,  401  n. 

Larioe,  Father  Juan,  284-287,  289;  ex- 
pedition of,  291-309. 

Las  Canoas,  Rio  de,  see  San  Buena- 
ventura. 

Las  Casas,  Bishop  Bartolom6  de,  Bre- 
viseima  Relacion  de  la  Dietruyeion 
de  las  Indias,  133  n.;  TreyrUe  Pro- 
posicianes  muy  JiaridicaSf  134  n. 

Las  Ciruelas,  223. 

Las  Cruzes,  422. 

Las  Vacas  River,  see  Pecos  River. 

Lavaca  River,  363  n.,  370  n.,  372  n., 
410  n.;  see  also  San  Marcos  River. 

Leal,  Andr^,  100. 

Leal,  Father  Antonio,  449,  451. 

Ledesma,  Francisco  de,  160. 

Legar,  Miguel  de,  53, 67, 67  n.,  80, 108  n. 

Legazpi,  Miguel  L6pez  de,  43. 

Le6n,  369;  see  also  Cerralvo,  Nuevo 
Le6n. 


Letter  Written  by  Don  Juan  de  Ofkite 

from  New  Mexico,  212-222. 
Lettres  Sdifianles,  435  n. 
Leyva  de  Bonilla,  Francisco,  200,  201, 

224. 
Libro  Diario,  by  Sebastian  Vizcaino, 

48,  54  n.,  57  n.,  62  n.,  68  n.,  77  n.,  80 

n.,  81  n.,  87  n.,  88  n.,  90  n.,  92  n. 
Li^ama,  Domingo  de,  231. 
Limpia  Concepci6n,  Nuestra  Sefiora  de 

la,  322. 
Limun,  see  San  Salvador. 
Little  Arkansas  River,  260  n. 
Little  Colorado  River,  240,  269,  269  n. 
Llanos,  Francisco  de,  349. 
Llanos  del  Cfbolo,  199,  205;  see  also 

Zufii. 
Llinaz,  Father  Antonio,  354,  354  n. 
''Location  of  La  Salle's  Colony  on  the 

Gulf  of  Mexico,"  by  H.  E.  Bolton, 

362  n. 
Lomas  y  Colmenares,  Juan  Bautista 

de,  200. 
L6pez,  Diego,  100. 
L6pez,  Est^van,  76. 
L6pez,  Father  Francisco,  138, 139, 152, 

164,  165,  168,  179. 
L6pez,  JeriSnimo,  219. 
L6pez,  Father  NicoMs,  316-318;  ac- 
count of  expedition  with  Mendoza, 

320-343. 
Los  Frailes,  94  n.,  439. 
Los  que  hacen  Arcos,  339,  339  n. 
Los  Ures,  440. 

Losa,  see  Rio  de  Losa,  Rodrigo  del. 
Louisiana,  288. 
Lowery,    Woodbiuy,    Spanish   Settle' 

ments  within  the  Present  Limits  of  the 

United  States,  5  n.,  159  n. 
Lowery  Collection,  223  n.,  239  n. 
Lucero,  NicoMs,  332. 
Lummis,  Charles  F.,  Land  of  Sunshine, 

210,  315  n.,  354  n.,  371  n. 
Luna,  Bernardo  de,  170. 
Luna,  Diego  de,  335,  337. 
Lusenilla,  Captain  Francisco,  438. 
Lux^   Diego    Pdrez    de,    167,    170, 

185. 
Luxin,  Gaspdr  de,  170,  185. 
Lux^,  Miguel,  332. 
Lriz  de  Tierra  Ino6ffniUi,  by  Manje, 

430,  43L 
Luiuriaga,  Father,  364. 


476 


INDEX 


Martian,  lalas  de,  9»  Manatliin  Ib- 

lioids. 
MachomeneSy  856. 
Madalena,  we  Magdaleoa  Bay. 
Madrid,  140,  354. 
Magdalena  Bay,  14, 14  n.,  15  n.,  61  n.; 

Cabrillo's  expedition  reaches,  6;  ex- 
plorations of,  46,  59;  naming  of,  59, 

59  n.;  Vizcaino  arrives  in,  115, 115  n. 
Magdalena  River,  224, 252, 252  n.,  353, 

353  n.,  429;  m0  alio  Canadian  River. 
Magellan,  Ferdinand,  4. 
Maguas,  138,  165,  165  n.,  180. 
Maize,  26,  148,  155-156,  170,  177. 
Mala  Nueva,  Rfo  de  la,  235,  235  n. 
Maldonado,  Dorantes  Castillo,  173. 
Mallea,  Juan  de,  267. 
Manila  galleons,  43,  44,  455,  455  n. 
Manje,  Lieutenant  Juan  Matheo,  442  n. 
Manje,  lAz  de  Tierra  InodffnUa,  430. 
Manosprietas,  291,  306. 
Mansos,  164,  320. 
Mansos  River,  320. 
Manzanillo  harbor,  13  n. 
Manzano  Mountains,  138,  233  n. 
Marcos,  Friar,  5,  428. 
Margry,  Pierre,  D^couvertee  d  Stablisse' 

menu  dee  FranfaiSt  375  n. 
Mariana,  Father,  457. 
Marias  Islands,  112. 
Maricopas,  275;  eee  aleo  Osaras. 
Mariquita,  221. 
M^uez,  Captain  Ger6nimo,  214-216, 

271,  272. 
Martin,  Crist6bal,  199. 
Martin,  Captain  Ger6nimo,  report  of 

Cerros  Island,  64,  65;  surveys  of 

land,  66-68,  70,  74. 
Martin,  Heman,  239  n.,  248. 
Martinez,  Father  Alonso,  202,  221. 
Martinez,  Enrico,  49. 
Martinez,  Captain  Francisco,  357,  360, 

364,  368,  377,  396;  sent  to  Mexico, 

404  n.,  413  n.,  418  n. 
Massanet,  Father  Damidn,  297  n.,  396, 

397  n.,  401  n.,  416,  417,  418,  423  n.; 

accompanies  De  Le6n  to  Texas,  348- 

351;  Letter  to  Don  Carlos  de  Si- 

gQenza,  350-351,  353-387. 
Matagorda  Bay,  348,  349,  350,  353  n., 

357  n.,  400  n. 
Matanchel  harbor,  438. 
Mayo  River,  427. 


Masatlan,  47,  55  n.,  98  n.,  99. 
Mazatlan  Islands,  54,  54  n.,  55, 55  n., 

99,  111,  127,  127  n. 
MechoadLn,  eee  MichoadUi. 
Medanos,  202. 
Medina,  NicoMs  de,  357. 
Medina,  Pedro,  Arte  de  Naoegarf  391, 

391  n. 
Medina  River,  393,  408,  421,  421  n. 
Meldndez,  Sebastiibi,  45,  53,  60, 75, 76, 

79,  83  n.,  86,  106;  e]q>lo(ratioos  and 

report,  68,  73,  73  n.,  74;  ezamines 

Bay  of  Monterey,  90  n. 
"Memorial,"  by  Alonso  de  BenavideB, 

315  n.,  354  n. 
"Memorias  de  Nueva  Espafia,"  351, 

388  n.,  390  n. 
Mendoca,  ase  Zaidfvar  Meodoia,  Ti- 

centede. 
Mendoca,  Antonio,  Conde  de  VendiDa, 

viceroy,  3,  5,  19,  437. 
Mendoca,  Baltasar  Domingaes  de,  321. 
Mendoca,  Hurtado  de,  4. 
Mendoza,  Juan  Domlngues  de,  314, 

316-319;  Itinerary,  320-343. 
Mendoca,  Juan  Goncdles,  History  cf 

China,  167. 
Mendoca,    Lorenzo    Su^lrei    de,    eee 

Corufia,  Count  of. 
Mendoca,  Pedro  Gonctiec  de,  167. 
Mendoca-L6pec    Ejqpedition    to    the 

Jumanos,  311-343. 
Mendndec  de  Avil^  Pedro,  founder  of 

Florida,  43. 
Mesa  de  los  Jumanoe,  233  n. 
Mescales,  856,  389. 
Meunier,  Pierre,  375,  375  n.,  413,  423, 

423  n. 
Mexican  Indians,  177,  185. 
Mexico,  3,  43,  44,  115,  128,  139,  163, 

169,  261  n.,  264  n.,  265  n.,  283,  284, 

348,  364,  427,  428. 
Mexico,  Audienda  of,  209. 
Mexico,  dty,  45,  52, 100, 151, 152, 202, 

269,  404,  439,  440  n.,  442  n. 
Mixieo,  Documentoe,  eee  Documentee 

para  la  Hietoria  de  M4xioo» 
MSxicOf  Documentoe  InidHoe,  eee  Oar- 
da,  Genaro. 
Mexico f  Guide  to  the  Arekiieee  qf,  by  H. 

£.  Bolton,  351. 
MichoadLn,  3,  69. 
Middle  Concho,  317,  334  n. 


INDEX 


477 


Midland  County,  Texas,  834  n. 

Miguel,  Indian,  mvp  by,  211;  inter- 
preter, 264  n. 

Mines,  in  northern  Mezioo,  137,  138, 
142,  143,  109,  170,  427;  in  New 
Mexico,  150,  152,  157, 158-150,  181, 
189,  192,  283;  in  Ariaona,  165,  166, 
187-188,  204,  216,  239-249,  439. 

Minutuli,  Father  Gerdnimo,  444. 

Miranda,  Akmso  de,  170,  185. 

Missions,  Father  Asoensidn's  views  on, 
114-115,  122-126,  132-134;  Fran- 
dacan,  in  New  Mexico  (Rodilgues), 
138,  142,  151,  152,  155,  158;  (Bel- 
tHLn),  163,  165,  168,  169,  179,  181, 
182,  188;  (Martines),  202,  221,  222, 
266;  Fnuidscan,  in  Texas  QLarios), 
284-286, 291-309;  (L6pes),  316, 317, 
320,  325,  337,  338;  (Massanet),  349, 
350,  354, 355, 364-368, 377, 379-384, 
416,  417;  Jesuit,  in  Pimeria  Alta, 
427-430,433-464. 

Mitnona  and  Miationariu  qf  Ca^fomia^ 
by  Father  Z.  Engelhardt,  128  n. 

Mississippi  River,  313, 347, 348, 353. 

Miananppi  VaUey  Hiaiarioal  Bmew^ 
349  n.,  362  n. 

Mixton  War,  5. 

Mobile  Bay,  348. 

Mohoce,  185,  192,  216-217;  see  olto 
Moqui. 

Monorchia  Indiana,  by  Torquemada, 
46  n.,  50, 53  n.,  55  n.,  56  n.,  59  n.,  61 
n.,  62  n.,  65  n.,  69  n.,  96  n.,  108  n.,  210. 

Monclova,  200, 285-286,  289,  348,  351, 
357,  368  n.,  405,  418,  418  n.,  423  n. 

Monclova  River,  291,  291  n. 

Mofie,  Pedro,  see  Meunier,  Pierre. 

Montague  Island,  277  n. 

Montelirioe,  Captain  Antonio  Q6me8, 
267. 

Monterey,  Count  of,  viceroy,  44,  52, 

90  n.,  105,  106,  437. 

Monterey,  Bay  of,  7,  8,  46,  49,  90  n., 

91  n.,  106  n.,  108  n. 

Monterey,  California,  50,  87,  90-93, 

119,  438,  453. 
Monterey,  Mexico,  283,  348,  369. 
Montero  de  Castro,  Miguel,  267. 
Montesinos,  Alonso  Q6mes,  267. 
Montezuma,  201. 
MontoUa,  Felipe,  332. 
Montoya,  Juan  Martines  de,  267. 


Moqui,  216,  236,  236  n.,  441,  442,  453, 
454;  EqMJo  visits,  165;  mines  dis- 
oovered  at,  237. 

Moraio  de  la  Rua,  Juan  de,  267. 

Moriete,  Captain  Juan,  200. 

MoiTO  Hermoso,  64  n. 

Mount  Carmel,  33  n. 

Mountain  goat,  22  n. 

Moya  de  Contraras,  Pedro,  viceroy,  43. 

Mufii,  Pedro,  see  Meunier,  Piore. 

Mufios,  Father  Diego,  210. 

Mufioi,  Juan,  267. 

Mufios  collection,  11. 

Naamans,  420  n. 

Nadadoras  River,  200,  287,  292,  293 
n.,  388. 

Naranjo,  Alonso,  267. 

NarWKes,  Pinfilo,  enters  Florida,  173. 

National  Oooffrapkie  Magatine,  289. 

NatiM  TVt&M  obouitheBatl  Toxaa  M\»- 
nana,  by  H.  E.  Bolton,  349  n.,  376  n. 

Natividad  Island,  17,  65  n.,  68  n. 

Navarrete,  Martin  FemiUidez,  AUaa, 
Suta  y  Mexicana,  49;  ROaei&n,  SuM 
y  Mexieana,  10  n.,  15  n.,  17  n.,  21  n., 
22  n.,  25  n.,  32  n.,  34  n. 

Navidad,  port,  10,  13,  13  n.,  54,  54  n., 
115,  127,  325,  325  n.,  439;  mari- 
time base  at,  3;  Cabrillo's  eiq;)edition 
from,  6. 

Navidad  River,  412  n. 

Neches  River,  349,  350,  353,  353  n., 
376  n.,  379  n. 

Ne-Ne-Schah  River,  260  n. 

Neue  Welt  BoU,  431. 

New  France,  357. 

New  Galicia,  sse  Nueva  Oalicia. 

New  Mexican  Hietory,  Leading  Fade 
qf,  by  Twitohell,  145  n.,  175  n.,  176 
n.,  188  n. 

New  Mexico,  44, 130, 130  n.,  313,  324, 
325, 329, 337, 347, 353, 354, 355, 365, 
424,  444,  453,  454;  Rodrlgues  ex- 
pedition into,  137-160;  Espejo  ex- 
pedition into,  161-195;  Ofiate  expe- 
ditions in,  199-280;  Sosa  in,  283. 

New  Spain,  38,  53  n.,  98  n.,  106  n.,  119, 
143,  144,  201,  202  n.,  219,  236,  303 
n.,  445;  Cabrillo  explores  coast,  13; 
Indians  in,  88;  discoveries  in,  105; 
Peru  sends  ships  to,  114;  ase  aleo 
Mexico. 


478 


INDEX 


Newfoundland,  4. 

Niebla,  Spain,  138. 

Niel,  Father  Amando,  "Apunta- 
mientos/'  315  n. 

Niza,  see  Marcos,  Friar. 

Nobraches,  340. 

Nogales,  448  n. 

Nombre  de  Jestis  River,  213,  275,  275 
n.,  276,  277;  see  also  Gila  River. 

North  Mexican  States  and  Texas,  by 
H.  H.  Bancroft,  4  n.,  5  n.,  142  n., 
428  n.,  429  n.,  453  n. 

"North  Sea,"  187,  199,  200,  266  n., 
272,  436,  450. 

Northwest  Cape,  8,  9,  31  n.,  36,  36  n., 
37. 

Northwest  Coast,  History  of,  By  H.  H. 
Bancroft,  453  n. 

Nueces  River,  287,  313,  314,  315,  316, 
317,  334,  334  n.,  336,  336  n.,  338  n., 
391,  391  n.,  406,  407. 

Nuestra  Sefiora  de  Atocha,  de  Belen, 
de  Guadalupe,  de  Regla,  de  la  Can- 
delaria,  de  la  Concepci6n,  de  la 
Limpia  Concepci6n,  de  la  Paz,  de  la 
Piedad,  de  la  Soledad,  de  los  Do- 
lores, de  los  Remddioe,  del  Buen 
Suceso,  del  Carmen,  del  Pilar  de 
Saragosa,  del  P6pulo,  del  Rosdrio, 
del  Trdnsito,  see  Atocha,  Belen, 
Guadalupe,  Regla,  Candelaria,  Con- 
cepci6n,  Limpia  Concepci6n,  Paz, 
Piedad,  Soledad,  Dolores,  Reme- 
dies, Buen  Suceso,  Carmen,  Pilar  de 
Saragosa,  P6pulo,  Rosirio,  Trinsito; 
see  also  Our  Lady. 

Nuestro  Padre  San  Antonio,  see  San 
Antonio. 

Nuestro  Padre  San  Francisco,  see  San 
Francisco. 

Nueva  Estremadura,  207;  see  also 
Coahuila. 

Nueva  Galicia,  55  n.,  152,  158,  200, 
284,  435,  438;  Audiencia  of,  289. 

Nueva  Mtcico,  Historia  de  la,  by  G. 
Villagrd,  206,  209,  212  n.-216  n.,  223 
n.,  224  n.,  227  n.,  233  n.,  234  n.,  236 
n.,  238  n.;  see  also  Nueoo  Mixico, 

Nueva  Vizcaya,  139,  145,  151-152, 
163, 168, 179, 185, 192,  284, 308, 338, 
410;  mines  in,  158-159;  Father  Bel- 
trdn  arrives  at,  165;  Espejo  leaves, 
195,  200. 


Nuevo  Almad^,  see  Monclova. 
Nueoo  Espejo  Oeogrdfico,  454,  454  n. 
Nuevo  Le6n,  283,  284,  348,  350,  353, 

354,  357,  367,  369,  369  n.,  388. 
Nuevo  Ledn,  Historia  de,  by  Alonso  De 

Le6n,  286  n.,  349  n.,  352,  353,  357 

n.,  388  n.,  390  n.,  397  n.,  399  n.,  401 

n.,  403  n.,  404  n. 
Nuevo  Le6n,  Lecciones  Orales  de  Historia 

de,  by  £.  J.  Gonz^ez,  286  n. 
Nuevo  Mixico,  Alsamiento  General  de 

los  Indies  de,  318,  320  n. 
Nuevo  Mixico,  Crdnica,  by  Baltas&r  de 

Obreg6n,  140-141,  167. 
Nuevo  Mixico,  Relaciones  de,  by  Zdrate- 

Salmer6n,  51,  210,  259  n.,  260  n., 

261  n.,  262  n.,  264  n. 
Nuevo  Reyno  de  Le6n,  see  Nuevo  Le6ii. 

Obreg6n,  Baltasdr  de,  Cr&fdca,  140- 
141,  167;  Relaci&n,  193  n. 

Obreg6n,  Luis  Gonzdlez,  210. 

Ocanes,  297,  308. 

O^de,  Captain,  371. 

Olague,  Juan  de,  231. 

GUd,  3. 

Ona  River,  287,  299. 

Ofiate,  Alonso  de,  207. 

Ofiate,  Crist6bal,  201,  267. 

Ofiate,  Don  Juan  de,  44,  50,  112,  117, 
130  n.,  166,  428;  expeditions  of,  201- 
206;  sources  respecting,  206-211; 
Letter  from  New  Mexico,  212-222; 
Discovery  of  the  Bu£Falo,  223;  Ac- 
count of  the  Journey  to  the  Salines, 
the  Jumanos,  and  the  Sea,  233-238; 
Account  of  the  Discovery  of  the 
Mines,  239-249;  Account  of  Expedi- 
tion to  the  East,  250-267;  Journey 
to  California,  268-280. 

Ontiveras,  Captain  Juan,  163,  160. 

Opodepe,  Valley  of,  451. 

Oposura,  459,  459  n. 

Oranchos,  340. 

Order  of  Our  Lady  of  Carmen,  see  Car- 
melites, Carmen. 

Oregon,  3. 

Ororosos,  339. 

Oros,  Don  Pedro,  223. 

Ortega,  Captain  Franciaoo  de,  45  n.t 
438. 

Ortega,  J.  F.,  ApostdUoos  Afanes  ds  la 
CompoiSui  de /Mii<,  428  n.,  429  n.,  430. 


INDEX 


479 


Ortiz,  Juan,  231. 

Otata,  279-280. 

Otermfn,  Governor,  314. 

Our  Lady  of  the  Assumption,  «e0  As- 
sumption. 

Our  Lady  of  Bethlehem,  see  Bethlehem. 

Our  Lady  of  Carmel,  see  Carmel. 

Our  Lady  of  Carmen,  see  CarmeL 

Oyaut,  449  n. 

Oyuela,  Father  Manuel  de  la,  435,  435 
n.,  445. 

Ozaras,  275,  278-279;  see  dUo  Mari- 
oopas. 

Pachaques,  304. 

Pacheco,  see  Colecci&n  de  Documentos 
IfUditos, 

Pacific  Ocean,  3, 43;  ase  also  South  Sea. 

Pacpuls,  356. 

Paez,  Juan,  10,  11. 

Pagaiames,  340. 

Paiabunas,  340. 

Pajarito,  291. 

Palacios,  Captain  G6r6mmo  Martin 
de,  45,  47,  52,  52  n.,  107. 

Palacios,  Juan  de,  442,  446,  447. 

Pahnas  River,  348,  353  n. 

Panami,  3. 

Pdnuoo,  283. 

P^uoo  River,  4. 

Papanes,  340. 

Paquachiames,  356. 

Parral,  mines,  137,  138,  315. 

Pasqual,  Indian,  301. 

Pataguaques,  297. 

Patarabueyes,  225. 

Paz,  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  la,  437,  438. 

Pazaguantes,  164,  168. 

Pearls,  44,  212,  314,  316,  427. 

Pecos  province,  216,  225  n.,  226  n. 

Pecos  River,  139,  166,  189,  200,  223, 
287  n.,  297  n.,  316,  329,  329  n.,  330, 
331,  342,  343;  see  also  San  Buena- 
ventura River. 

Pedra^,  Juan  de,  231. 

Peguero,  Captain  Alonso  Est^van,  45, 
52,  66,  67  n.,  76,  77,  78,  80,  83,  94, 
106,  106  n. 

Pefialoea,  Diego  de,  347. 

PefiahsOf  by  0.  F.  Duro,  315  n. 

Pefiasoo,  Father  Dionysio  de,  285-287. 

Pequefia  Bay,  14,  14  n.,  15  n. 

Perea,  Father  Antonio,  368,  368  n. 


Tisrez  de  Ribas,  Father,  427;  Historia  de 

los  Triumphos  de  Nuestra  F4,  428  n. 
Perlas  River,  336,  336  n.;  see  also  San 

Pedro  River. 
Peru,  trade,  219. 

Pescado  Blanco  Bay,  69  n.,  70,  70  n. 
Pez,  conmiander,  348. 
PhiUp  III.,  52,  106,  202,  250,  437. 
PhiUp,  IV.,  438. 
PhiUp  v.,  455. 
Philippine  Islands,  13  n.,  43,  53  n.,  70; 

fleet  sent  to,  5;  trade  with  Mexico, 

43;  ships  from,  91  n.,  119. 
Picolo,  Father  Francisco  Marfa,  435, 

442,  455,  460. 
Picuries  province,  216,  226,  254. 
Piedad,  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  la,  341, 342. 
Piedras  Negras,  306  n. 
Pilar  de  Saragosa,  Nuestra  Sefiora  del, 

321. 
Pimas,  428,  440,  441,  442  n.,  444,  446, 

449,  450,  458. 
Pimas  Sobaipuris,  447,  448,  458. 
Pimeria  Alta,  428, 429, 430, 441  n.,  451; 

Jesuits  in,  433-464. 
Pinanaca,  287,  299. 
Pinero,  Captain  Joan,  222. 
Pines,  Bay  of,  see  Drake's  Bay. 
Pinilla,  Father  Luis,  441  n. 
Pinos,  Cabo  de,  see  Northwest  Cape. 
Pinos  Bay,  see  Drake's  Bay. 
Piros,  233  n.,  336. 
Pianos,  of  Vizcaino's  explorations,  49, 

69  n.,  73,  77  n.,  79  n.,  80  n.,  83  n., 

90  n.,  95  n. 
Platte  River,  201. 
Playa  Marfa  Bay,  17  n.,  69  n. 
Point  Afio  Nuevo,  7,  32  n.,  90  n. 
Point  Arena,  9,  36  n.,  37  n. 
Point  ArgQello,  29  n. 
Point  Canoas,  17  n.,  69  n.;  see  also 

Point  of  Poor  Shelter. 
Point  Carmel,  32  n. 
Point  Concepci6n,  7,  27,  27  n.,  28,  29, 

30,  30  n.,  46,  89  n.,  90  n.;  see  also 

Cape  Galera. 
Point  Delgada,  36  n. 
Point  Diggs,  277  n. 
Point  Eugenio,  65  n. 
Point  Goleta,  7. 
Point  of  Poor  Shelter,  17,  17  n.,  18, 

69  n. 
Point  Pinos,  7,  8,  31,  31  n.,  32,  33. 


480 


INDEX 


Point  Reyes,  04  n. 

Point  Santo  TomiB,  21,  21  n.;  9ee  dUo 

Cape  San  Quentln. 
Pojuee,  340. 

Polise,  Horacio,  442,  445,  446,  447. 
Popocatepetl,  volcano,  93  n. 
P6pulo,  Nuestra  Sefiora  del,  324. 
Port  San  Quentfn,  6,  10,  19,  38  n.,  72 

n.,  73  n.,  78  n.,  453  n.;  me  alao 

Eleven  Thousand  Virgins,  Bay  of. 
Porter  Casanate,  see  Casanate. 
Portillo,  Est^ban  L.,  300  n.;  ApunUa 

para  la  Hiatoria  AnHgua  de  CoahuUa 

y  Texas,  286  n.,  289,  357  n. 
PortoliL  expedition,  132. 
Posadas,  Fray  Alonso  de,  318. 
Po6e8i6n,  Isia  de  la,  sse  San  Biiguel 

Island. 
Possession,  Port  of,  see  Puerto  de  la 

Posesi6n. 
Prieto,  Alejandro,  HisUmOf  Oeogrq/ia 

y  Esiadistica  del  Esiado  de  Tamav^ 

Upas,  286  n. 
Prietto,  Captain  NiooMs,  383. 
Puaray,  139,  148,  149,  152,  215-216, 

233,  234  n. 
Puchames,  340. 
Puchas,  340. 

Pueblo  de  las  Canoas,  see  San  Buena- 
ventura. 

Pueblo  Indians,  137, 146-150, 152, 155, 
156,  158,  159,  165,  176,  177,  179, 
181-186, 189,  200, 203, 204, 213, 218, 

234,  235;  revolt  of,  314,  428. 
Puerto  de  Qalagua,  55  n. 

Puerto  de  Don  Gasp&r,  see  Drake's  Bay. 
Puerto  de  la  Posesi6n,  see  Cuyler's 

Harbor,  Port  San  Quentfn. 
Puerto  del  Marquds  del  Valle,  13  n. 
Puguahianes,  340. 
Pumames,  Los,  181-182. 
Punta  Baja,  18,  18  n.,  19  n. 
Punta  de  ASio  Nuevo,  90  n. 
Punta  del  Mai  Abrigo,  see  Point  of 

Poor  Shelter. 
Purfsima,  29  n. 
Pylchas,  340. 

Quaguila,  Nueva  Estremadura  de,  see 

Coahuila. 
Querns,  355,  357  n. 
Querechoe,  217. 
Queres,  200,  234. 


Querdtaio,  850,  854  n.,  364. 
Quesada,  Captain  Alonso  de,  237,  230 

n.,  241. 
Qujburi,  446,  451,  453,  462. 
Quicuchabes,  339. 
Quigyuma,  276  n. 
Quiquimas,  449  n.,  459,  460. 
Quiquimas  River,  443  n. 
Quires,  165,  181,  188. 
Quisabas,  340. 
Quitacas,  339. 
Quivira,  109-110,  129,  131,  193,  IM, 

20&-206,  210,  263  n.,  313,  347,  354, 

355,  453,  453  n.;  PefUdosa  and,  315, 

317-318. 

Ramfres,  Juan  Mateo,  351,  445. 
Ramlrei,  manuscript  of,  351. 
Ram6n,  Captain  Diego,  297  n. 
Ramos,  Alonso,  371. 
Ramos,  Arrojro  de,  see  Nueoes  River. 
Ranjel,  Juan,  267. 
Rascon,  Frandsoo,  267. 
Red  River  Valley,  349. 
Regla,  Nuestra  Sefiora  de,  323. 
ROaei&n,  by  H.  Qallegos,  148  n.,  150  n. 
Relaci&n,  by  Alonso  de  Le6n,  349,  350. 
Relaci&n,  by  Baltas^  deObreg6n,  193  n. 
Belad&n  Breve,  by  Father  Antonio  As- 

censi6n,  50,  53  n.,  104-134. 
Belad&n  Breve,  by  Escalante  and  Bar* 

rando,  140,  153-157,  167. 
BeUtd&n  de  eomo  los  Padres  ds  San 

Francisco,  234  n. 
BdaMn  de  los  Bnsayes  que  m  kidenm 

de  ciertas  Minos,  237  n. 
Belaci&n    del    Descubrimienio   ds   las 

Salinas  de  Cutis,  236  n. 
Belaciones  de  Nuevo  Mkeioo,  by  Z4rate- 

Sahner6n,  51, 210, 259  n.,  260  n.,  261 

n.,  262  n.,  264  n.;  translation  from, 

268-280. 
Belaciones  que  envid  Don  Juan  ds  OMe, 

233  n. 
Rem^dios,    Nuestra    Sefiora   de   los, 

Arisona,  440. 
Remedies,    Nuestra    Sefiora   da   los, 

Texas,  324. 
Remo,  S.,  5. 

Reno  County,  Kansas,  260  n. 
Report  and  Relaticm  of  the  New  Con- 
versions by  Ehisebio  Frandsoo  Kdo^ 

433-464. 


INDEX 


481 


Bepari  cf  the  Viceroy  to  the  King,  ISS- 
160. 

Republican  River,  261  n. 

Reyes,  Christ6val  de  los,  100. 

Reyes  Bay,  see  Drake's  Bay. 

Richman,  I.  B.,  California  under  Spain 
and  Mexico^  49,  94  n. 

Rino6n,  7. 

Rfo  de  Losa,  Rodrigo  del,  139,  140, 
158,  219. 

Rfo  del  Coral,  444;  see  also  Colorado 
River. 

Rio  del  Norte,  17^-175,  176,  181,  182, 
188,  202,  212,  213,  291,  296,  320, 
321,  322,  323,  324,  325;  «ee  o^  Rf o 
Grande. 

Rio  del  Norte  (Colorado),  444, 450, 452. 

Rfo  Grande,  138,  165,  200,  233  n.,  234 
n.,  251,  283,  284,  287,  288,  296,  305 
n.,  306  n.,  313,  314,  315,  316,  317, 
326  n.,  329  n.,  348,  352,  353  n.,  354, 
357  n.,  369  n.,  442,  444,  448,  455;  eee 
also  Rio  del  Norte. 

Rfo  Tuerto,  233  n. 

Rivas,  348. 

Robalos,  see  Vino. 

Robledo,  Alonso,  267. 

Robledo,  Diego,  231. 

Rodriguez,  Father  Agustfn,  138-141, 
168,  169,  199;  narratives  of  expedi- 
tion of,  142-160;  death  of,  164,  165, 
179. 

Rodriguez,  Est^van,  53. 

Rodriguez,  Juan,  239  n..  248,  267. 

Rogue  River,  9,  37  n.,  47. 

Romero,  Captain  Bartolom^,  239  n., 
248,267. 

Romero,  Captain  Felipe,  332. 

Rosdrio,  Nuestra  Sefiora  del,  323. 

Ruiz,  see  Rodriguez,  Father  Agustln. 

Russian  River,  31  n. 

Saavedra,  reaches  Santiago,  4. 
Sabaleta,  see  Zavaleta,  Father  Juan  de. 
Sabeata,  Juan,  315,  318,  320,  331,  332, 

336  340. 
Spinas  River,  200,  285,  287,  294,  294 

n.,  308,  388,  406,  423  n. 
Sacatsol,  297  n.,  356. 
Sacramento  River,  269,  317. 
Saeta,  Father,  442  n. 
Saint  Catharine  the  Martyr,  293,  293 

n.;  see  aJLso  Santa  Catalina. 


Saint  Francis  Xavier,  see  Xavier,  Saint 

Francis. 
St.  Joseph  River,  295  n. 
Saint  Paul  the  Hermit,  304, 304  n.,  305. 
Salado  River,  see  Pecos  River;  Saji 

Buenaventura  River. 
Salas,  Juan  de,  231,  313. 
Salas  Barbadillo,  Diego  de,  167. 
Salazar,  Father  Antonio  de,  462. 
Salazar,  Father  Crist6bal  de,  222. 
Salcedo,  Joseph  de,  371. 
Saldlvar,  ese  Zaldlvar. 
Salinas  Varona,  Captain  Gregorio  de, 

349,  370,  377,  407  n.,  412  n.,  418  n. 
Saline  River,  261  n. 
Salines,  192, 220,  233-238,  261  n.,  459. 
Salmer6n,  set  Zdrate-Salmer6n. 
Saltelga,  55,  55  n. 
Saltillo,  200,  283,  285,  286  n.,  289,  290, 

298,  309,  309  n.,  367  n.,  367,  371, 

372. 
Salvago,  219. 
Salvatierra,   Father  Juan  Maria  de, 

441, 441  n.,  442, 442  n.,  443, 445, 463. 
San  Agustln,  Arizona,  449. 
San  Agiutin,  ship,  95  n. 
San  Agustln,  Texas,  341. 
San  Agustln  Island,  California,  20, 77  n. 
San  Alberto,  province,  106. 
San  Ambroeio,  Texas,  306,  307. 
San  Ambrosio  del  Busanic,  446,  460. 
San  Andr^  Island,  112. 
San  Andrds  mine,  271,  271  n. 
San  Angelo,  336  n. 
San  Anselmo,  329. 
San  Antonio,  Nuestro  Padre,  326. 
San  Antonio  de  Busanic,  444. 
San  Antonio  de  Padua,  417  n. 
San  Antonio  del  Tucubabia,  441  n. 
San  Antonio  del  Uquitoa,  441  n.,  444. 
San  Antonio  River,  269,  269  n.,  270  n., 

308,  309,  395  n. 
San  Atanacio,  340,  341. 
San  Bartolomd,  61-64,  65,  65  n.,  116, 

116  n.,  137,  138,  163,  165,  166,  168, 

202,  307,  321. 
San  Bartolomd,  valley  of,  170, 190, 192. 
San  Bemabd,  57,  58,  115. 
San  Bemabd  Bay,  56,  98  n..  Ill,  113, 

115. 
San  Bernardino,  415,  418. 
San  Bernardino  de  Sena,  328. 
San  Bernardo,  see  San  Ger6nimo  Island. 


482 


INDEX 


San  Bissente  Ferrer,  9K  San  Vicente 

Ferrer. 
San  Bruno,  438. 
San  Buenaventura,  Father  Dionisio  de, 

268, 285,  287, 291, 292, 295, 298, 300, 

303,304. 
San  Buenaventura,   California,   7,  9, 

25  n.,  26  n.,  30  n.,  38  n.;  coast  near, 

117  n. 
San  Buenaventura  River,  252,  252  n., 

305. 
San  Carlos,  415. 
San  Carlos  valley,  417  n.,  418. 
San  Cayetano,  448,  448  n.,  449  n. 
San  Christ6bal,  329-330. 
San  Clemente,  338,  338  n.,  339,  339  n., 

340,342. 
San  Clemente  Island,  24,  24  n.,  83  n. 
San  Clemente  River,  337,  338. 
San  Cosme  del  Tucson,  449  n. 
San  Diego,  California,  76-82,  116,  118, 

455. 
San  Diego,  ship,  45,  46,  47,  53,  54,  57, 

62  n.,  66,  80  n.,  84  n.,  90  n.,  95  n., 

96  n.,  98  n. 
San  Diego,  Texas,  335. 
San  Diego  Bay,  6,  9,  23  n.,  38,  38  n., 

46,  80  n.,  83  n. 
San  Diego  de  Alcald,  414,  414  n.,  418. 
San  Diego  River,  305  n.,  306,  306  n. 
San  Domingo  Point,  15,  15  n. 
San  Est^ban,  309. 

San  Est^ban  Island,  see  Natividad  Is- 
land. 
San  Felipe,  New  Mexico,  145;   (an- 
other) 233  n. 
San  Felipe  de  Jest&s,  Coahuila,  292. 
San  Fernando  River,  306  n. 
San  Francisco,  Arizona,  449. 
San  Francisco,  Nuestro  Padre,  Texas, 

326. 
San  Francisco,  order  of,  see  Franciscans. 
San  Francisco  Bay,  California,  48. 
San  Francisco  Bay,  Lower  California, 

69  n.,  72. 
San   Francisco  de  Asis,  Texas,   413, 

419. 
San  Francisco  de  los  Texas,  415,  418. 
San  Francisco  del  Adid,  448. 
San  Francisco  del  Paso,  292-293. 
San    Francisco    Mountain,    Arizona, 

240  n. 
San  Francisco  River,  Coahuila,  308. 


San  Francisco  River,  New  Mexico,  254^ 

259,  259  n. 
San   Frandsco   Xavier,    Texas,    328, 

328  n. 
San  Frandsco  Xavier  del  Bac,  443  n., 

447,  449,  449  n.,  460. 
San  FVancisco  Xavier  valley,  415. 
San  Gabriel,  Father,  commissary,  210. 
San  Gabriel,  Arijsona,  429,  448. 
San  Gabriel,  New  Mexico,  251,  268, 

280. 
San  Gaspir  valley,  417  n. 
San  Ger6nimo  Island,  69-72,  202,  342. 
San  Gregorio,  Chihuahua,  145. 
San  Gregorio,  Nuevo  Le6n,  283. 
San  Gregorio  Nazianzeno,  297,  412  n.; 

Texas,  297;  (another)  412  n. 
San  Hilirio  Island,  77  n. 
San  Hip61ito  Bay,  63,  63  n.,  69  n.;  «ee 

aUo  Blanco  Bay;  Pescado  Blanco. 
San  Honofre,  eee  San  Onofre. 
San  Ignacio,  mission  in  Pimerfa,  440, 

441  n.,  444,  449,  451,  461. 
San   Ignacio   de   Loyola,   misBion  in 

Texas,  331,  332,  342. 
San  Ilde^onso,  New  Mexico,  200. 
San  ndefonso,  Texas,  294,  294  n. 
San  Isidro  Labrador,  New  Mexico,  299, 

301-302,  305. 
San  Isidro  Labrador,  Texas,  337. 
San  Jorge,  303,  304,  308. 
San  Jos^,  269. 

San  Joseph,  Sonora,  440,  444. 
San  Joseph,  Texas,  333, 334;  (another) 

419,  419  n. 
San  Joseph  de  Himires,  444. 
San  Joseph  de  Terrenate,  447,  453. 
San  Juan,  New  Mexico,  203,  204,  233, 

329. 
San  Juan,  Pimeria,  459,  462. 
San  Juan  Bautista,  229  n.,  287  n.,  297 

n.,  357  n.,  390  n. 
San  Juan  Creek,  418. 
San  Juan  de  Di6s,  32,  330,  343. 
San  Juan  de  Ultk^  101,  118. 
San  Juan  del  Rfo,  329,  330. 
San  Juan  Evang^ista,  295. 
San  Juan  River,  414,  414  n. 
San  L^aro,  Pimerfa,  441  n. 
San  Ldzaro,  Texas,  341. 
San  Ldzaro  Islands,  see  Philippine  Is- 
lands. 
San  Lorenzo,  316,  320,  327. 


INDEX 


483 


San  Lorenzo  del  Saric,  441  n. 

San  Lucar,  Spain,  80  n. 

San  Lucas  Bay,  13,  13  n.,  14,  46;  see 

aleo  Cape  San  Lucas. 
San  Lucas  Island,  7,  26,  27,  28;  eee  also 

Santa  Rosa  Island. 
San  Luis  de  Bacoancoe,  448,  448  n., 

449  n. 
San  Marcelo  del  Sonoydag,  445. 
San  Marcos,  233  n.,  333. 
San  Marcos  River,  370,  372-375,  401 

n.,  402,  410,  412,  413,  419;  see  also 

Colorado  River  (of  Texas);  Lavaca 

River. 
San  Martin,  Father  Juan  de,  449  n. 
San  Martin  Bay,  see  Santa  Marfa  Bay. 
San  Martin  Islands,  77,  77  n.,  79,  79  n. 
San  Mateo  Bay,  see  Todos  Santos  Bay. 
San  Miguel,  Father  Francisco  de,  210, 

223. 
San  Miguel  Arcdngel,  Texas,  334,  335. 
San  Miguel  Arcdngel  River,   Texas, 

412  n.,  417,  417  n. 
San  Miguel  Bay,  see  San  Diego  Bay. 
San   Miguel   Coimty,    New    Mexico, 

252  n. 
San  Miguel  del  Tupo,  441  n. 
San  Miguel  Island,  California,  7,  8,  9, 

10,  33,  33  n.,  38  n.,  39  n.,  90  n. 
San  Miguel  River,  Sonora,  429,  440  n. 
San  Nicokis,  Texas,  326. 
San  Nicokis  Island,  83  n.,  87  n. 
San  Onofre,  333. 
San  Pablo,  port  in  Sonora,  277. 
San  Pablo,  Texas,  287;  (another)  332, 

333;  (another)  337. 
San  Pablo  Bay,  Lower  California,  16  n. 
San  Pablo  del  Tubutama,  see  San  Pedro 

y  San  Pablo  del  Tubutama. 
San  Pablo  Ermitafio,  see  Saint  Paul  the 

Hermit. 
San  Pantaleon  River,  342,  343. 
San  Pedro,  Puerto  de,  California,  14, 

59  n.,  115  n. 
San  Pedro,  ship,  61  n.,  65  n. 
San  Pedro  Bay,  83  n.,  86  n.,  87  n. 
San  Pedro  Creek,  Texas,  376  n.,  416. 
San  Pedro  de  Alcdntara,  327-328. 
San  Pedro  M^ir,  410,  411  n. 
San  Pedro  River,  New  Mexico,  202. 
San  Pedro  River,  Pimeria,  447  n. 
San  Pedro  River,  Texas,  336,  336  n., 

337;  see  also  Perlas  River. 


San  Pedro  valley,  428,  446  n.,  451  n., 

458. 
San  Pedro  Vincula,  16,  64  n.;  see  also 

San  Bartolom6. 
San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  de  Tubutama, 

441  n.,  443  n.,  444,  449. 
San  Ram6n  Bay,  77  n. 
San   Reymundo   de   Pefia   Forte   de 

Fuertes  Aires,  295. 
San  Roque  Island,  15  n.,  63  n.,  64. 
San  Salvador,  Lower  California,  7,  24, 

83  n. 
San  Salvador,  Mexico,  356,  356  n.,  364 

368. 
San  Salvador^  flagship,  5. 
San  Sebastian  valley,  414  n.,  415,  418. 
San  SebastiiUi  villa,  98  n. 
San  Serafin,  449. 

San  Simon  y  San  Judas  Bay,  77,  78. 
San  Vicente  Ferrer,  297,  297  n.,  298, 

299,  336,  337,  338  n. 
San  Xavier  del  Bac,  429,  442  n.,  461  n. 
San  Ygnacio,  see  San  Ignacio. 
San  Yldefonso,  see  San  Ildefonso. 
San  Ysidro,  see  San  Isidro. 
Synches,  Diego  Luis,  292,  299,  309. 
S^chez,  Alonzo,  231,  247  n.,  267. 
S^chez,  Cri8t6bal,  170,  185. 
Sdnchez,  Francisco,  138. 
Sandovsd,  Father  Pedro  de,  441  n. 
Sangre  de  Cristo  Mountains,  226  n. 
Santa  Ana,  see  Asunci6n  Point. 
Santa  Ana  de  Hiburi,  see  Quiburi. 
Santa  Bdlbola,  see  Santa  Barbara. 
Santa  B^bara,  Chihuahua,  137,  138, 

142, 143, 144, 145, 149, 150, 151, 152, 

154,   158,    163,  166,  168,  169,  170, 

192,  193,  210,  215. 
Santa  Barbara  Canal,  7, 46, 87  n.,  90  n. 
Santa  Barbara  Island,  83  n.,  87  n., 

118  n. 
Santa  B^bola,  see  Santa  B^bara. 
Santa  Catalina  Island,  see  Catalina  Is- 
land; Saint  Catharine;  San  Salvador. 
Santa  Catalina  Point,  see  San  Domingo 

Point. 
Santa  Clara  Mountain,  306,  435,  443 

n.,  445. 
Santa  Clara  Port,  see  Playa  Marfa 

Bay. 
Santa  Cruz,  California,  90  n. 
Santa  Cruz,  Coahuila,  293,  309. 
Santa  Cruz,  New  Mexico,  233  n. 


484 


INDEX 


Santa  Cruz,  Texas,  340-341. 

Santa  Cruz  Island,  7,  8,  9,  34,  34  n., 

35,  38,  38  n.,  90  n. 
Santa  Cruz  Mountains,  8. 
Santa  Cruz  River,  441  n.,  443  n.,  447, 

447  n. 
Santa  Cruz  valley,  448  n.,  458  n. 
Santa  Elvira  valley,  414,  418. 
Santa  F6,  203,  233  n.,  255  n.,  313,  453. 
Santa  Inez,  29  n.,  121. 
Santa  Lucfa  Mountain,  7,  30,  30  n.,  46. 
Santa  Margarita,  Sierra  of,  California, 

58  n.,  59  n.,  417  n. 

Santa   Margarita,  /  valley   of,    Texas, 

417  n. 
Santa  Margarita  Island,  Lower  Cali- 
fornia, 14  n. 
Santa  Marfa,  Father  Juan  de,   138; 

death  of,  165,  168,  168  n.,  181. 
Santa  Maila  Bay,  14  n.,  15,  15  n. 
Santa  Marfa  Cape,  California,  69, 69  n. 
Santa  Marfa  de  Baseraca,  446, 447, 451, 

452. 
Santa  Marfa  Magdalena,  bay  of,  58; 

see  also  Magdalena  Bay. 
Santa  Marfa  Magdalena,  Pimeria,  441 

n.,  444,  451. 
Santa  Marfa  River,  244;  «ee  also  Santa 

Cruz  River. 
Santa  Marina  Bay,  14  n.,  58,  58  n., 

59  n.,  60. 

Santa  Marta  Bay,  61,  61  n. 

Santa  Monica  Bay,  87  n.;  discovery  of, 

7,25. 
Santa  Rosa  Island,  7,  8, 10,  33,  34,  35, 

35  n.,  38,  38  n.,  39  n. 
Santa  Rosa  Mountains,  306  n. 
Santa  Tereza,  444. 
Santiago,  Diego  de,  103. 
Santiago,  Mexico,  4;  point,  62  n.;  port, 

115,  115  n. 
Santiago  de  Coc^spera,  441  n.,  448. 
Santiago  de  Jalisco,  284. 
Santlsima  Trinidad,  321. 
Santo  Domingo,  330. 
Santo  Thom^  de  Villanueva,  343. 
Santo  Tomds,  ship,  45,  46,  49,  50,  53, 

61  n.,  62  h.,  63  n.,  92  n. 
Sarco  River,  392,  407,  422,  422  n.;  see 

also  Frio  River. 
Sardinas,  Las,  29,  35. 
Saric,  441  n. 
Scherer,  Geographia  Hierarchical  432. 


Serano,    Captain   Hernando    Martin, 

321,  332,  337,  343. 
Serros  Island,  see  Cerros. 
Shea,  J.  G.,  The  Catholic  Church  in 

America,  355  n. 
Shell  Point,  277  n. 
Shelter  Cove,  36  n. 
Sia,  165. 
Siacuchas,  339. 
Sierra  Dacate,  287,  297,  297  n.,  307; 

see  also  Anacacho  Mountain. 
Sierra  de  Santa  Rosa,  293  n. 
Sierra  Gigantia,  277  n. 
Sierra  Fintada  or  del  Enfado,   114, 

128  n. 
Sierra  Sacatsol,  287  n.,  297  n. 
Sierra  Santa  Lucfa,  32  n. 
Sierra  Son6yta,  277,  277  n. 
Sierras  de  San  Martin,  see  Santa  Lucfa 

Mountain. 
Sierras  Nevadas,  8,  32,  32  n.;  Me  also 

Santa  Cruz  Mountains. 
SigQenza  y  G^ngora,  Carlos,  428  n.; 

map  by,  351,  357  n.,  362  n.,  388  n., 

390  n.;  letter  of  Maasanet  to,  353- 

387. 
Silver  Hill,  283. 
Silver  mines,  239-249,  269. 
Sinaloa,  55  n.,  427,  441,  442. 
Sinaloa  River,  438. 
Smith,  Buckingham,  Coleeddnds  Varios 

Documentos  para  la  Hitioria  de  la 

Florida,  11,  26  n.,  351. 
Smokes,  Bay  of  the,  24. 
Smoky  Hill  River,  261  n. 
Smugglers'  Cove,  38,  38  n. 
Snively's  Holes,  240  n. 
Sobaipuris,  444,  449. 
Soledad,  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  la,  322. 
Solis,  Antonio,  332. 
Solo  River,  354,  354  n.;  see  also  Salado 

River. 
Solomon  River,  261  n. 
Sombrerete,  367. 
Sonmiervogel,  Father  Carlos,  BibiUh 

thhque  de  la  Compagnie  de  Jisus^ 

429  n. 
Son6ita,  435  n.,  443  n.,  445  n. 
Sonora,  279,  279  n.,  427,  446,  451,  452, 

455,458. 
Sonora  River,  427,  440  n. 
Sonoydag,  445. 
Soriano,  Juan  FrancisoOy  53. 


INDEX 


485 


Sosa,  Estdban  de,  231. 

Boss,  Gaspdr  Castafio  de,  200,  283. 

Sotomayor,  see  Balcircel  Rivadeneira 

Sotomayor. 
South  Sea,  3,  43,  52,  80,  104-105,  106, 

200, 204, 205, 206, 212, 215, 216, 219, 

265,268. 
SoxUhwestem  Historical  Quarterly^  286 

n.,  315  n. 
Spain,  48,  199,  348,  355. 
Spanish   SetUemerUa,    by     Woodbury 

Lowery,  5  n.,  159  n. 
Spenser  River,  244  n. 
Suajos,  339. 

Sumas,  164,  316,  317,  321,  322,  323. 
Suriano,  Juan  Francisco,  64,  64  n.,  72, 

74,  106,  106  n. 
Suiil  y  Mexieanay  by  M.  F.  Navarrete, 

10  n.,  15  n.,  17  n.,  21  n.,  22  n.,  25  n., 

32  n.,  34  n. 

Table-Head  Cove,  see  San  Pablo  Bay. 

Tabora,  Gaspdr  L6pez  de,  267. 

Tagago,  347. 

Talon,  Madeleine,  420. 

Talon,  Pierre,  375,  375  n.,  412,  412  n. 

Talon,  Robert,  420. 

Tamburini,   Father   Michele   Angelo, 

462,  462  n.,  463,  464. 
Tampico,  353. 
Tancoa,  264  n. 

Tanos,  165,  189,  189  n.,  192,  223. 
Taos  province,  200,  216  n.,  254  n. 
Teanames,  288. 
Teandas,  340. 

Teggart,  Professor  Frederick  J.,  49. 
Teguas,  see  Tiguas. 
Teguayo,  Gran,  453  n. 
Tehua,  200,  233  n. 
Tehuantepec,  3. 
Teimamar,  288. 
Tejas,  288-289,  314, 315, 339,  348, 349, 

351. 
Tejas  River,  see  Neches  River. 
Tejeda,  see  Texada,  Juan  de  Acevedo. 
Tenimamas,  287,  299. 
Terin,  Domingo  de,  349,  349  n.,  350. 
Teroodans,  288. 
Terrenate,  447,  453. 
Tetecores,  307. 
Tewa,  233  n. 
Texada,  Juan  de  Acevedo,  77,   106, 

108  n. 


Texas,   Agricultural  and  Mechanical 

College  of,  351. 
Texas,  Bosque-Larios  expedition  into, 

281-309;  Mendoza-L6pe2  expedition 

of,  311-343;  De  Le6n's  expeditions 

into,  34&-352;  Massanet's  account 

of,  353-387;  expedition  of  1689  into, 

388-404;  expedition  of  1690  into, 

405-123. 
Texas,  by  G.  P.  Garrison,  349  n. 
Texas,  The  Beginnings  of,  by  R.  C. 

Clark,  349  n.,  392  n.,  394  n. 
Texas,  The  Spanish  Otxupation  of,  by 

H.  E.  Bolton,  315  n. 
Texas  Indians,  415;  see  also  Tejas. 
Texas  Missions,  Native   Tribes  abotU 

the  East,  by  H.  E.  Bolton,  349  n., 

376  n. 
Texas  Panhandle,  255  n. 
Texas    State    Historical    Association, 

Quarterly,  172  n.,  178  n.,  190  n.,  315 

n.,  349  n.,  350,  351,  376. 
Theas,  355. 
Thoag&,  419  n. 
Ticlas,  355. 
Tiguas,  138,  179,  200;  Espejo  among 

the,  164r-165,  168;  Ofiate  among  the, 

213,  216,  216  n.,  233,  233  n. 
TiUjaes,  304. 
Tintoque,  point,  55. 
Tizon  River,  112, 130, 271,  27Z;  see  also 

Colorado. 
Tlalliquamallas,  276,  276  n.;  see  also 

Halliquamaya;  Quigjruma. 
Tlascalas,  309,  309  n. 
Tlaxcaltecos,  see  Tlascalas. 
Toape,  448. 
Tobar,  Pedro  de,  184. 
Toboeos,  164. 
Todos  Santos  Bay,  9,  22,  38,  38  n.,  79, 

79  n. 
Todos  Santos  Islands,  22  n.,  79  n. 
Todos  Santos  port,  see  El  Coxo. 
Tojmnas,  340. 
Tomds,  interpreter,  238. 
Toporica,  see  Aura  River. 
Toremee,  339. 
Torquemada,  Juan  de.  Monorchia  In^ 

diana,  13  n.,  46  n.,  47,  50,  53  n.,  55 

n.,  56  n.,  59  n.,  61  n.,  62  n.,  65  n.,  69 

n.,  76  n.,  77  n.,  79  n.,  83  n.,  88  n.,  96 

n.,  108,  108  n.,  210. 
Trilnsito,  Nuestra  SefLora  del,  322. 


486 


INDEX 


Tre8  ReyeSf  ship,  45,  47,  48,  53,  80  n., 

95  n.,  96  n.,  97  n.,  121  n.,  146. 
TreynU  ProposicioneSf  by  Bartolom^ 

de  Las  Casas,  134  n. 
Trias,  216. 

Trinidad,  9ee  Santfsima  Trinidad. 
Trinidad  Harbor,  see  Santa  Marina 

Bay. 
Trinidad  Point,  see  Cape  Tosco. 
Trinidad  River,  see  Trinity  River. 
Trinity  River,  Texas,  376  n.,  414,  414 

n.,  418. 
Tuape,  451,  451  n. 
Tubutama,  441  n.,  444,  449,  449  n.; 

see  also  San  Pedro  del  Tubutama. 
Tucson,  449. 
Tucubabia,  441  n. 
Tuerto,  233,  233  n. 
Tuerto  River,  233  n. 
Tumacicori,  441  n. 
Tupo,  441  n.;  see  also  San  Miguel  del 

Tupo. 
Turbio  River,  354. 
Tusconimo,  447. 
Twitchell,  R.  E.,  Leading  Fads  of  New 

Mexican  History^  145  n.,  175  n.,  176 

n.,  188  n. 

Ubates,  165,  188. 

XJUoa,  5,  15  n.,  16  n.,  17  n.,  63  n. 

Umafia,  see  Humafia. 

United  States  Bureau  of  Ethnologyf 
Fourteenth  Annual  Report  of  the, 
169  n. 

United  States  Coast  and  Geodetic  Sur- 
vey t  Report  of  the  Superintendentf  11- 
12. 

United  Stales  Geographical  Survey  West 
of  the  One  Hundredth  Meridian,  by 
Wheeler,  10  n.,  11,  22  n. 

Unojitas,  339. 

Uquitoa,  441  n.,  444. 

Urdifiola,  Francisco  de,  200. 

Vaca,  Alonso  de,  expedition  of,  313. 
Valenciano,  Miguel  Sdnchez,  170. 
Valladares  y  Montesuma,  Sarmiento 

de,  442. 
Vallehermoso,  in  Sinaloa,  55  n. 
Valle  Viciosa,  147. 
Valverde,  factor,  251  n. 
Vargas,  Francisco  Dla»  de,  167, 199. 
Varona,  Salinas,  see  Salinas  Varona. 


Vaux,  W.  S.  W.,  ed.,  The  World  Eneom- 
passed  by  Sir  Francis  Drake,  32  n. 

Velarde,  Juan,  239,  247,  248,  249,  267. 

Velas  de  Masatlan,  see  MawitUn  la- 
lands. 

Velasoo,  Father  Francisco  de,  251, 
261  n. 

Velasco,  Luis  de  (II.),  viceroy,  44. 

Velasques  de  Cavanillas,  Juan,  231. 

Venabides,  see  Benavidee. 

Venegas  (Burriel),  Miguel,  NoHeia  de 
la  California,  428  n.,  430. 

Vera  Cruz,  348,  400. 

Verde  River,  243  n. 

Vergara,  Father  Pedro  de,  251,  266. 

Vetancur,  Chrdnica  de  la  Provinda  dd 
Santo  Evangdio,  354  n. 

Victoria,  frigate,  5. 

Vido,  Francisco,  239  n.,  248,  267. 

Villagrd,  Captain  Gasp^de,  236;  Hie- 
toria  de  la  Nueva  Mexico,  206,  209, 
212  n.,  213  n.,  214  n.,  215  n.,  216  n., 
223  n.,  224  n.,  227  n.,  233  n.,  234  n., 
236  n.,  238  n. 

Villalobos,  Ruy  L6pez  de,  expedition  to 
the  Philippines,  5,  43. 

Villalva,  Fnndaco  de,  249. 

Villaviciosa,  Miguel  de,  267. 

Vino,  Arroyo  de,  393,  408  n.,  422. 

Viscaya,  see  Nueva  Vizcaya. 

Vivit  Indians,  308. 

Vizcaino,  Sebastito,  expedition  to 
California,  41-134,  137;  Diary  of, 
52-103;  Father  Ascensi6n's  report  of 
the  expedition  of,  104-134. 

Vizcaya  presidio,  357,  369,  370,  371. 

Volunteer  Spring,  240  n. 

Voyages,  by  Bumey,  85  n. 

Voyages,  by  Hakluyt,  167. 

West,  Elizabeth  Howard,  351,  388  n., 

391  n.,  399  n. 
Wheeler,  G.  M.,  Report  upon  United 

States  Geographical  Survey  West  of  the 

One  Hundredth  Meridian,  10  n.,  11, 

22  n. 
Wichita,  Kansas,  205,  255  n. 
Wichita  Indians,  260  n.,  340  n. 
Wichita  River,  260  n. 
Winship,  G.  P.,  The  Colarado  Bxpedi-^ 

tion,  169  n.,  179  n.,  183  n. 
World   Encompassed  by  Sir   Fronde 

Drake,  by  Francis  Fletdur,  32  n. 


INDEX 


487 


Xaeeers,  287,  299. 

Xavier,  Saint  Francis,  428, 435;  <ee  dUo 

San  Francisco  Xavier,  Texas. 
Xexo,  see  El  Coxo. 
Xinesi,  Great,  381  n. 
Xomans,  288. 
Xucu,  30. 
Xumanis,  9ee  Jumanos. 

Yacatsol  hills,  297  n. ;  see  aUo  Anacacho 

Mountain;  Sierra  Dacate. 
Yaqni  River,  427,  459  n. 
Yaquis,  427. 
Yavapai,  242  n.,  270  n. 
Yegua  River,  413  n. 
Ylames,  339. 

Yoricas,  287,  296,  297,  308. 
Yoyehis,  339. 
Yrbipiames,  285,  297,  308. 
Yriarte,  348. 

Ysusti,  Le6n  de,  239  n.,  248. 
''Ytinerario  de  las  minas  del  Caxoo," 

206,  234  n.,  236  n.,  238  n.,  239  n., 

240  n.,  241  n.,  242  n.,  243  n. 
Yturbi,  Captain  Juan,  438. 
Yturmen  de.  Father  Ignacio  de,  449  n. 
Yumas,  276,  443  n.,  444,  445  n.,  449, 

449  n. 


Yurbipames,  «ee  Yrbipiames. 
Yxtle,  235  n. 

Zacatecas,  137, 152,  201,  202,  367, 369, 

439. 
Zacatula,  shipyard,  3. 
Zalasar,  9ee  Salasar,  Father  Antonio  de. 
Zaldfvar,  Juan  de,  237,  238. 
2ialdfvar   Mendoza,  Vicente  de,  202, 

203,  207;  sargerUo  mayor  to  Ofiate  in 

search  for  buffalo,  223-231;  maese  de 

campo  in  eastward  journey,  251-268. 
Zapata,  Rodrigo,  267. 
Zirate-Sa]mer6n,    Father    Ger6nimo, 

RdacioneB  de  Nuevo  Mixico,  51,  210, 

259  n.,  260  n.,  261  n.,  262  n.,  264  n. ; 

extract  from,  268-280. 
Zavaleta,  Father  Juan,  316-317,  325, 

331,  337,  342. 
Zedros,  see  Cerros  Island. 
Zifiogaba  Island,  274,  276,  280. 
Zorillo  Creek,  362  n. 
Zorra  River,  305  n. 
Zufii,  3, 4, 5, 139, 148  n.,  165, 187  n.,  204, 

216, 236, 237, 268, 269, 279,  444, 453. 
Zufii  Indians,  279  n. 
Zf&fiiga  y   Azevedo,   Gasp^  de,   9ee 

Monterey,  Count  of. 


A  QBE  AT  BISTORICAL  WORK 


ORIGINAL  NARRATIVES 
OF  EARLY  AMERICAN  HISTORY 

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Spanish  Exploration  in  the  Southwest 

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IN  PREPARATION 

Nanativea  of  tiie  Early  Northwest 


WHAT  EMINENT  HISTORICAL  SCHOLARS 

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in    Srolpfi    Unhomr^ity: 

"  For  all  historical  study  beyond  the  most  elementary,  the  systematic  and  extended 
use  of  the  sources  is  of  course  indispensable.  The  output  of  documentary  material  for 
the  American  Colonial  Period  has  been  these  twenty  years  past  very  considerable, 
although  vast  quantities  of  significant  documents  still  exist  only  in  manuscript.  In  the 
field  of  narrative  sources,  however,  republication  has  been  far  less  frequent,  and  the 
scarcity  of  these  originals,  together  with  the  high  prices  which  copies  command,  have 
made  it  practically  impossible  for  students  who  do  not  have  access  to  the  largest 
libraries  to  make  more  than  occasional  or  incidental  use  of  this  kind  of  historical 
material. 

"If  the  volumes  of  'Original  Narratives'  thus  far  published  are  a  sufficient  indication 
—  as  I  have  no  doubt  they  are — of  what  the  series  will  be  as  a  whole,  a  great  gap  ia 
valuable  material  for  the  study  of  American  origins  will  be  worthily  filled. 

"The  editorial  work  of  the  volumes  shows  a  commendable  union  of  care  and  restraint. 
The  introductions  both  of  the  general  editor  and  of  the  editors  of  the  several  volumsf 
are  sufficient  without  being  too  long,  while  the  explanatory  foot-notes  are  kept  weU 
within  bounds.  Mechanically,  the  volumes  are  well  made,  open  easily  in  the  hand,  and 
are  issued  at  a  price  which  puts  them  within  tkie  reach  of  libraries  and  individuals  o( 
modest  means. 


ORIGINAL  NABBATIVBS  OF  EARLY  AMERICAN  BISTORT 

'  A  series  so  weU  vouched  for  on  the  editorial  side  can  need  little  commendatioa  firao 
other  quartern,  for  the  volumes  are  their  own  best  commendation.  As  a  teacher  of 
American  history  to  college  classes,  however,  I  am  always  glad  to  find  valuable  material 
for  student  use  increase,  and  the  'Original  Narratives'  deserve,  and  I  hope  wlU  receive, 
a  cordial  reception  and  a  generous  use." 

Worthingfan   C.   F^rd,   CM^  qf  IHtfisian  qf  Mantueriptt,  LUruwjr  qf 

"  I  look  upon  it  as  one  of  the  best  series  undertaken  to  encourage  the  study  of  Ameri- 
can history.  Not  only  is  the  original  plan  rarely  intelligent,  but  the  individual  volumes 
prove  the  care  and  critical  capacity  of  each  editor.  The  volumes  are  not  only  our 
source  books  of  American  history,  but  they  are  also  readable  and  in  such  convenient 
form  that  they  should  be  in  every  library,  and  used  as  text  books  in  the  teaching  of 
history.' 


t» 


Sfiator  Hfiry  Cabot  L,c4i^»  M   th€  /forth  Am«r/cafi    ^t^mtms 

'*In  this  volume  on  'The  Northmen,  Columbus,  and  Cabot,'  and  as  the  prospectus 
indicates,  in  its  successors,  the  selection  could  not  be  improved.  Judging  from  this 
volume  alone,  it  may  also  be  said  that  nothing  could  be  better  than  the  editing.  We 
have  the  best  texts  accompanied  by  brief  but  clear  introductions,  and  explained  by 
notes  which  are  sufficient  to  guide  and  instruct  and  not  sufficient  to  puzzle  and  encum- 
ber.  In  each  case  a  short  list  of  authorities  is  given  which  will  direct  tboee  who  wish 
to  pursue  their  inquiries  upon  any  one  of  the  three  subjects  in  the  way  in  which  they 
should  go  to  find  all  the  sources  and  the  last  works  of  modem  research  and  antiquarian 
learning.  The  selection  and  editing  could  not  in  fact  have  been  better  done  for  the 
purpose  which  the  editors  had  in  view. 

*'  If  any  one  wishes  to  wrestle  with  the  endless  questions  and  controversies  of  the 
Columbian  voyages,  it  is  easy  to  plunge  into  the  countless  books  upon  the  subject. 
Meantime  the  general  reader,  little  concerned  with  dates  and  identification  of  places, 
but  profoundly  interested  In  the  fact  of  America's  discovery,  can  find  in  these  letters 
and  Journals  the  man  himself,  and  live  over  with  him  the  triumph,  one  of  the  greatest 
ever  won,  and  the  tragedy,  one  of  the  most  piteous  ever  endured. 

"  After  all,  there  is  nothing  better  than  this  that  history  can  do  for  us.  and  very  few 
histories  can  do  it  quite  so  well  as  an  original  narrative  with  all  its  errors  and  imper- 
fections on  its  head,  if  we  are  only  fortunate  enough  to  possess  one  which  has  both 
literary  quality  and  real  human  feeling.' 


tt 


A  NECESSITY  IN  EVERY  LIBRARY 

Thm  ALmmriean    Library  Association    Boolt  Lilt  st^s  qf  **  /farratitfmj 
qf  Early    Virginia**: 

"A  careful  edition  of  the  most  readable  original  narratives  having  to  do  with  the 
eariy  history  of  Virginia.  No  better  introduction  to  the  use  of  source  material  could 
be  given,  and  the  general  reader  of  history  will  find  these  accounts  more  faednatinf 
than  the  latest  historical  novel.  They  should  be  found  in  every  library  that  can  aCTord 
to  purchase  them." 


3  2044  037  700  6dU 


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